肯尼迪遇刺历史演讲

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名人演讲：肯尼迪在柏林墙边的演说

名人演讲：肯尼迪在柏林墙边的演说演讲者简介：约翰·菲茨杰拉德·肯尼迪(John Fitzgerald Kennedy，1917年5月29日-1963年11月22日)，通常被称作约翰·F·肯尼迪(John F. Kennedy)、JFK或杰克·肯尼迪(Jack Kennedy)，美国第35任总统，他的任期从1961年1月20日开始到1963年11月22日在得克萨斯州达拉斯市遇刺身亡为止。

他是在美国颇具影响力的肯尼迪政治家族的一员，被视为美国自由主义的代表。

在第二次世界大战期间，他曾在南太平洋英勇救助了落水海军船员，因而获颁紫心勋章。

肯尼迪在1946年-1960年期间曾先后任众议员和参议员，并于1960年当选为美国总统，成为美国历史上唯一信奉罗马天主教的总统。

在他总统任期内的主要事件包括：试图废除联邦储备委员会、猪湾入侵、古巴导弹危机、柏林墙的建立、太空竞赛、越南战争的早期活动以及美国民权运动。

在针对总统功绩的排名中，肯尼迪通常被历史学家列在排名中上的位置，但他却一直被大多数美国人视为历史上最伟大的总统之一。

肯尼迪于1963年11月22日在得克萨斯州达拉斯市遇刺身亡，官方在随后的调查报告中公布的结果表明，李·哈维·奥斯瓦尔德是刺杀总统的凶手。

他的遇刺被视为对美国历史的发展产生重大决定性影响的事件之一，因为这一事件在其后数十年中一直影响了美国政治的发展方向。

演讲背景介绍：1961年8月12─l 3日夜间，东德政府筑起柏林墙把东西柏林分开。

起初它只是一道铁丝网屏障，用来防止东德人逃往西德。

但不久铁丝网便被厚厚的水泥墙所取代，由哨兵巡逻警戒。

柏林墙的丑恶存在提醒人们记住战後东西欧的分割。

许多意欲逃往西方的人在试图跨越这条边界时命归黄泉。

1963年甘乃迪总统访问欧洲。

6月26日成为他此行的高潮，那天他站在柏林墙前宣告：「Ich bin ein Berliner」──「我是一个柏林人。

【名人演讲】罗伯特·肯尼迪：在马丁·路德·金遇刺后的演说

【名人演讲】罗伯特·肯尼迪：在马丁·路德·金遇刺后的演说在马丁·路德·金遇刺后的演说（美国）罗伯特·肯尼迪女士们先生们：今晚我只想对你们讲几分钟，因为我知道了一个令你们所有人非常悲伤的消息，而且，我认为，它也是令我们所有的公民伙伴，以及令全世界热爱和平的人们非常悲伤的消息。

这个消息是马丁·路德·金今晚在得克萨斯的孟菲斯遭遇枪击而被杀害。

马丁·路德·金为他的同胞们把自己的一生献给爱，献给正义，他因为作出这种努力而被害。

在这艰难的一天，在这个令美国艰难的时刻，追问一下我们是怎样一个民族，我们要走向何方，或许不无稗益。

对于作为黑人的你们——考虑到现场的证据，显然白人须对金的遇刺负责——你们可能义愤填膺，满腔仇恨，亟欲复仇。

我们可能会向着那样一个国家的方向前进，以更加两极化的形式——黑人拥簇黑人，白人拥簇白人，彼此充满敌意。

或者我们能够努力，正如马丁·路德·金所做的，互相理解，用一种以爱心和同情去理解的努力取代那种暴力行为，取代已染遍我们国土的斑斑血迹。

对于你们中那些由这一非正义行动导致对全体白人充满仇恨和怀疑的黑人，我只能说我内心怀着同样的情感。

我有一位家庭成员被害，但他是被一个白人杀害的。

然而我们必须做出努力，必须在美国作出努力，我们必须努力去理解，努力度过这十分艰难的时期。

我最喜爱的诗人是埃斯库罗斯。

他写道：“在我们的睡梦中，不能忘怀的痛苦一点一滴地落在心头，直到我们在自己的绝望中，明智违背我们的意愿受上帝庄严的感召来临。

”在美国我们需要的不是分裂；在美国我们需要的不是仇恨；在美国我们需要的不是暴力行动或无法无天，而是友爱，智慧，和彼此间的同情，以及对于那些在我们的国家中仍承受痛苦的人的一种正义感，无论他们是白人还是黑人。

因此，今晚我请求你们回家为马丁·路德·金的家人祈祷——是的，理应如此——但更重要的是为我们自己的国家，为我们大家热爱的国家祈祷——为我刚才说过的理解和同情祈祷。

肯尼迪：在马丁路德金遇刺后的讲演_演讲稿.doc

肯尼迪：在马丁路德金遇刺后的讲演_演讲稿robert f. kennedyremarks on the assassination of martin luther king, jr.delivered 4 april 1968, indianapolis, in罗伯特·肯尼迪(robert f kennedy, 1925-1968)，美国前总统约翰·肯尼迪的弟弟。

1964年当选为纽约州参议员，1968年3月16日宣布自己的民主党提名总统候选人身份，1968年6月4日在重要的加利福尼亚州初选中旗开得胜，那天晚上他在洛杉矶大使饭店向他的拥护者们演说时，似乎正迈向民主党提名的目标，在穿过一间厨房的过道离开饭店时被一名心怀怨恨的巴勒斯坦移民开枪击中，两天后死去。

1968年4月4日，马丁·路德·金博士在孟菲斯遇刺。

那天晚上，罗伯特·肯尼迪预定要在印地安那波利斯市一个贫穷的黑人区为他争取民主党总统候选人提名的竞选运动发表演说。

警察告诫他当晚不宜去演讲，因为他们不能保证他的安全。

当他到达那个地区时，他发现听众尚未听说马丁·路德·金的遇害。

当晚他的即席讲话回顾了一名狙击手的子弹夺去他兄弟的生命后他个人的巨创深痛。

ladies and gentlemen,i'm only going to talk to you just for a minute or so this evening, because i have some -- some very sad news for all of you --could you lower those signs, please? -- i have some very sad news for all of you, and, i think, sad news for all of our fellow citizens, and people who love peace all over the world; and that is that martin luther king was shot and was killed tonight in memphis, tennessee.martin luther king dedicated his life to love and to justice between fellow human beings. he died in the cause of that effort. in this difficult day, in this difficult time for the united states, it's perhaps well to ask what kind of a nation we are and what direction we want to move in. for those of you who are black -- considering the evidence evidently is that there were white people who were responsible -- you can be filled with bitterness, and with hatred, and a desire for revenge.we can move in that direction as a country, in greater polarization -- black people amongst blacks, and white amongst whites, filled with hatred toward one another. or we can make an effort, as martin luther king did, to understand, and to comprehend, and replace that violence, that stain of bloodshed that has spread across our land, with an effort to understand, compassion, and love.for those of you who are black and are tempted to fill with -- be filled with hatred and mistrust of the injustice of such an act, against all white people, i would only say that i can also feel in my own heart the same kind of feeling. i had a member of my family killed, but he was killed by a white man.but we have to make an effort in the united states. we haveto make an effort to understand, to get beyond, or go beyond these rather difficult times.my favorite poem, my -- my favorite poet was aeschylus. and he once wrote:even in our sleep, pain which cannot forgetfalls drop by drop upon the heart,until, in our own despair,against our will,comes wisdomthrough the awful grace of god.what we need in the united states is not division; what we need in the united states is not hatred; what we need in the united states is not violence and lawlessness, but is love, and wisdom, and compassion toward one another, and a feeling of justice toward those who still suffer within our country, whether they be white or whether they be black.so i ask you tonight to return home, to say a prayer for the family of martin luther king -- yeah, it's true -- but more importantly to say a prayer for our own country, which all of us love -- a prayer for understanding and that compassion of which i spoke.we can do well in this country. we will have difficult times.we've had difficult times in the past, but we -- and we will have difficult times in the future. it is not the end of violence; it is not the end of lawlessness; and it's not the end of disorder.but the vast majority of white people and the vast majority of black people in this country want to live together, want to improve the quality of our life, and want justice for all human beings that abide in our land.and let's dedicate ourselves to what the greeks wrote so many years ago: to tame the savageness of man and make gentle the life of this world. let us dedicate ourselves to that, and say a prayer for our country and for our people.thank you very much.。

约翰肯尼迪演讲

约翰·肯尼迪演讲约翰·菲茨杰拉德·肯尼迪（John Fitzgerald Kennedy，1917-1963)，美国第35任总统，美国著名的肯尼迪家族成员，他的执政时间从1961年1月20日开始,1963年11月22日在达拉斯遇刺身亡。

肯尼迪在1946年—1960年期间曾先后任众议员和参议员，并于1960年当选为美国总统，成为美国历史上最年轻的当选总统，也是美国历史上唯一信奉罗马天主教的总统和唯一获得普利策奖的总统。

1961年1月20日肯尼迪的总统就职演说：约翰逊副总统、议长先生、首席大法官先生、艾森豪威尔总统、尼克松副总统、杜鲁门总统、尊敬的牧师、同胞们：我们今天庆祝的并不是一次政党的胜利，而是一次自由的庆典；它象征着结束，也象征着开始；意味着更新，也意味着变革。

因为我已在你们和全能的上帝面前庄严宣誓，誓言和将近175年前我们先辈所作的誓言完全一样。

现今世界已经很不同了，因为人在自己血肉之躯的手中握有的力量足以消灭一切形式的人类贫困和一切形式的人类生命。

可是我们祖先奋斗不息所维护的革命信念，在世界各地仍处于争论之中。

那信念就是注定人权并非来自政府的慷慨施与，而是上帝所赐。

我们今天不敢忘记我们是第一次革命的继承人，让我从此时此地告诉我们的朋友，并且也告诉我们的敌人，这支火炬已经传递给新一代的美国人，他们出生在本世纪，经历过战争的锻炼，接受了一个严峻、艰苦的和平时期的考验，以我们继承的古代传统而自豪，而且不愿目睹或容许人权逐步被褫夺。

对于这些人权我国一向坚定不移，当前在国内和全世界我们也是对此力加维护的。

让每一个国家知道，不管它盼我们好或盼我们坏，我们将不惜任何代价，忍受任何重负，应付任何艰辛，支持任何朋友，反对任何敌人，以确保自由的存在与实现。

这是我们矢志不移的事业——而且还不止如此。

对于那些和我们拥有共同文化和精神传统的老盟友，我们保证以挚友之诚相待。

只要团结，则在许多合作事业中几乎没有什么是办不到的。

肯尼迪有关马丁路德金遇刺的讲话

Remarks on the Assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr.Delivered on April 4, 1968Ladies and Gentlemen,I'm only going to talk to you just for a minute or so this evening, because I have some very sad news for all of you could you lower those signs, please? -I have some very sad news for all of you, and, I think, sad news for all of our fellow citizens, and people who love peace all over the world; and that is that Martin Luther King was shot and was killed tonight in Memphis, Tennessee.Martin Luther King dedicated his life to love and to justice between fellow human beings. He died in the cause of that effort. In this difficult day, in this difficult time for the United States, it's perhaps well to ask what kind of a nation we are and what direction we want to move in.For those of you who are black-considering the evidence evidently is that there were white people who were responsible-you can be filled with bitterness, and with hatred, and a desire for revenge.We can move in that direction as a country, in greater polarization-black(两极化，分化) people amongst blacks, and white amongst whites, filled with hatred toward one another. Or we can make an effort, as Martin Luther King did, to understand, and to comprehend(理解，包容), and replace that violence(暴力，暴行), that stain of bloodshed(留血) that has spread across our land, with an effort to understand, compassion(同情，怜惜) and love.For those of you who are black and are tempted to be filled with hatred and mistrust of the injustice of such an act, against all white people, I would only say that I can also feel in my own heart the same kind of feeling. I had a member of my family killed, but he was killed by a white man.But we have to make an effort in the United States, we have to make an effort to understand, to get beyond, or go beyond these rather difficult times.My favorite poem, my favorite poet was Aeschylus. And he once wrote:"Even in our sleep,pain which cannot forgetfalls drop by drop upon the heart,until, in our own despair,against our will,comes wisdomthrough the awful grace of God."What we need in the United States is not division(分裂，分开); what we need in the United States is not hatred; what we need in the United States is not violence and lawlessness(非法行为，违法行为), but is love and wisdom, and compassion toward one another, and a feeling of justice toward those who still suffer within our country, whether they be white or whether they be black.So I ask you tonight to return home, to say a prayer for the family of Martin Luther King-yeah, it's true-but more importantly to say a prayer for our own country,which all of us love-a prayer for understanding and that compassion of which I spoke.We can do well in this country. We will have difficult times. We've had difficult times in the past. And we will have difficult times in the future. It is not the end of violence; it is not the end of lawlessness; and it's not the end of disorder.But the vast majority of white people and the vast majority of black people in this country want to live together, want to improve the quality of our life, and want justice for all human beings that abide忍受in our land.Let us dedicate ourselves to what the Greeks wrote so many years ago: to tame the savageness of man and make gentle the life of this world. Let us dedicate ourselves to that, and say a prayer for our country and for our people, Thank you very much,就马丁·路德·金遇刺事件评论发表干1968年4月4日女士们、先生们：今天晚上，我打算只占用大家大概几分钟的时间。

约翰肯尼迪就职演说,背景

约翰肯尼迪就职演说,背景篇一：约翰肯尼迪总统就职演说[演讲者简介]：约翰·肯尼迪是一位战争英雄，普利策奖获得者，整个五十年代，都是美国参议员。

1960年11月，年仅43岁的他成为美国历史上由选举产生的最年轻的总统。

1963年11月22日他在德克萨斯州的达拉斯遇刺身亡，是美国历史上第四位死于暗杀者的子弹的总统。

今天我们庆祝的不是政党的胜利，而是自由的胜利。

这象征着一个结束，也象征着一个开端；意味着延续也意味着变革。

因为我已在你们和全能的上帝面前，宣读了我们的先辈在170年前拟定的庄严誓言。

现在的世界已大不相同了。

人类的巨手掌握着既能消灭人间的各种贫困，又能毁灭人间的各种生活的力量。

但我们的先辈为之奋斗的那些革命信念，在世界各地仍然有着争论。

这个信念就是人的权利并非)nowthetrumpetsummonsusagain--notasacalltobeararms,thougharmswe need;notasacalltobattle,thoughembattledweare--butacalltobeartheburdeno falongtwilightstruggle,yearinandyearout,"rejoicinginhope,patientintribulat ion"--astruggleagainstthecommonenemiesofman:tyranny,poverty,disease,andwar itself. canweforgeagainsttheseenemiesagrandandglobalalliance,northandsouth,eastandwest,thatcanassureamorefruitfullifeforallmankind?willyoujoinintha thistoriceffort?inthelonghistoryoftheworld,onlyafewgenerationshavebeengrantedtheroleo fdefendingfreedominitshourofmaximumdanger.idonotshankfromthisrespo nsibility--iwelcomeit.idonotbelievethatanyofuswouldexchangeplaceswith anyotherpeopleoranyothergeneration.theenergy,thefaith,thedevotionwhich webringtothisendeavorwilllightourcountryandallwhoserveit--andtheglowf romthatfirecantrulylighttheworld.andso,myfellowamericans:asknotwhaty ourcountrycandoforyou--askwhatyoucandoforyourcountry. myfellowcitizensoftheworld:asknotwhatamericawilldoforyou,butwhattog etherwecandoforthefreedomofman.finally,whetheryouarecitizensofamericaorcitizensoftheworld,askofusthesa mehighstandardsofstrengthandsacrificewhichweaskofyou.withagoodcons cienceouronlysurereward,withhistorythefinaljudgeofourdeeds,letusgofort htoleadthelandwelove,askinghisblessingandhishelp,butknowingthathereon earthgod'sworkmusttrulybeourown.篇三：肯尼迪就职演讲背景分析TheBackgroundmeaninginJohnF.Kennedyinauguraladdress TheBackgroundmeaninginJohnF.Kennedy?sinauguraladdress摘要:肯尼迪是美国历史上最年轻的总统,他的当选代表了二战后的年轻主张.肯尼迪的就职演讲被认为是美国总统就职演讲中最为精彩的篇章之一,其语言简明、结构巧妙,内容也反映了当时的政治，文化，社会背景，值得我们探究学习。

肯尼迪：在马丁路德金遇刺后的讲演

三一文库（）/演讲致辞/英语演讲稿肯尼迪：在马丁路德金遇刺后的讲演robertf.kennedyremarksontheassassinationofmartinlutherking,jr .delivered4april1968,indianapolis,in罗伯特肯尼迪(robertfkennedy,1925-1968)，美国前总统约翰肯尼迪的弟弟。

1968年4月4日，马丁路德金博士在孟菲斯遇刺。

那天晚上，罗伯特肯尼迪预定要在印地安那波利斯市一个贫穷的黑人区为他争取民主党总统候选人提名的竞选运动发表演说。

警察告诫他当晚不宜去演讲，因为他们不能保证他的安全。

当他到达那个地区时，他发现听众尚未听说马丁路德金的遇害。

当晚他的即席讲话回顾了一名狙击手的子弹夺去他兄弟的生命后他个人的巨创深痛。

ladiesandgentlemen,imonlygoingtotalktoyoujustforaminuteorsothisev ening,becauseihavesome--someverysadnewsforallo fyou--couldyoulowerthosesigns,please?--ihaveso meverysadnewsforallofyou,and,ithink,sadnewsfor allofourfellowcitizens,andpeoplewholovepeaceal lovertheworld;andthatisthatmartinlutherkingwas shotandwaskilledtonightinmemphis,tennessee.martinlutherkingdedicatedhislifetoloveandtojus ticebetweenfellowhumanbeings.hediedinthecauseo fthateffort.inthisdifficultday,inthisdifficult timefortheunitedstates,itsperhapswelltoaskwhat kindofanationweareandwhatdirectionwewanttomove in.forthoseofyouwhoareblack--consideringtheevi denceevidentlyisthattherewerewhitepeoplewhowereresponsible--youcanbefilledwithbitterness,and withhatred,andadesireforrevenge.wecanmoveinthatdirectionasacountry,ingreaterpo larization--blackpeopleamongstblacks,andwhitea mongstwhites,filledwithhatredtowardoneanother. orwecanmakeaneffort,asmartinlutherkingdid,toun derstand,andtocomprehend,andreplacethatviolenc e,thatstainofbloodshedthathasspreadacrossourla nd,withanefforttounderstand,compassion,andlove .forthoseofyouwhoareblackandaretemptedtofillwit h--befilledwithhatredandmistrustoftheinjustice ofsuchanact,againstallwhitepeople,iwouldonlysa ythaticanalsofeelinmyownheartthesamekindoffeel ing.ihadamemberofmyfamilykilled,buthewaskilled byawhiteman.butwehavetomakeaneffortintheunitedstates.wehavetomakeanefforttounderstand,togetbeyond,orgobe yondtheseratherdifficulttimes.myfavoritepoem,my--myfavoritepoetwasaeschylus. andheoncewrote:eveninoursleep,painwhichcannotforgetfallsdropbydropupontheheart,until,inourowndespair,againstourwill,comeswisdomthroughtheawfulgraceofgod.whatweneedintheunitedstatesisnotdivision;whatw eneedintheunitedstatesisnothatred;whatweneedin theunitedstatesisnotviolenceandlawlessness,but islove,andwisdom,andcompassiontowardoneanother ,andafeelingofjusticetowardthosewhostillsuffer withinourcountry,whethertheybewhiteorwhetherth eybeblack.soiaskyoutonighttoreturnhome,tosayaprayerforth efamilyofmartinlutherking--yeah,itstrue--butmo reimportantlytosayaprayerforourowncountry,whic hallofuslove--aprayerforunderstandingandthatco mpassionofwhichispoke.wecandowellinthiscountry.wewillhavedifficultti mes.wevehaddifficulttimesinthepast,butwe--andw ewillhavedifficulttimesinthefuture.itisnotthee ndofviolence;itisnottheendoflawlessness;andits nottheendofdisorder.butthevastmajorityofwhitepeopleandthevastmajor ityofblackpeopleinthiscountrywanttolivetogethe r,wanttoimprovethequalityofourlife,andwantjust iceforallhumanbeingsthatabideinourland.andletsdedicateourselvestowhatthegreekswroteso manyyearsago:totamethesavagenessofmanandmakege ntlethelifeofthisworld.letusdedicateourselvestothat,andsayaprayerforourcountryandforourpeopl e.thankyouverymuch.。

当谈到克朗凯特先生报导肯尼迪总统遇刺的时候

胡智锋教授给予克朗凯特先生高度的评价“克朗凯特以他一生的追求，给世界电视新闻工作者和整个电视新闻工作者树立了一个榜样”。
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尼克森總統因為媒體揭發水門案內幕，在1974年被迫辭職，外界討論媒體在此事所扮演的角色時，大都把功勞歸給《華盛頓郵報》的記者鮑伯‧伍華德和卡爾‧柏恩斯坦，但在1972年秋天使水門案成為全國性新聞的，正是克朗凱特。尼克森的選務工作人員在1972年6月17日潛入位在水門大廈的民主黨總部。《華盛頓郵報》和其他媒體很快報導此事，但4個月之後，這則新聞還是沒有引起太多注意。蓋洛普在1972年10月所做的民調顯示，全美有48%的民眾不知道「水門」指的是什麼。但在克朗凱認定這件事是個新聞之後，情況完全改觀。其他記者沒有跟進的原因之一，是本案情節複雜。要跟進伍華德和柏恩斯坦所寫的新聞很困難，因為他們依賴的往往是匿名消息來源。而且沒有什麼文件可以拿來給觀眾看，也沒什麼人願意在鏡頭前接受訪問，唯一的例外是白宮官員。他們樂於上電視，對郵報這兩位年輕記者發表不屑的評論。
新闻敏感

但克朗凱特意識到，這則新聞不單純是三流的竊盜案。他請求郵報分
享他們手上的文件，以當做真憑實據。

CBS還是製播了這則新聞。這則破天荒的特別報導分兩部分，分別在 1972年10月27日和31日播出。這兩段報導成了水門案整個漫長過程的轉捩點，在之後兩年的大部分時間，全國的注意力都集中在這件事情上。克朗凱特的第一段報導在22分鐘的新聞時段中，占了15分鐘，這是史無前例的事，它相當於報紙把頭版2/3的版面用來報導一則新聞。

“美国最值得信任的人”，这个荣耀并不是靠自诩得到的。在克朗凯特身上，这是职业操守发展到一定程度的自然结果，且与他的个性契合无间。他是电视版的加里· 库珀，季度冷静，不为别人左右，即使在巨大压力下也能以一种高度自控的方式表达出深层次的情感。对克朗凯特来说，个人操守重于泰山。他不会简单说出权贵让他说的话，他的人格绝不出售。因此，他的话语才如此可信，他才可以留下荣誉和勇气的荣耀遗产。

约翰·肯尼迪就职演讲

To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.
To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided there is little we can do -- for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.

1961年美国总统肯尼迪就职演说_0

1961年美国总统肯尼迪就职演说篇一：肯尼迪1961年11月所发表的就职演讲肯尼迪1961年11月所发表的就职演讲肯尼迪（john Fitzgerald Kennedy,1917~1963),美国第35任总统（1961~1963），肯尼迪家族成员，任职后经历古巴危机和柏林危机，缔结美、苏、英禁止核试验条约（1963，组织拉丁美洲“争取进步同盟”，派遣和平队，在达拉斯市遇刺身亡。

本文是他1961年11月所发表的就职演讲。

In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our cause. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.Now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need; not as a call to baffle, though in battle we are, but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation, a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease and war we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East andWest, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility--I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it--and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country.My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God’s work must truly be our own.summon 召唤trumpet 喇叭，号角bear 携带:配带twilight a黄昏的，黎明的tribulation 苦难，磨难fruitful 富有成效的肯尼迪1961年11月所发表的就职演讲公民们，我们事业的最终成败与其说掌握在我手中，不如说掌握在你们手中。

【名人演讲】罗伯特肯尼迪-在马丁路德金遇刺后的演说

【名人演讲】罗伯特肯尼迪:在马丁路德金遇刺后的演说篇一：肯尼迪在马丁路德金被暗杀后的讲话(英文版)RobertF.Kennedy RemarksontheassassinationofmartinLutherKing,Jr.delivered4april1968,indianapolis,inLadiesandGentlemen,i'monlygoingtotalktoyoujustforaminuteorsothisevening,becauseihav esome--someverysadnewsforallofyou--couldyoulowerthosesigns,please?--ihavesomeverysadnewsforallofyou,and,ithink,sadnewsforallofourfellowc itizens,andpeoplewholovepeaceallovertheworld;andthatisthatmartinLuthe rKingwasshotandwaskilledtonightinmemphis,Tennessee. martinLutherKingdedicatedhislifetoloveandtojusticebetweenfellowhuman beings.Hediedinthecauseofthateffort.inthisdifficultday,inthisdifficulttimef ortheUnitedStates,it'sperhapswelltoaskwhatkindofanationweareand whatdirectionwewanttomovein.Forthoseofyouwhoareblack--consideringt heevidenceevidentlyisthattherewerewhitepeoplewhowereresponsible--you canbefilledwithbitterness,andwithhatred,andadesireforrevenge. wecanmoveinthatdirectionasacountry,ingreaterpolarization--blackpeoplea mongstblacks,andwhiteamongstwhites,filledwithhatredtowardoneanother.orwecanmakeaneffort,asmartinLutherKingdid,tounderstand,andtocompre hend,andreplacethatviolence,thatstainofbloodshedthathasspreadacrossourl and,withanefforttounderstand,compassion,andlove. Forthoseofyouwhoareblackandaretemptedtofillwith--befilledwithhatredan dmistrustoftheinjusticeofsuchanact,againstallwhitepeople,iwouldonlysayt haticanalsofeelinmyownheartthesamekindoffeeling.ihadamemberofmyfa milykilled,buthewaskilledbyawhiteman. ButwehavetomakeaneffortintheUnitedStates.wehavetomakeanefforttound erstand,togetbeyond,orgobeyondtheseratherdifficulttimes.myfavoritepoe m,my--myfavoritepoetwasaeschylus.andheoncewrote:Eveninoursleep,pai nwhichcannotforgetfallsdropbydropupontheheart,until,inourowndespair,againstourwill,comeswisdomthroughtheawfulgraceofGod. whatweneedintheUnitedStatesisnotdivision;whatweneedintheUnitedStates isnothatred;whatweneedintheUnitedStatesisnotviolenceandlawlessness,bu tislove,andwisdom,andcompassiontowardoneanother,andafeelingofjustice towardthosewhostillsufferwithinourcountry,whethertheybewhiteorwhethe rtheybeblack.Soiaskyoutonighttoreturnhome,tosayaprayerforthefamilyofmartinLutherKing--yeah,it'strue--but聽moreimportantlytosayaprayerforourowncountry,whichallofuslove--apraye rforunderstandingandthatcompassionofwhichispoke. wecandowellinthiscountry.wewillhavedifficulttimes.we'vehaddiffic ulttimesinthepast,butwe--andwewillhavedifficulttimesinthefuture.itisnotth eendofviolence;itisnottheendoflawlessness;and()it'snottheendofdiso rder. Butthevastmajorityofwhitepeopleandthevastmajorityofblackpeopleinthisc ountrywanttolivetogether,wanttoimprovethequalityofourlife,andwantjusti ceforallhumanbeingsthatabideinourland.andlet'sdedicateourselvestowhattheGreekswrotesomanyyearsago:tot amethesavagenessofmanandmakegentlethelifeofthisworld.Letusdedicateo urselvestothat,andsayaprayerforourcountryandforourpeople. Thankyouverymuch.篇二：马丁路德金演讲赏析马丁·路德·金--《我有一个梦想》赏析最近，我在受老师上课的影响下细读了一篇演说稿，题目是《我有一个梦想》，让我感触非常深。

刺杀肯尼迪(英文演讲)

Who grieves for Lee Harvey Oswald buried in a cheap grave under the name Oswald? Nobody.In a few minutes, false statements and press leaks about Oswald circulate the globe.The official legend is created and the media takes it from there.The glitter of official lies and the epic splendor of JFK's funeral confuse the eye and confound the understanding.Hitler said: "The bigger the lie, the more people will believe it."Lee Harvey Oswald, a crazed, lonely man who wanted attention and got it by killing a President was only the first in a long line of patsies.In later years, Bobby Kennedy, Martin Luther King men whose commitment to change and peace made them dangerous to men committed to war, would follow also killed by such lonely, crazed men. Men who remove all guilt by making murder a meaningless act of a loner. We've all become Hamlets in our country, children of a slain father-leader whose killers still possess the throne.The ghost of John F. Kennedy confronts us with the secret murder at the heart of the American Dream.He forces on us the appalling questions: Of what is our Constitution made?What is our lives worth?What is the future of a democracy where a President can be assassinatedunder suspicious circumstances while the machinery of legal action scarcely trembles?How many more political murders disguised as heart attacks suicides, cancers, drug overdoses?How many airplane and car crashes will occur before they are exposed for what they are?"Treason doth never prosper", wrote an English poet."What's the reason?""For if it prospers, none dare call it treason."The American public has yet to see the Zap ruder film.Why?The American public has yet to see the real X-rays and the photographs of the autopsy.Why?There are hundreds of documents could help prove this conspiracy.Why are they being withheld or burned by the government?When my office or you, the people, asked those questions, demanded evidence, the answer from on high has always been: National security. What kind of national security do we have when we have been robbed of our leaders?What national security permits the removal of fundamental power from the hands of the American people and validates the ascendancy of aninvisible government in the United States?That kind of national security is when it smells like it, feels like it, and looks like it. You call it what it is: Fascism!I submit to you that what took place on November 22, 1963 was a " coup d'état".It’s most direct and tragic result was the reversal of Kennedy's decision to withdraw from Vietnam.The war is the biggest business in America worth $80 billion a year. President Kennedy was murdered by a conspiracy that was planned at the highest levels of our government, and was carried out by fanatical and disciplined cold warriors. In the Pentagon and CIA's covert-operation apparatus.Among them, Clay Shaw, here before you.It was a public execution, and it was covered up by like-minded people in the Dallas Police, the Secret Service, the FBI, and the White House, all the way up to, including J. Edgar Hoover and Lyndon Johnson who were accomplices after the fact.The assassination reduced the President to a transient official.His job is to speak as often as possible of the nation's desire for peace while he acts as a business agent in the Congress for the military and their contractors.Some people say I'm crazy.Southern caricature seeking higher office.There's a simple way to determine if I am paranoid.Ask the two men who profited most from the assassination former President Johnson and your new President, Nixon to release the 51 CIA documents pertaining to Lee Oswald and Jack Ruby.Or the secret CIA memo on Oswald's activities in Russia that was destroyed while was being photocopied.All these documents are yours.The people's property. You pay for it.But because the government considers you as children who might be too disturbed to face this reality, or because you might lynch those involved, you cannot see these documents for another 75 years.I'm in my early 40s so I'll have "shuffled off this mortal coil" by then. But I am already telling my eight-year-old son to keep himself physically fit. So that one glorious September morning, in the year 2038, he can walk into the National Archives and find out what the CIA and FBI knew. They may even push it back then.It may become a generational affair.With questions passed down, father and son, mother and daughter.But someday, somewhere, someone may find out the damn truth.We better.We better or we might just as well build ourselves another governmentlike the Declaration of Independence says to, when the old one ain't work. Just a little farther out west.An American naturalist wrote:” A patriot must always be ready to defend his country against its government."I'd hate to be in your shoes today.You have a lot to think about. You've seen much evidence the public has never seen.Going back to when we were children, I think that most of us in this courtroom thought justice came into being automatically.That virtue was its own reward.That good triumphs over evil.But as we get older we know this just isn't truth.Individual human beings have to create justice, and this is not easy because the truth often poses a threat to power and one often has to fight power at great risk to themselves.People like S.M. Holland, Lee Bowers, Jean Hill, Willie O'Keefe have all taken that risk and they have all come forward.I have here some $8,000 in these letters sent to my office from all over the country.Quarters, dimes, dollars, bills from housewives, plumbers, car salesmen, teachers, invalids.These are people who cannot afford to send money but do.People who drive cabs who nurse in hospitals who see their kids go to Vietnam.Why?Because they care.Because they want to know the truth.Because they want their country back.Because it still belongs to us as long as the people have the guts to fight for what they believe in.The truth is the most important value we have, because if the truth does not endure, if the government murders truth if we cannot respect these people then this is not the country which I was born in, and certainly not the country that I want to die in.Tennyson wrote:” Authority forgets a dying king."This was never more true than for John F. Kennedy whose murder was probably one of the most terrible moments in the history of our country. We, the people, the jury system sitting in judgment on Clay Shaw. Represent the hope. Of humanity against government power.In discharging your duty to bring a first conviction in this house of cards against Clay Shaw"Ask not what your country can do for you but what you can do for your country."Do not forget your dying king.Show this world. That this is still a government "of the people, for the people and by the people."Nothing as long as you live, will ever be more important.It's up to you.。

《刺杀肯尼迪》加里逊法庭陈词

《刺杀肯尼迪》加里逊的法庭陈词有谁会哀悼埋在廉价坟墓中的李·夏维·奥斯华？没有人。

虚假的指控及有关奥斯华的报导散发全球。

政府制造了传说，媒体就马上接手。

官方华丽的谎言和为肯尼迪举行的盛大葬礼混淆了视听、误导了判断。

希特勒说过：谎言越大，就越多人相信。

一个孤独的疯子奥斯华为了引人注意而去杀死总统。

他只是众多代罪羔羊之一。

随后，罗比·肯尼迪、马丁·路德金，这些立志于改变现状、追求和平、妨碍了好战分子的人也同样被这种孤独的疯子杀死了。

他们把谋杀伪装成孤独者的愚行。

在自己的国度中，我们成了父王被杀的哈姆雷特。

杀父仇人仍占有着王位。

约翰·肯尼迪的灵魂使我们向往美国梦的心灵直面秘密的谋杀。

他向我们追问宪法的内涵是什么？我们的生命价值又是什么？总统在可疑的情况下遭刺杀而司法制度却畏缩不前，这种情况下，民主的前途何在？还有多少宗政治谋杀，是假借心脏病、自杀、癌症、吸毒为名？还有多少起飞机失事、交通意外掩盖了事实的真相？一位英国诗人写过：叛逆者不会持久。

为什么？因为如果可以持久的话，就没人敢说是叛逆。

美国民众还没有看到撒氏拍摄的影片。

为什么？他们还要看真正的X光片和解剖照片。

为什么？数以百计的文件可以证明这是一个阴谋。

为什么政府会把这些证据扣压甚至销毁？当我们检察官，当你们，当人民提出质询，想要查看证据时，政府高层总是回答道：“国家安全”。

国家的领导人也可以被杀，这是什么“国家安全”？什么样的“国家安全”容许剥夺人民的基本权利、确立隐形政府的权势？那样的“国家安全”，闻起来、触摸起来、看起来你们会说它就是——法西斯！我来告诉你们，1963年11月22日发生的事情是一场政变。

它最直接的悲惨结果，就是改变了肯尼迪从越南撤兵的决定。

越战是美国最有利可图的生意，每年价值八百亿美元。

肯尼迪总统是被阴谋杀害，由政府的最高层策划，并由国防部及中情局秘密行动机构的受严格训练的疯狂士兵执行。

肯尼迪柏林演讲[共五篇]

肯尼迪柏林演讲[共五篇]第一篇：肯尼迪柏林演讲I am proud to come to this city as the guest of your distinguished Mayor, who has symbolized throughout the world the fighting spirit of West Berlin.And I am proud--And I am proud to visit the Federal Republic with your distinguished Chancellor who for so many years has committed Germany to democracy and freedom and progress, and to come here in the company of my fellow American, General Clay, who----who has been in this city during its great moments of crisis and will come again if ever needed.Two thousand years ago--Two thousand years ago, the proudest boast was “civis Romanus sum.”¹ Today, in the world of freedom, the proudest boast is “Ich bin ein Berliner.”There are many people in the world who really don't understand, or say they don't, what is the great issue between the free world and the Communist world.Let them come to Berlin.There are some who say--There are some who say that communism is the wave of the future.Let them come to Berlin.And there are some who say, in Europe and elsewhere, we can work with the Communists.Let them come to Berlin.And there are even a few who say that it is true that communism is an evil system, but it permits us to make economic ss' sie nach Berlin kommen.Let them come to Berlin.Freedom has many difficulties and democracy is not perfect.But we have never had to put a wall up to keep our people in--to prevent them from leaving us.I want to say on behalf of my countrymen who live many miles away on the other side of the Atlantic, who are far distant from you, that they take the greatest pride, that they havebeen able to share with you, even from a distance, the story of the last 18 years.I know of no town, no city, that has been besieged for 18 years that still lives with the vitality and the force, and the hope, and the determination of the city of West Berlin.While the wall is the most obvious and vivid demonstration of the failures of the Communist system--for all the world to see--we take no satisfaction in it;for it is, as your Mayor has said, an offense not only against history but an offense against humanity, separating families, dividing husbands and wives and brothers and sisters, and dividing a people who wish to be joined together.What is--What is true of this city is true of Germany: Real, lasting peace in Europe can never be assured as long as one German out of four is denied the elementary right of free men, and that is to make a free choice.In 18 years of peace and good faith, this generation of Germans has earned the right to be free, including the right to unite their families and their nation in lasting peace, with good will to all people.You live in a defended island of freedom, but your life is part of the main.So let me ask you, as I close, to lift your eyes beyond the dangers of today, to the hopes of tomorrow, beyond the freedom merely of this city of Berlin, or your country of Germany, to the advance of freedom everywhere, beyond the wall to the day of peace with justice, beyond yourselves and ourselves to all mankind.Freedom is indivisible, and when one man is enslaved, all are not free.When all are free, then we look--can look forward to that day when this city will be joined as one and this country and this great Continent of Europe in a peaceful and hopeful globe.When that day finally comes, as it will, the people of West Berlin can take sober satisfaction in the fact that they were in the front lines for almost two decades.All--All free men, wherever they may live, arecitizens of Berlin.And, therefore, as a free man, I take pride in the w ords “Ich bin ein Berliner.”第二篇：肯尼迪演讲就职演说今天我们欢庆的不是一次政党的胜利，而是一个自由的盛典；它象征着结束，也象征着开始；意味着改良，也意味着革新。

约翰.肯尼迪演讲稿(中英文对照)

First Inaugural Address(John F. Kennedy)Jan. 2o, 1961.Brief introduction to the speaker:John F. Kennedy (1917-1963) John F. Kennedy was a war hero, a Pulitzer Prize-winning author, a U.S. senator for most of the 1950s. in November 1960, at the age of 43, John F. he became the youngest man ever elected president of the United States. on Nov. 22, 1963, Kennedy was shot to death in Dallas, Tex., the fourth United States president to die by an assassin’s bullet..*******************************************************************************We observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom. Symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning, signify- ing renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn betbre you,and almighty God, the same solemn oath our forbears prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.The worried is very different now for man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty, and all forms of human life. And yet, the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forbears fought are still at issue around the globe. The belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first, revolution. Let the word go forth, from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans, born in this century tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage and unwilling to witness, or permit, the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.Let every nation know whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival andsuccess of libertyThis much we pledge and more.To those old allies, whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do, in a host of cooperative ventures. Dividedthere is little we can do. For we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split us asunder.To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our words that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny We sha1l not always expect to tind them supporting our view, but we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom, and to remember that in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe, struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required, not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it ‘s cannot save thefew who are rich.To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge, to convert our good words into, good deeds, in a new alliance for progress to assist, free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile power s. Let al our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere ill the Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last and best hope in an age age where theinstruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support to prevent it from becoming merely a form for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which it’s written and run.Finally to those nations who would make themselves our adversary we offer not a pledge, but a request, that both sides begin a new quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self destruction.We dare not tempt them with weakness, for only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt, can we be certain beyond doubt, that they will never be employed.But neither can two great and powerful groups of nation take comfort from our present course, both sides over-burdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, and yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind’s final war.So let us begin aneW remembering on both sides that stability is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.Let both sides explore what problems unite us, instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals, for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together, let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encouragethe arts and commerce.Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah, to rsndo the herrny brrrdens rrnd let the oppressed go hee.And, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor not a new balance of powen but a new world of law, whel-e thestrong are just, and the weak secured, and the peace preserved. All this will not be finished in the first one hundrcd days, nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days, nor in the life of this administration, nor even perhaps in our lifietime on this planet. But let us begin.In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our cause. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned togive testimony to its national loyalty The graves of young Americans, who answered the caI1 to service, surround the globe.Now the trumpet summons us again, not as a cal1 to bear arms, though arms we need, not as a call to battle, though in battle we are, but a call to bear the burden of a long, twilightstruggle, year in and year out, rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation, a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny poverty disease, and war itselfCan we forge against these enemies, a grand and global alliance, north and south, east and west, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historiceffort?In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility Iwelcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people, or any other generation. The energy the faith, the devotion, which we bring to this endeavor,will light our country and all who serve it, and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.And so my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you, ask what you can do for your country My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do lbr the iieedom of men.Finally whether you are citizens of A1nerica, or citizens of the world, ask of us here, the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. Wth a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the Iand we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth, God’s work must truly be our own.火炬已经传给新一代美国人（约翰.肯尼迪）1961.1.20演讲者简介：约翰·肯尼迪是一位战争英雄，普利策奖获得者，五十年代大部分时间里的参议员。

肯尼迪在马丁路德金遇刺后的讲演

肯尼迪在马丁路德金遇刺后的讲演1968年4月4日，美国民权领袖马丁路德·金在田纳西州孟菲斯市遭遇暗杀，沉重的悲痛笼罩了整个国家。

当时的总统约翰·肯尼迪也深受其影响，他在同年4月5日的讲演中对这场悲剧做出了回应，这场历史性的演讲一直被视为肯尼迪纪念演讲中的重要一环，它深刻地反映出了肯尼迪对种族平等和美国社会前景的关切。

首先，肯尼迪在演讲中表达了对金的哀悼和对其家人的慰问。

他称金是“一位杰出的美国公民、一位伟大的先知和一位废奴主义者”，并提到了他为争取人权所做的艰苦努力。

同时，肯尼迪也对这种针对平和解决问题方法的暴力行为进行了谴责，声称这种行为根本不可能解决任何问题。

其次，在演讲的后半部分，肯尼迪提到了美国社会面临的许多问题，这些问题对于当时的政治和社会生活来说都是严峻的挑战。

他谈到了贫困和失业、种族隔离和歧视、教育和获得机会的不平等等问题。

在这些问题上，肯尼迪立场坚定，他强调必须要采取行动，特别是要为社会的最弱者和最脆弱的群体解决这些问题。

最后，演讲的结尾是肯尼迪经常引用的一句话：“我仍然相信，面临困难的美国人民会通过良心的追求，而非心态的束缚来克服这一切。

”这句话表达了肯尼迪对美国社会未来的信心和毅力，即使他知道要取得真正的变革并不容易。

肯尼迪在马丁路德·金遇刺后的讲演被认为是美国历史上最伟大的讲话之一。

他在演讲中所说的话不仅深表哀悼，更表达了对美国民族理想的关切。

他的讲话内容反映出了他强烈的社会责任感和对自己的领导角色的承诺。

他的呼吁能够引导美国人民对未来有着更加清醒的认识，并鼓励他们共同努力实现更公正、更美好、更充满机遇和温暖的社会。

在如今这个充满分歧与矛盾的时代，我们需要和肯尼迪一样，有勇气站出来并声援那些经历歧视和痛苦的人们。

我们需要致力于打破种族和社会上的差异，让更多的人享有平等的机会和尊重。

肯尼迪的讲话，不仅让我们缅怀他对美国民主的追求和对公正社会的持续努力，更需要我们认识到其中还蕴含着一种生动的启示，它呼唤我们时刻铭记并牢记自己的初心，才能像肯尼迪一样开创美好的未来。

杰奎琳带血演讲

杰奎琳带血演讲约翰·肯尼迪，美国第三十五任总统，苏联和东方大国最危险的敌人。

这个情场浪子是美国最后的救赎者，为什么说他是东方最危险的敌人，我们来看看他短短的三年任期之内做成了哪些大事。

1、设定新的经济政策，增加政府支出、减少企业税，制定工资增长率和生产增长率的比例，提振美国经济。

制定工资、物价指导线，打击资本家贪婪的短视行为。

肯尼迪的就职演说：不要问你的国家能为你做什么，要问问你能为国家做什么。

很好的概括了他对美国现状的认知，和他对美国民众的期望。

他是美国鹰派的代表，制定的政策却很像社会主义政策，强化了政府对于经济的控制，这让肯尼迪站在了美国最恐怖势力(金融资本)的对面，最终这个无所畏惧的年轻总统死在了他的性格上，后文我们具体分析一下这个问题。

2、解决古巴导弹危机，依靠强硬的对抗手段迫使苏联低头。

我们知道古巴导弹危机是人类面临的一个生死存亡的巨大危机，却被这个年轻总统有效的解决了。

肯尼迪对于对于苏联采用强硬的对抗手段，在第三世界建立和平队，输出意识形态，我们现在知道所谓的“自由”就是美国最大的武器，肯尼迪就是依靠这个武器加上援助、宣传的手段拉拢第三世界，他的政策最后成为了苏联垮台的推手。

3、建立美帝国联盟。

在东方扶持日本、韩国作为对抗苏联的傀儡，通过经济援助和国家控制，肯尼迪开始打造东方的封锁链条，韩国汉江奇迹就是这个政策的产物。

到今天为止，韩国的三星、现代等控制国家的财团最大的股东全部是美国人，这里面除了1998金融危机的部分股权外，最大的原因是肯尼迪。

在越南，肯尼迪选择让吴庭艳政权倒台，支持更加强大的南越新政权，在古巴发起猪湾事件入侵古巴，在南美打击南美的共产势力，还计划对东方大国进行外科手术打击。

4、制定登月计划，展开与苏联的太空竞争。

这项政策的遗产最终让人类成功的登上了月球。

登月是整个人类的壮举，却源于这个无所畏惧的年轻人的大胆政策。

通过上文我们可以了解到，为什么肯尼迪是苏联和东方大国的最恐怖对手，这个资本帝国主义的年青代表几乎发起了美国二战后所有的最有效政策。

《刺杀肯尼迪》最后部分演讲

这部电影是我看过的最好的政治片之一，片长3个多小时，但是情节紧凑，每分钟都非常精彩，果然是斯通大牛的神作……最后30分钟的时候，检察官吉姆加里森在法庭上的总结陈词感情至深，让人热血沸腾，和《闻香识女人》中埃尔帕西诺的演讲有的一拼……在此添加了演讲内容中出现的人名及背景的相关详细注释，加粗的部分为讲稿内容，没有加粗的部分为注释，红色部分为本人认为非常精彩的语句。

有谁会为埋在廉价墓地里的奥斯瓦多（注：Lee Harvey Oswald，美籍古巴人，被认为是肯尼迪遇刺案的主凶。

案发两日后，奥斯瓦尔德在警察的严密戒备中当众被杰克·鲁比（Jack Ruby）开枪击毙，美国人在电视直播中也能目睹经过。

而鲁比最后也因癌症死于狱中，临死前称被人下毒才得到癌症，连番事件使肯尼迪遇刺案变得更曲折离奇）感到伤心呢？没有。

几分钟之内，关于奥斯瓦多的不实报道就传遍了全球。

传说出自政府，新闻界的消息来自政府。

当局在撒谎，史诗般壮观的肯尼迪葬礼迷惑了我们的双眼和我们的头脑。

希特勒说过：越大的谎言就越有人相信。

李哈维奥斯瓦多，一个疯狂的孤独的无名之辈，想出风头而暗杀总统，只是一长串名单中的第一个替罪羊。

而近年来，罗伯特肯尼迪（注：Robert Francis Kennedy，美国前总统约翰·肯尼迪的弟弟，1964年当选为纽约州参议员。

1968年6月初，他刚赢得了民主党加利福尼亚预选的胜利，便于6月5日早晨在洛杉矶一家旅馆内遭到枪击而死亡），马丁路德金，凡是想改革想和平的人都是渴望战争的权贵们的眼中钉。

这些人也都被疯狂的孤独的个人杀害了。

这些没有意义的个人愚蠢行为使我们毫无内疚。

我们都成了哈姆雷特，认杀父仇人为亲人，让凶手占据着皇位。

肯尼迪和他被害的秘密与我们在我们的美国梦中相遇，他向我们提出这样的问题：我们的宪法核心是什么？我们的生命价值又是什么？一个国家的总统被杀害，在诸多疑问面前，它的司法机构只会发抖，那么这个国家的民主还有希望吗？还有多少政治谋杀，将会说成是心脏病发作，将会说成是自杀、癌症和药物过量。

杰奎琳带血衣服演讲

杰奎琳带血衣服演讲1963年11月22日中午12:30，约翰·肯尼迪总统在德州达拉斯遇刺身亡。

按照美国法律，总统如果在任期意外殉职，副总统将第一时间继任，无缝对接稳定政局。

于是，肯尼迪身亡后仅仅2小时8分钟，副总统林登·约翰逊在达拉斯机场的空军一号上宣誓就职。

为何要登上空军一号？因为特勤局担心他也可能成为刺杀的目标，所以在安全防卫的总统专机上宣誓就职，再飞赴华盛顿。

唯一在空军一号宣誓就职的美国总统，旁边的女人为何身穿血衣？这是美国历史上第一次在飞机上进行总统宣誓仪式，也是最仓促简陋的一次。

当时，空军一号的狭小会议室里，拥进了27个人，空调也没开启。

美国地方法院的女法官莎拉·休斯主持仪式，由于匆忙，没有《圣经》（美国总统宣誓就职惯例是手按《圣经》），宣誓后，约翰逊亲吻了妻子的额头，而妻子接下来握着一个女人的手，安慰说：“全国为你的丈夫哀悼。

”唯一在空军一号宣誓就职的美国总统，旁边的女人为何身穿血衣？这个一脸忧伤的女人，就是杰奎琳·肯尼迪，肯尼迪总统的遗孀，美国史上最受欢迎和知名度最高的第一夫人。

她丈夫冰冷的遗体就在空军一号的机舱里。

对杰奎琳来说，刚刚过去的两个小时比一生还要漫长。

唯一在空军一号宣誓就职的美国总统，旁边的女人为何身穿血衣？在肯尼迪被刺客开枪爆头后，杰奎琳被吓傻了，她爬上豪华轿车的后座，试图伸手拿丈夫被击碎的一块头骨。

在去医院的路上，她一直压低丈夫的头顶，试图使头骨复原，嘴里反复说：“杰克，杰克，你能听见我吗？我爱你，杰克。

”唯一在空军一号宣誓就职的美国总统，旁边的女人为何身穿血衣？约翰逊为了强调自己将继承肯尼迪的执政方针，特地请杰奎琳见证宣誓就职仪式。

但是，杰奎琳拒绝脱下她沾满丈夫鲜血的粉红色西装，她固执地说：“我要让他们知道他们干了什么。

”唯一在空军一号宣誓就职的美国总统，旁边的女人为何身穿血衣？图：这件粉红色香奈儿西装是杰奎琳和丈夫的最爱在官方摄影师的建议下，杰奎琳站在约翰逊的侧翼，背对镜头，因此看不到她右肩上的血迹。

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1963年11月22日，美国城市达拉斯，三声枪响结束了美国第35任总统约翰·菲茨杰拉德·肯尼迪的生命。

那一天，永远改变了美国的历史。

53年过去，无数的电影电视作品讲述他传奇的一生。

其中，比较有名的就是美国知名愤青奥利佛·斯通导演的《刺杀肯尼迪》。

有讲述他的政治生涯的《肯尼迪家族》。

国家地理频道还专门推出一期《刺杀肯尼迪》的纪录电影。

2013年是刺杀案50周年，美国各大媒体更是长篇累牍地推出各种专刊和访谈节目。

为什么肯尼迪遇刺案能如此牵动美国人的神经？以至于这么多年来，人们仍然没有忘记这个年纪轻轻就命丧黄泉的总统？
除开美国总统遇刺本身这个诱人的话题，还有许多原因是值得关注的。

首先，他是那种“明明可以靠脸吃饭”的男人。

肯尼迪当选总统时才43岁，是当时美国历史上最年轻的总统之一。

他生气勃勃，外形俊美，潇洒风流，言辞迷人，幽默风趣，能文能武，行动果敢。

而他的妻子杰奎琳·肯尼迪也是个标致时尚的妙龄女郎。

两人郎才女貌。

经过50年代的战后大繁荣，美国中产阶级急剧膨胀。

50年代末的保守主义风气让很多美国人都期许一位年轻有为的新总统，这对又时髦又潇洒的夫妇，一扫前几任总统夫妇艰苦朴素的风格，简直就是他们的形象代表。

当然，光靠脸吃饭是不行的，尽管肯尼迪入主白宫的时间仅1037天，但他的政绩影响广泛深远。

首先是解决了古巴导弹危机。

1962年10月，肯尼迪得到苏联在古巴安装导弹的情报后，立即部署对该岛的海域进行全面封锁。

经过几天剑拔弩张的对峙，赫鲁晓夫服软，苏联军舰回航，一场大战得以避免，在美国人看来，这绝对是对抗苏联的一场胜利，一扫之前冷战颓势。

其次，他对美国黑人公民权充分实现做出了贡献。

肯尼迪从竞选开始，就对马丁路德金领导的民权运动表示了支持。

担任总统后，肯尼迪为了实现黑人民权做出了不懈努力，比如派遣国民警卫队强制阿拉巴马大学录取两名黑人学生，开创了该校录取黑人大学生的先例。

肯尼迪还试图通过自《解放宣言》以来最彻底的民权立法议案，该议案一旦通过，不仅会实现黑人将充分享有自由和平等权利的目标，而且还扩大了全体美国人的自由。

可惜该法案还未通过，肯尼迪就遇刺身亡。

再次是积极开展和苏联的太空竞赛。

1961年，肯尼迪在国会发表著名承诺，“十年内实现人类登月并安全返回”。

如果肯尼迪能够再多活6年，他就能够看到自己承诺的实现。

但这些都不是更重要的。

肯尼迪之死，对很多美国人来说，绝对是他们历史上最为黑暗的时刻。

正如小说《拯救肯尼迪》作者斯蒂芬金所说：“1963年11月22日，是我们那代人的911事件”。

随着肯尼迪的死，美国内政外交的状况急转直下，在他之后，美国在国际上陷入越战泥潭（肯尼迪本人若活着，可能会提前结束越战），白白损失大量青年的青春和生命。

在国内，种族矛盾骤然升级，民权运动此起彼伏，失业率急剧上升，油价飞涨，整个70年代，成了美国人最为苦闷和迷茫的时代。

后肯尼迪时代的总统，在很多美国人眼里简直就是一届不如一届。

有全面介入越南战争，公然推翻多米尼加民选总统的林登约翰逊。

有撒谎成瘾，最后水门事件东窗事发狼狈下台的中国人民老朋友尼克松。

几乎没有什么存在感的福特和处理伊朗人质危机不力的卡特。

政治坏境也愈加糜烂，肯尼迪遇刺5年后的1968年4月4日，民权领袖马丁·路德·金遇刺身亡。

6月5日，他的弟弟罗伯特·肯尼迪也在1968年竞选美国总统时被刺杀。

总之，肯尼迪死后，美国人的物质世界和精神世界轰然倒塌，即使今天，越战，水门事件，肯特大学惨案，都是美国人不忍直视的历史伤疤。

此后，任何一届美国总统，无论多么努力，再也无法享受到肯尼迪和肯尼迪之前历届总统都曾享有的那种民众对白宫“天真的”信任。

当美国梦从大多数人的手中滑落时，当对政府的信念和对未来的希望消失时，美国人比以往任何时候都更顽强地执着于对肯尼迪的神化。