英语肯尼迪
美国总统悼念爱德华·肯尼迪英语演讲稿
美国总统悼念爱德华·肯尼迪英语演讲稿One of the Most Accomplished Americans Ever to Serve our DemocracyREMARKS BY THE PRESIDENTON THE PASSING OF SENATOR EDWARD M. KENNEDYBlue Heron FarmChilmark, Massachusetts9:57 A.M. EDTTHE PRESIDENT: I wanted to say a few words this morning about the passing of an extraordinary leader, Senator Edward Kennedy.Over the past several years, I've had the honor to call Teddy a colleague, a counselor, and a friend. And even though we have known this day was coming for some time now, we awaited it with no small amount of dread.Since Teddy's diagnosis last year, we've seen the courage with which he battled his illness. And while these months have no doubt been difficult for him, they've also let him hear from people in every corner of our nation and from around the world just how much he meant to all of 1————来源网络整理，仅供供参考us. His fight has given us the opportunity we were denied when his brothers John and Robert were taken from us: the blessing of time to say thank you -- and goodbye.The outpouring of love, gratitude, and fond memories to which we've all borne witness is a testament to the way this singular figure in American history touched so many lives. His ideas and ideals are stamped on scores of laws and reflected in millions of lives -- in seniors who know new dignity, in families that know new opportunity, in children who know education's promise, and in all who can pursue their dream in an America that is more equal and more just -- including myself.The Kennedy name is synonymous with the Democratic Party. And at times, Ted was the target of partisan campaign attacks. But in the United States Senate, I can think of no one who engendered greater respect or affection from members of both sides of the aisle. His seriousness of purpose was perpetually matched by humility, warmth, and good cheer. He could passionately battle others and do so peerlessly on the Senate floor for the causes that he held dear, and yet still maintain warm friendships across party lines.————来源网络整理，仅供供参考 2And that's one reason he became not only one of the greatest senators of our time, but one of the most accomplished Americans ever to serve our democracy.His extraordinary life on this earth has come to an end. And the extraordinary good that he did lives on. For his family, he was a guardian. For America, he was the defender of a dream.I spoke earlier this morning to Senator Kennedy's beloved wife, Vicki, who was to the end such a wonderful source of encouragement and strength. Our thoughts and prayers are with her, his children Kara, Edward, and Patrick; his stepchildren Curran and Caroline; the entire Kennedy family; decades' worth of his staff; the people of Massachusetts; and all Americans who, like us, loved Ted Kennedy.END10:00 A.M. EDT3————来源网络整理，仅供供参考。
约翰·肯尼迪《我们选择登月》英语演讲稿_演讲稿
约翰·肯尼迪《我们选择登月》英语演讲稿 n this 1962 speech given at Rice University in Houston, Texas, President John F. Kennedyreaffirmed America's commitment to landing a man on the moon before the end of the 1960s.The President spoke in philosophical terms about the need to solve the mysteries of spaceand also defended the enormous expense of the space program.President pitzer Mr. Vice President, Governor, Congressman Thomas, Senator Wiley, andCongressman Miller, Mr. Webb, Mr. Bell, scientists, distinguished guests, and ladies andgentlemen:I appreciate your president having made me an honorary visiting professor, and I will assureyou that my first lecture will be very brief.I am delighted to be here and I'm particularly delighted to be here on this occasion.We meet at a college noted for knowledge, in a city noted for progress, in a state noted forstrength, and we stand in need of all three, for we meet in an hour of change and challenge, ina decade of hope and fear, in an age of both knowledge and 1 / 11ignorance. The greater ourknowledge increases, the greater our ignorance unfolds.Despite the striking fact that most of the scientists that the world has ever known are alive andworking today, despite the fact that this Nation's own scientific manpower is doubling every 12years in a rate of growth more than three times that of our population as a whole, despitethat, the vast stretches of the unknown and the unanswered and the unfinished still faroutstrip our collective comprehension.No man can fully grasp how far and how fast we have come, but condense, if you will, the50,000 years of man's recorded history in a time span of but a half-century. Stated in theseterms, we know very little about the first 40 years, except at the end of them advanced manhad learned to use the skins of animals to cover them. Then about 10 years ago, under thisstandard, man emerged from his caves to construct other kinds of shelter. Only five years agoman learned to write and use a cart with wheels. Christianity began less than two years ago.The printing press came this year, and then less than two months ago, during this whole 50-year span of human history, the steam engine provided a new source of power. Newtonexplored 2 / 11the meaning of gravity. Last month electric lights and telephones and automobilesand airplanes became available. Only last week did we develop penicillin and television andnuclear power, and now if America's new spacecraft succeeds in reaching Venus, we will haveliterally reached the stars before midnight tonight.This is a breathtaking pace, and such a pace cannot help but create new ills as it dispels old,new ignorance, new problems, new dangers. Surely the opening vistas of space promise highcosts and hardships, as well as high reward.So it is not surprising that some would have us stay where we are a little longer to rest, to wait.But this city of Houston, this state of Texas, this country of the United States was not built bythose who waited and rested and wished to look behind them. This country was conquered bythose who moved forward--and so will space.William Bradford, speaking in 1630 of the founding of the Plymouth Bay Colony, said that allgreat and honorable actions are accompanied with great difficulties, and both must beenterprised and overcome with answerable courage.If this capsule history of our progress teaches us anything, 3 / 11it is that man, in his quest forknowledge and progress, is determined and cannot be deterred. The exploration of space willgo ahead, whether we join in it or not, and it is one of the great adventures of all time, and nonation which expects to be the leader of other nations can expect to stay behind in this race forspace.Those who came before us made certain that this country rode the first waves of the industrialrevolution, the first waves of modern invention, and the first wave of nuclear power, and thisgeneration does not intend to founder in the backwash of the coming age of space. We mean tobe a part of it--we mean to lead it. For the eyes of the world now look into space, to the moonand to the planets beyond, and we have vowed that we shall not see it governed by a hostileflag of conquest, but by a banner of freedom and peace. We have vowed that we shall not seespace filled with weapons of mass destruction, but with instruments of knowledge andunderstanding.Yet the vows of this Nation can only be fulfilled if we in this Nation are first, and, therefore, weintend to be first. In short, our leadership in science and industry, our hopes for peace andsecurity, our obligations to ourselves as well as 4 / 11others, all require us to make this effort, tosolve these mysteries, to solve them for the good of all men, and to become the world'sleading space-faring nation.We set sail on this new sea because there is new knowledge to be gained, and new rights to bewon, and they must be won and used for the progress of all people. For space science, likenuclear science and all technology, has no conscience of its own. Whether it will become aforce for good or ill depends on man, and only if the United States occupies a position of pre-eminence can we help decide whether this new ocean will be a sea of peace or a new terrifyingtheater of war. I do not say that we should or will go unprotected against the hostile misuse ofspace any more than we go unprotected against the hostile use of land or sea, but I do saythat space can be explored and mastered without feeding the fires of war, without repeating themistakes that man has made in extending his writ around this globe of ours.There is no strife, no prejudice, no national conflict in outer space as yet. Its hazards arehostile to us all. Its conquest deserves the best of all mankind, and its opportunity forpeaceful cooperation many never come again. But why, some 5 / 11say, the moon? Why choosethis as our goal? And they may well ask why climb the highest mountain? Why, 35 years ago,fly the Atlantic? Why does Rice play Texas?We choose to go to the moon. We choose to go to the moon in this decade and do the otherthings, not because they are easy, but because they are hard, because that goal will serve toorganize and measure the best of our energies and skills, because that challenge is one thatwe are willing to accept, one we are unwilling to postpone, and one which we intend to win,and the others, too.It is for these reasons that I regard the decision last year to shift our efforts in space from lowto high gear as among the most important decisions that will be made during my incumbencyin the office of the Presidency.In the last 24 hours we have seen facilities now being created for the greatest and mostcomplex exploration in man's history. We have felt the ground shake and the air shatteredby the testing of a Saturn C-1 booster rocket, many times as powerful as the Atlas whichlaunched John Glenn, generating power equivalent to 10,000 automobiles with theiraccelerators on the floor. We have seen the site where five F-1 rocket engines, 6 / 11each one aspowerful as all eight engines of the Saturn combined, will be clustered together to make theadvanced Saturn missile, assembled in a new building to be built at Cape Canaveral as tall asa 48 story structure, as wide as a city block, and as long as two lengths of this field.Within these last 19 months at least 45 satellites have circled the earth. Some 40 of them weremade in the United States of America and they were far more sophisticated and supplied farmore knowledge to the people of the world than those of the Soviet Union.The Mariner spacecraft now on its way to Venus is the most intricate instrument in thehistory of space science. The accuracy of that shot is comparable to firing a missile fromCape Canaveral and dropping it in this stadium between the 40-yard lines.Transit satellites are helping our ships at sea to steer a safer course. Tiros satellites have givenus unprecedented warnings of hurricanes and storms, and will do the same for forest fires andicebergs.We have had our failures, but so have others, even if they do not admit them. And they may beless public.7 / 11To be sure, we are behind, and will be behind for some time in manned flight. But we do notintend to stay behind, and in this decade, we shall make up and move ahead.The growth of our science and education will be enriched by new knowledge of our universeand environment, by new techniques of learning and mapping and observation, by new toolsand computers for industry, medicine, the home as well as the school. Technical institutions,such as Rice, will reap the harvest of these gains.And finally, the space effort itself, while still in its infancy, has already created a great numberof new companies, and tens of thousands of new jobs. Space and related industries aregenerating new demands in investment and skilled personnel, and this city and this state, andthis region, will share greatly in this growth. What was once the furthest outpost on the oldfrontier of the West will be the furthest outpost on the new frontier of science and space.Houston, your city of Houston, with its Manned Spacecraft Center, will become the heart of alarge scientific and engineering community. During the next 5 years the National Aeronauticsand Space Administration expects to double the number of scientists and engineers in this 8 / 11area,to increase its outlays for salaries and expenses to $60 million a year; to invest some $200million in plant and laboratory facilities; and to direct or contract for new space efforts over $1billion from this center in this city.To be sure, all this costs us all a good deal of money. This year's space budget is three timeswhat it was in January 1961, and it is greater than the space budget of the previous eightyears combined. That budget now stands at $5,400 million a year--a staggering sum, thoughsomewhat less than we pay for cigarettes and cigars every year. Space expenditures will soonrise some more, from 40 cents per person per week to more than 50 cents a week for everyman, woman and child in the United States, for we have given this program a high nationalpriority--even though I realize that this is in some measure an act of faith and vision, for wedo not now know what benefits await us. But if I were to say, my fellow citizens, that we shallsend to the moon, 240,000 miles away from the control station in Houston, a giant rocketmore than 300 feet tall, the length of this football field, made of new metal alloys, some ofwhich have not yet been invented, capable of standing heat and stresses several times morethan have ever 9 / 11been experienced, fitted together with a precision better than the finestwatch, carrying all the equipment needed for propulsion, guidance, control,communications, food and survival, on an untried mission, to an unknown celestial body, andthen return it safely to earth, re-entering the atmosphere at speeds of over 25,000 miles perhour, causing heat about half that of the temperature of the sun--almost as hot as it is heretoday--and do all this, and do it right, and do it first before this decade is out--then we mustbe bold.I'm the one who is doing all the work, so we just want you to stay cool for a minute.However, I think we're going to do it, and I think that we must pay what needs to be paid. Idon't think we ought to waste any money, but I think we ought to do the job. And this will bedone in the decade of the Sixties. It may be done while some of you are still here at school atthis college and university. It will be done during the terms of office of some of the people whosit here on this platform. But it will be done. And it will be done before the end of thisdecade.And I am delighted that this university is playing a part in putting a man on the moon as partof a great national effort 10 / 11of the United States of America.Many years ago the great British explorer George Mallory, who was to die on Mount Everest, wasasked why did he want to climb it. He said, "Because it is there."Well, space is there, and we're going to climb it, and the moon and the planets are there, andnew hopes for knowledge and peace are there. And, therefore, as we set sail we ask God'sblessing on the most hazardous and dangerous and greatest adventure on which man hasever embarked.Thank you.11 / 11文章来源网络整理，仅供参考学习。
肯尼迪英语介绍
U.S. Navy Reserve
House of Representatives
Senate
In the presidential election, Kennedy defeated Lodge by 70,000 votes for the Senate seat.
——John F. Kennedy
President John F. Kennedy: 'We choose to go to the moon’
President John F. Kennedy gave a speech at Rice University in 1962 about the quest to put a man on the moon. “We choose to go to the moon in this decade and do the other things, not because they are easy, but because they are hard," he said to a cheering crowd.
Senate
Presidential Election
On January 2, 1960, Kennedy announced his candidacy for the Democratic presidential nomination.
3
Civil Rights Movement
Civil Rights Movement
House of Representatives Senate Presidential Election
We Choose to Go to the Moon 我们选择登月---约翰·肯尼迪
名人励志英语演讲视频：We Choose to Go to the Moon 我们选择登月---约翰·肯尼迪We choose to go to the Moon 我们选择登月——约翰·肯尼迪The greater our knowledge increases, the greater our ignorance unfolds.我们学到的知识越多，认识到的无知就越多。
-----肯尼迪In this 1962 speech given at Rice University in Houston, Texas, President John F. Kennedy reaffirmed America's commitment to landing a man on the moon before the end of the 1960s. The President spoke in philosophical terms about the need to solve the mysteries of space and also defended the enormous expense of the space program.President pitzer Mr. Vice President, Governor, Congressman Thomas, Senator Wiley, and Congressman Miller, Mr. Webb, Mr. Bell, scientists, distinguished guests, and ladies and gentlemen:I appreciate your president having made me an honorary visiting professor, and I will assure you that my first lecture will be very brief.I am delighted to be here and I'm particularly delighted to be here on this occasion.We meet at a college noted for knowledge, in a city noted for progress, in a state noted for strength, and we stand in need of all three, for we meet in an hour of change and challenge, in a decade of hope and fear, in an age of both knowledge and ignorance. The greater our knowledge increases, the greater our ignorance unfolds.Despite the striking fact that most of the scientists that the world has ever known are alive and working today, despite the fact that this Nation's own scientific manpower is doubling every 12 years in a rate of growth more than three times that of our population as a whole, despite that, the vast stretches of the unknown and the unanswered and the unfinished still far outstrip our collective comprehension.No man can fully grasp how far and how fast we have come, but condense, if you will, the 50,000 years of man's recorded history in a time span of but a half-century. Stated inthese terms, we know very little about the first 40 years, except at the end of them advanced man had learned to use the skins of animals to cover them. Then about 10 years ago, under this standard, man emerged from his caves to construct other kinds of shelter. Only five years ago man learned to write and use a cart with wheels. Christianity began less than two years ago. The printing press came this year, and then less than two months ago, during this whole 50-year span of human history, the steam engine provided a new source of power. Newton explored the meaning of gravity. Last month electric lights and telephones and automobiles and airplanes became available. Only last week did we develop penicillin and television and nuclear power, and now if America's new spacecraft succeeds in reaching Venus, we will have literally reached the stars before midnight tonight.This is a breathtaking pace, and such a pace cannot help but create new ills as it dispels old, new ignorance, new problems, new dangers. Surely the opening vistas of space promise high costs and hardships, as well as high reward.So it is not surprising that some would have us stay where we are a little longer to rest, to wait. But this city of Houston, this state of Texas, this country of the United States was not built by those who waited and rested and wished to look behind them. This country was conquered by those who moved forward--and so will space.William Bradford, speaking in 1630 of the founding of the Plymouth Bay Colony, said that all great and honorable actions are accompanied with great difficulties, and both must be enterprised and overcome with answerable courage.If this capsule history of our progress teaches us anything, it is that man, in his quest for knowledge and progress, is determined and cannot be deterred. The exploration of space will go ahead, whether we join in it or not, and it is one of the great adventures of all time, and no nation which expects to be the leader of other nations can expect to stay behind in this race for space.Those who came before us made certain that this country rode the first waves of the industrial revolution, the first waves of modern invention, and the first wave of nuclear power, and this generation does not intend to founder in the backwash of the coming age of space. We mean to be a part of it--we mean to lead it. For the eyes of the world now look into space, to the moon and to the planets beyond, and we have vowed that we shall not see it governed by a hostile flag of conquest, but by a banner of freedom and peace. We have vowed that we shall not see space filled with weapons of mass destruction, but with instruments of knowledge and understanding.Yet the vows of this Nation can only be fulfilled if we in this Nation are first, and, therefore, we intend to be first. In short, our leadership in science and industry, our hopes for peace and security, our obligations to ourselves as well as others, all require us to make this effort, to solve these mysteries, to solve them for the good of all men, and to become the world's leading space-faring nation.We set sail on this new sea because there is new knowledge to be gained, and new rights to be won, and they must be won and used for the progress of all people. For space science, like nuclear science and all technology, has no conscience of its own. Whether it will become a force for good or ill depends on man, and only if the United States occupies a position of pre-eminence can we help decide whether this new ocean will be a sea of peace or a new terrifying theater of war. I do not say that we should or will go unprotected against the hostile misuse of space any more than we go unprotected against the hostile use of land or sea, but I do say that space can be explored and mastered without feeding the fires of war, without repeating the mistakes that man has made in extending his writ around this globe of ours.There is no strife, no prejudice, no national conflict in outer space as yet. Its hazards are hostile to us all. Its conquest deserves the best of all mankind, and its opportunity for peaceful cooperation many never come again. But why, some say, the moon? Why choose this as our goal? And they may well ask why climb the highest mountain? Why, 35 years ago, fly the Atlantic? Why does Rice play Texas?We choose to go to the moon. We choose to go to the moon in this decade and do the other things, not because they are easy, but because they are hard, because that goal will serve to organize and measure the best of our energies and skills, because that challenge is one that we are willing to accept, one we are unwilling to postpone, and one which we intend to win, and the others, too.It is for these reasons that I regard the decision last year to shift our efforts in space from low to high gear as among the most important decisions that will be made during my incumbency in the office of the Presidency.In the last 24 hours we have seen facilities now being created for the greatest and most complex exploration in man's history. We have felt the ground shake and the air shattered by the testing of a Saturn C-1 booster rocket, many times as powerful as the Atlas which launched John Glenn, generating power equivalent to 10,000 automobiles with their accelerators on the floor. We have seen the site where five F-1 rocket engines, each one as powerful as all eight engines of the Saturn combined, will be clustered together tomake the advanced Saturn missile, assembled in a new building to be built at Cape Canaveral as tall as a 48 story structure, as wide as a city block, and as long as two lengths of this field.Within these last 19 months at least 45 satellites have circled the earth. Some 40 of them were made in the United States of America and they were far more sophisticated and supplied far more knowledge to the people of the world than those of the Soviet Union.The Mariner spacecraft now on its way to Venus is the most intricate instrument in the history of space science. The accuracy of that shot is comparable to firing a missile from Cape Canaveral and dropping it in this stadium between the 40-yard lines.Transit satellites are helping our ships at sea to steer a safer course. Tiros satellites have given us unprecedented warnings of hurricanes and storms, and will do the same for forest fires and icebergs.We have had our failures, but so have others, even if they do not admit them. And they may be less public.To be sure, we are behind, and will be behind for some time in manned flight. But we do not intend to stay behind, and in this decade, we shall make up and move ahead.The growth of our science and education will be enriched by new knowledge of our universe and environment, by new techniques of learning and mapping and observation, by new tools and computers for industry, medicine, the home as well as the school. Technical institutions, such as Rice, will reap the harvest of these gains.And finally, the space effort itself, while still in its infancy, has already created a great number of new companies, and tens of thousands of new jobs. Space and related industries are generating new demands in investment and skilled personnel, and this city and this state, and this region, will share greatly in this growth. What was once the furthest outpost on the old frontier of the West will be the furthest outpost on the new frontier of science and space. Houston, your city of Houston, with its Manned Spacecraft Center, will become the heart of a large scientific and engineering community. During the next 5 years the National Aeronautics and Space Administration expects to double the number of scientists and engineers in this area, to increase its outlays for salaries and expenses to $60 million a year; to invest some $200 million in plant and laboratory facilities; and to direct or contract for new space efforts over $1 billion from this center in this city.To be sure, all this costs us all a good deal of money. This year's space budget is three times what it was in January 1961, and it is greater than the space budget of the previous eight years combined. That budget now stands at $5,400 million a year--a staggering sum, though somewhat less than we pay for cigarettes and cigars every year. Space expenditures will soon rise some more, from 40 cents per person per week to more than 50 cents a week for every man, woman and child in the United States, for we have given this program a high national priority--even though I realize that this is in some measure an act of faith and vision, for we do not now know what benefits await us. But if I were to say, my fellow citizens, that we shall send to the moon, 240,000 miles away from the control station in Houston, a giant rocket more than 300 feet tall, the length of this football field, made of new metal alloys, some of which have not yet been invented, capable of standing heat and stresses several times more than have ever been experienced, fitted together with a precision better than the finest watch, carrying all the equipment needed for propulsion, guidance, control, communications, food and survival, on an untried mission, to an unknown celestial body, and then return it safely to earth, re-entering the atmosphere at speeds of over 25,000 miles per hour, causing heat about half that of the temperature of the sun--almost as hot as it is here today--and do all this, and do it right, and do it first before this decade is out--then we must be bold.I'm the one who is doing all the work, so we just want you to stay cool for a minute.However, I think we're going to do it, and I think that we must pay what needs to be paid. I don't think we ought to waste any money, but I think we ought to do the job. And this will be done in the decade of the Sixties. It may be done while some of you are still here at school at this college and university. It will be done during the terms of office of some of the people who sit here on this platform. But it will be done. And it will be done before the end of this decade.And I am delighted that this university is playing a part in putting a man on the moon as part of a great national effort of the United States of America.Many years ago the great British explorer George Mallory, who was to die on Mount Everest, was asked why did he want to climb it. He said, "Because it is there."Well, space is there, and we're going to climb it, and the moon and the planets are there, and new hopes for knowledge and peace are there. And, therefore, as we set sail we ask God's blessing on the most hazardous and dangerous and greatest adventure on which man has ever embarked.Thank you.。
【美联英语】名人演讲-肯尼迪在美国大学毕业典礼上的演说 American
两分钟做个小测试，看看你的英语水平/test/quwen.aspx?tid=16-73675-0John F. KennedyAmerican University Commencement Addressdelivered 10 June 1963约翰·F·肯尼迪总统华盛顿特区1963年6月10日演讲者简介：约翰·菲茨杰拉德·肯尼迪(John Fitzgerald Kennedy，1917年5月29日-1963年11月22日)，通常被称作约翰·F·肯尼迪(John F. Kennedy)、JFK或杰克·肯尼迪(Jack Kennedy)，美国第35任总统，他的任期从1961年1月20日开始到1963年11月22日在得克萨斯州达拉斯市遇刺身亡为止。
他是在美国颇具影响力的肯尼迪政治家族的一员，被视为美国自由主义的代表。
在第二次世界大战期间，他曾在南太平洋英勇救助了落水海军船员，因而获颁紫心勋章。
肯尼迪在1946年-1960年期间曾先后任众议员和参议员，并于1960年当选为美国总统，成为美国历史上唯一信奉罗马天主教的总统。
在他总统任期内的主要事件包括：试图废除联邦储备委员会、猪湾入侵、古巴导弹危机、柏林墙的建立、太空竞赛、越南战争的早期活动以及美国民权运动。
在针对总统功绩的排名中，肯尼迪通常被历史学家列在排名中上的位置，但他却一直被大多数美国人视为历史上最伟大的总统之一。
肯尼迪于1963年11月22日在得克萨斯州达拉斯市遇刺身亡，官方在随后的调查报告中公布的结果表明，李·哈维·奥斯瓦尔德是刺杀总统的凶手。
他的遇刺被视为对美国历史的发展产生重大决定性影响的事件之一，因为这一事件在其后数十年中一直影响了美国政治的发展方向。
jfkamericanuniversity.jpgPresident Anderson, members of the faculty, board of trustees, distinguished guests, my old colleague, Senator Bob Byrd, who has earned his degree through many years of attending night law school, while I am earning mine in the next 30 minutes, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen:It is with great pride that I participate in this ceremony of the American University, sponsored by the Methodist Church, founded by Bishop John Fletcher Hurst, and first opened by President Woodrow Wilson in 1914. This is a young and growing university, but it has already fulfilled Bishop Hurst's enlightened hope for the study of history and public affairs in a city devoted to the making of history and to the conduct of the public's business. By sponsoring this institution of higher learning for all who wish to learn, whatever their color or their creed, the Methodists of this area and the Nation deserve the Nation's thanks, and I commend all those who are today graduating.Professor Woodrow Wilson once said that every man sent out from a university should be a man of his nation as well as a man of his time, and I am confident that the men and women who carry the honor of graduating from this institution will continue to give from their lives, from their talents, a high measure of public service and public support. "There are few earthly things more beautiful than a university," wrote John Masefield in his tribute to English universities -- and his words areequally true today. He did not refer to towers or to campuses. He admired the splendid beauty of a university, because it was, he said, "a place where those who hate ignorance may strive to know, where those who perceive truth may strive to make others see."I have, therefore, chosen this time and place to discuss a topic on which ignorance too often abounds and the truth too rarely perceived. And that is the most important topic on earth: peace. What kind of peace do I mean and what kind of a peace do we seek? Not a Pax Americana enforced on the world by American weapons of war. Not the peace of the grave or the security of the slave. I am talking about genuine peace, the kind of peace that makes life on earth worth living, and the kind that enables men and nations to grow, and to hope, and build a better life for their children -- not merely peace for Americans but peace for all men and women, not merely peace in our time but peace in all time.I speak of peace because of the new face of war. Total war makes no sense in an age where great powers can maintain large and relatively invulnerable nuclear forces and refuse to surrender without resort to those forces. It makes no sense in an age where a single nuclear weapon contains almost ten times the explosive force delivered by all the allied air forces in the Second World War. It makes no sense in an age when the deadly poisons produced by a nuclear exchange wouldbe carried by wind and water and soil and seed to the far corners of the globe and to generations yet unborn.Today the expenditure of billions of dollars every year on weapons acquired for the purpose of making sure we never need them is essential to the keeping of peace. But surely the acquisition of such idle stockpiles -- which can only destroy and never create -- is not the only, much less the most efficient, means of assuring peace. I speak of peace, therefore, as the necessary, rational end of rational men. I realize the pursuit of peace is not as dramatic as the pursuit of war, and frequently the words of the pursuers fall on deaf ears. But we have no more urgent task.Some say that it is useless to speak of peace or world law or world disarmament, and that it will be useless until the leaders of the Soviet Union adopt a more enlightened attitude. I hope they do. I believe we can help them do it. But I also believe that we must reexamine our own attitudes, as individuals and as a Nation, for our attitude is as essential as theirs. And every graduate of this school, every thoughtful citizen who despairs of war and wishes to bring peace, should begin by looking inward, by examining his own attitude towards the possibilities of peace, towards the Soviet Union, towards the course of the cold war and towards freedom and peace here at home.First examine our attitude towards peace itself. Too many of us think it is impossible. Too many think it is unreal. But that is a dangerous, defeatist belief. It leads to the conclusion that war is inevitable, that mankind is doomed, that we are gripped by forces we cannot control. We need not accept that view. Our problems are manmade; therefore, they can be solved by man. And man can be as big as he wants. No problem of human destiny is beyond human beings. Man's reason and spirit have often solved the seemingly unsolvable, and we believe they can do it again. I am not referring to the absolute, infinite concept of universal peace and good will of which some fantasies and fanatics dream. I do not deny the value of hopes and dreams but we merely invite discouragement and incredulity by making that our only and immediate goal.Let us focus instead on a more practical, more attainable peace, based not on a sudden revolution in human nature but on a gradual evolution in human institutions -- on a series of concrete actions and effective agreements which are in the interest of all concerned. There is no single, simple key to this peace; no grand or magic formula to be adopted by one or two powers. Genuine peace must be the product of many nations, the sum of many acts. It must be dynamic, not static, changing to meet the challenge of each new generation. For peace is a process -- a way of solving problems.With such a peace, there will still be quarrels and conflicting interests, as there are within families and nations. World peace, like community peace, does not require that each man love his neighbor, it requires only that they live together in mutual tolerance, submitting their disputes to a just and peaceful settlement. And history teaches us that enmities between nations, as between individuals, do not last forever. However fixed our likes and dislikes may seem, the tide of time and events will often bring surprising changes in the relations between nations and neighbors. So let us persevere. Peace need not be impracticable, and war need not be inevitable. By defining our goal more clearly, by making it seem more manageable and less remote, we can help all people to see it, to draw hope from it, and to move irresistibly towards it.And second, let us reexamine our attitude towards the Soviet Union. It is discouraging to think that their leaders may actually believe what their propagandists write. It is discouraging to read a recent, authoritative Soviet text on military strategy and find, on page after page, wholly baseless and incredible claims, such as the allegation that American imperialist circles are preparing to unleash different types of war, that there is a very real threat of a preventive war being unleashed by American imperialists against the Soviet Union, and that the political aims -- and I quote -- "of the American imperialists are to enslave economically and politically the European and other capitalist countries and to achieve world domination by means of aggressive war."Truly, as it was written long ago: "The wicked flee when no man pursueth."Yet it is sad to read these Soviet statements, to realize the extent of the gulf between us. But it is also a warning, a warning to the American people not to fall into the same trap as the Soviets, not to see only a distorted and desperate view of the other side, not to see conflict as inevitable, accommodation as impossible, and communication as nothing more than an exchange of threats.No government or social system is so evil that its people must be considered as lacking in virtue. As Americans, we find communism profoundly repugnant as a negation of personal freedom and dignity. But we can still hail the Russian people for their many achievements in science and space, in economic and industrial growth, in culture, in acts of courage.Among the many traits the peoples of our two countries have in common, none is stronger than our mutual abhorrence of war. Almost unique among the major world powers, we have never been at war with each other. And no nation in the history of battle ever suffered more than the Soviet Union in the Second World War. At least 20 million lost their lives. Countless millions of homes and families were burned or sacked. A third of the nation's territory, including two thirds of itsindustrial base, was turned into a wasteland -- a loss equivalent to the destruction of this country east of Chicago.Today, should total war ever break out again -- no matter how -- our two countries will be the primary target. It is an ironic but accurate fact that the two strongest powers are the two in the most danger of devastation. All we have built, all we have worked for, would be destroyed in the first 24 hours. And even in the cold war, which brings burdens and dangers to so many countries, including this Nation's closest allies, our two countries bear the heaviest burdens. For we are both devoting massive sums of money to weapons that could be better devoted to combat ignorance, poverty, and disease. We are both caught up in a vicious and dangerous cycle, with suspicion on one side breeding suspicion on the other, and new weapons begetting counter-weapons. In short, both the United States and its allies, and the Soviet Union and its allies, have a mutually deep interest in a just and genuine peace and in halting the arms race. Agreements to this end are in the interests of the Soviet Union as well as ours. And even the most hostile nations can be relied upon to accept and keep those treaty obligations, and only those treaty obligations, which are in their own interest.So let us not be blind to our differences, but let us also direct attention to our common interests and the means by which those differences can be resolved. And if we cannot end now our differences, at least we can help make the world safe fordiversity. For in the final analysis, our most basic common link is that we all inhabit this small planet. We all breathe the same air. We all cherish our children's futures. And we are all mortal.Third, let us reexamine our attitude towards the cold war, remembering we're not engaged in a debate, seeking to pile up debating points. We are not here distributing blame or pointing the finger of judgment. We must deal with the world as it is, and not as it might have been had the history of the last 18 years been different. We must, therefore, persevere in the search for peace in the hope that constructive changes within the Communist bloc might bring within reach solutions which now seem beyond us. We must conduct our affairs in such a way that it becomes in the Communists' interest to agree on a genuine peace. And above all, while defending our own vital interests, nuclear powers must avert those confrontations which bring an adversary to a choice of either a humiliating retreat or a nuclear war. To adopt that kind of course in the nuclear age would be evidence only of the bankruptcy of our policy -- or of a collective death-wish for the world.To secure these ends, America's weapons are nonprovocative, carefully controlled, designed to deter, and capable of selective use. Our military forces are committed to peace and disciplined in self-restraint. Our diplomats are instructed to avoid unnecessary irritants and purely rhetorical hostility. For we can seek a relaxation of tensions without relaxing our guard. And, for our part, we do not need to usethreats to prove we are resolute. We do not need to jam foreign broadcasts out of fear our faith will be eroded. We are unwilling to impose our system on any unwilling people, but we are willing and able to engage in peaceful competition with any people on earth.Meanwhile, we seek to strengthen the United Nations, to help solve its financial problems, to make it a more effective instrument for peace, to develop it into a genuine world security system -- a system capable of resolving disputes on the basis of law, of insuring the security of the large and the small, and of creating conditions under which arms can finally be abolished. At the same time we seek to keep peace inside the non-Communist world, where many nations, all of them our friends, are divided over issues which weaken Western unity, which invite Communist intervention, or which threaten to erupt into war. Our efforts in West New Guinea, in the Congo, in the Middle East, and the Indian subcontinent, have been persistent and patient despite criticism from both sides. We have also tried to set an example for others, by seeking to adjust small but significant differences with our own closest neighbors in Mexico and Canada.Speaking of other nations, I wish to make one point clear. We are bound to many nations by alliances. Those alliances exist because our concern and theirs substantially overlap. Our commitment to defend Western Europe and West Berlin, for example, stands undiminished because of the identity of our vital interests. TheUnited States will make no deal with the Soviet Union at the expense of other nations and other peoples, not merely because they are our partners, but also because their interests and ours converge. Our interests converge, however, not only in defending the frontiers of freedom, but in pursuing the paths of peace. It is our hope, and the purpose of allied policy, to convince the Soviet Union that she, too, should let each nation choose its own future, so long as that choice does not interfere with the choices of others. The Communist drive to impose their political and economic system on others is the primary cause of world tension today. For there can be no doubt that if all nations could refrain from interfering in theself-determination of others, the peace would be much more assured.This will require a new effort to achieve world law, a new context for world discussions. It will require increased understanding between the Soviets and ourselves. And increased understanding will require increased contact and communication. One step in this direction is the proposed arrangement for a direct line between Moscow and Washington, to avoid on each side the dangerous delays, misunderstandings, and misreadings of others' actions which might occur at a time of crisis.We have also been talking in Geneva about our first-step measures of arm[s] controls designed to limit the intensity of the arms race and reduce the risk of accidental war. Our primary long range interest in Geneva, however, is general andcomplete disarmament, designed to take place by stages, permitting parallel political developments to build the new institutions of peace which would take the place of arms. The pursuit of disarmament has been an effort of this Government since the 1920's. It has been urgently sought by the past three administrations. And however dim the prospects are today, we intend to continue this effort -- to continue it in order that all countries, including our own, can better grasp what the problems and possibilities of disarmament are.The only major area of these negotiations where the end is in sight, yet where a fresh start is badly needed, is in a treaty to outlaw nuclear tests. The conclusion of such a treaty, so near and yet so far, would check the spiraling arms race in one of its most dangerous areas. It would place the nuclear powers in a position to deal more effectively with one of the greatest hazards which man faces in 1963, the further spread of nuclear arms. It would increase our security; it would decrease the prospects of war. Surely this goal is sufficiently important to require our steady pursuit, yielding neither to the temptation to give up the whole effort nor the temptation to give up our insistence on vital and responsible safeguards.I'm taking this opportunity, therefore, to announce two important decisions in this regard. First, Chairman Khrushchev, Prime Minister Macmillan, and I have agreed that high-level discussions will shortly begin in Moscow looking towards early agreement on a comprehensive test ban treaty. Our hope must be tempered -- Ourhopes must be tempered with the caution of history; but with our hopes go the hopes of all mankind. Second, to make clear our good faith and solemn convictions on this matter, I now declare that the United States does not propose to conduct nuclear tests in the atmosphere so long as other states do not do so. We will not -- We will not be the first to resume. Such a declaration is no substitute for a formal binding treaty, but I hope it will help us achieve one. Nor would such a treaty be a substitute for disarmament, but I hope it will help us achieve it.Finally, my fellow Americans, let us examine our attitude towards peace and freedom here at home. The quality and spirit of our own society must justify and support our efforts abroad. We must show it in the dedication of our own lives -- as many of you who are graduating today will have an opportunity to do, by serving without pay in the Peace Corps abroad or in the proposed National Service Corps here at home. But wherever we are, we must all, in our daily lives, live up to the age-old faith that peace and freedom walk together. In too many of our cities today, the peace is not secure because freedom is incomplete. It is the responsibility of the executive branch at all levels of government -- local, State, and National -- to provide and protect that freedom for all of our citizens by all means within our authority. It is the responsibility of the legislative branch at all levels, wherever the authority is not now adequate, to make it adequate. And it is the responsibility of all citizens in all sections of this country to respect the rights of others and respect the law of the land.All this -- All this is not unrelated to world peace. "When a man's way[s] please the Lord," the Scriptures tell us, "He maketh even his enemies to be at peace with him." And is not peace, in the last analysis, basically a matter of human rights: the right to live out our lives without fear of devastation; the right to breathe air as nature provided it; the right of future generations to a healthy existence?While we proceed to safeguard our national interests, let us also safeguard human interests. And the elimination of war and arms is clearly in the interest of both. No treaty, however much it may be to the advantage of all, however tightly it may be worded, can provide absolute security against the risks of deception and evasion. But it can, if it is sufficiently effective in its enforcement, and it is sufficiently in the interests of its signers, offer far more security and far fewer risks than an unabated, uncontrolled, unpredictable arms race.The United States, as the world knows, will never start a war. We do not want a war. We do not now expect a war. This generation of Americans has already had enough -- more than enough -- of war and hate and oppression.We shall be prepared if others wish it. We shall be alert to try to stop it. But we shall also do our part to build a world of peace where the weak are safe and the strong are just. We are not helpless before that task or hopeless of its success. Confidentand unafraid, we must labor on--not towards a strategy of annihilation but towards a strategy of peace.下一页：中文翻译翻译仅供参考安德森校长、员工们、董事会、我的老同事鲍勃·伯德参议员(伯德参议员上了多年法律夜校才取得学位，而我将在随后的三十分钟取得学位)、贵宾们、女士们、先生们：美国大学是卫理公会赞助、约翰·弗莱彻·赫斯特主教创办、伍德罗·威尔逊总统于1914年揭幕的学校，我为出席这次典礼而感到非常自豪。
肯尼迪就职演说 高级英语第一册课件
新一届美国副总统Biblioteka 登宣誓就职。四、President’s Swearing-In Ceremony
• There have been 54 formal Presidential Inaugural ceremonies, held at over 10 different locations.
五、Inaugural Address
American presidential election system
The general election , held on the second Tuesday after the first Monday in November in each election year. Following the November general election，the President elected will happily prepare his inaugural address for the inauguration ceremony taking place before the U.S. Capitol Building on January 20.
肯尼迪就职演说高级英语第一册课件
Inaugural Address of the US Presidents
by
1
American presidential election system
natural-born American citizen of and over 35 years of age the candidates nominated by the two major parties, the republican and the Democratic. each party holds its national convention every four years, in the summer before the general election. The convention is an assembly of party bosses and activists.
We Choose to Go to the Moon 我们选择登月---约翰·肯尼迪
名人励志英语演讲视频：We Choose to Go to the Moon 我们选择登月---约翰·肯尼迪We choose to go to the Moon 我们选择登月——约翰·肯尼迪The greater our knowledge increases, the greater our ignorance unfolds.我们学到的知识越多，认识到的无知就越多。
-----肯尼迪In this 1962 speech given at Rice University in Houston, Texas, President John F. Kennedy reaffirmed America's commitment to landing a man on the moon before the end of the 1960s. The President spoke in philosophical terms about the need to solve the mysteries of space and also defended the enormous expense of the space program.President pitzer Mr. Vice President, Governor, Congressman Thomas, Senator Wiley, and Congressman Miller, Mr. Webb, Mr. Bell, scientists, distinguished guests, and ladies and gentlemen:I appreciate your president having made me an honorary visiting professor, and I will assure you that my first lecture will be very brief.I am delighted to be here and I'm particularly delighted to be here on this occasion.We meet at a college noted for knowledge, in a city noted for progress, in a state noted for strength, and we stand in need of all three, for we meet in an hour of change and challenge, in a decade of hope and fear, in an age of both knowledge and ignorance. The greater our knowledge increases, the greater our ignorance unfolds.Despite the striking fact that most of the scientists that the world has ever known are alive and working today, despite the fact that this Nation's own scientific manpower is doubling every 12 years in a rate of growth more than three times that of our population as a whole, despite that, the vast stretches of the unknown and the unanswered and the unfinished still far outstrip our collective comprehension.No man can fully grasp how far and how fast we have come, but condense, if you will, the 50,000 years of man's recorded history in a time span of but a half-century. Stated inthese terms, we know very little about the first 40 years, except at the end of them advanced man had learned to use the skins of animals to cover them. Then about 10 years ago, under this standard, man emerged from his caves to construct other kinds of shelter. Only five years ago man learned to write and use a cart with wheels. Christianity began less than two years ago. The printing press came this year, and then less than two months ago, during this whole 50-year span of human history, the steam engine provided a new source of power. Newton explored the meaning of gravity. Last month electric lights and telephones and automobiles and airplanes became available. Only last week did we develop penicillin and television and nuclear power, and now if America's new spacecraft succeeds in reaching Venus, we will have literally reached the stars before midnight tonight.This is a breathtaking pace, and such a pace cannot help but create new ills as it dispels old, new ignorance, new problems, new dangers. Surely the opening vistas of space promise high costs and hardships, as well as high reward.So it is not surprising that some would have us stay where we are a little longer to rest, to wait. But this city of Houston, this state of Texas, this country of the United States was not built by those who waited and rested and wished to look behind them. This country was conquered by those who moved forward--and so will space.William Bradford, speaking in 1630 of the founding of the Plymouth Bay Colony, said that all great and honorable actions are accompanied with great difficulties, and both must be enterprised and overcome with answerable courage.If this capsule history of our progress teaches us anything, it is that man, in his quest for knowledge and progress, is determined and cannot be deterred. The exploration of space will go ahead, whether we join in it or not, and it is one of the great adventures of all time, and no nation which expects to be the leader of other nations can expect to stay behind in this race for space.Those who came before us made certain that this country rode the first waves of the industrial revolution, the first waves of modern invention, and the first wave of nuclear power, and this generation does not intend to founder in the backwash of the coming age of space. We mean to be a part of it--we mean to lead it. For the eyes of the world now look into space, to the moon and to the planets beyond, and we have vowed that we shall not see it governed by a hostile flag of conquest, but by a banner of freedom and peace. We have vowed that we shall not see space filled with weapons of mass destruction, but with instruments of knowledge and understanding.Yet the vows of this Nation can only be fulfilled if we in this Nation are first, and, therefore, we intend to be first. In short, our leadership in science and industry, our hopes for peace and security, our obligations to ourselves as well as others, all require us to make this effort, to solve these mysteries, to solve them for the good of all men, and to become the world's leading space-faring nation.We set sail on this new sea because there is new knowledge to be gained, and new rights to be won, and they must be won and used for the progress of all people. For space science, like nuclear science and all technology, has no conscience of its own. Whether it will become a force for good or ill depends on man, and only if the United States occupies a position of pre-eminence can we help decide whether this new ocean will be a sea of peace or a new terrifying theater of war. I do not say that we should or will go unprotected against the hostile misuse of space any more than we go unprotected against the hostile use of land or sea, but I do say that space can be explored and mastered without feeding the fires of war, without repeating the mistakes that man has made in extending his writ around this globe of ours.There is no strife, no prejudice, no national conflict in outer space as yet. Its hazards are hostile to us all. Its conquest deserves the best of all mankind, and its opportunity for peaceful cooperation many never come again. But why, some say, the moon? Why choose this as our goal? And they may well ask why climb the highest mountain? Why, 35 years ago, fly the Atlantic? Why does Rice play Texas?We choose to go to the moon. We choose to go to the moon in this decade and do the other things, not because they are easy, but because they are hard, because that goal will serve to organize and measure the best of our energies and skills, because that challenge is one that we are willing to accept, one we are unwilling to postpone, and one which we intend to win, and the others, too.It is for these reasons that I regard the decision last year to shift our efforts in space from low to high gear as among the most important decisions that will be made during my incumbency in the office of the Presidency.In the last 24 hours we have seen facilities now being created for the greatest and most complex exploration in man's history. We have felt the ground shake and the air shattered by the testing of a Saturn C-1 booster rocket, many times as powerful as the Atlas which launched John Glenn, generating power equivalent to 10,000 automobiles with their accelerators on the floor. We have seen the site where five F-1 rocket engines, each one as powerful as all eight engines of the Saturn combined, will be clustered together tomake the advanced Saturn missile, assembled in a new building to be built at Cape Canaveral as tall as a 48 story structure, as wide as a city block, and as long as two lengths of this field.Within these last 19 months at least 45 satellites have circled the earth. Some 40 of them were made in the United States of America and they were far more sophisticated and supplied far more knowledge to the people of the world than those of the Soviet Union.The Mariner spacecraft now on its way to Venus is the most intricate instrument in the history of space science. The accuracy of that shot is comparable to firing a missile from Cape Canaveral and dropping it in this stadium between the 40-yard lines.Transit satellites are helping our ships at sea to steer a safer course. Tiros satellites have given us unprecedented warnings of hurricanes and storms, and will do the same for forest fires and icebergs.We have had our failures, but so have others, even if they do not admit them. And they may be less public.To be sure, we are behind, and will be behind for some time in manned flight. But we do not intend to stay behind, and in this decade, we shall make up and move ahead.The growth of our science and education will be enriched by new knowledge of our universe and environment, by new techniques of learning and mapping and observation, by new tools and computers for industry, medicine, the home as well as the school. Technical institutions, such as Rice, will reap the harvest of these gains.And finally, the space effort itself, while still in its infancy, has already created a great number of new companies, and tens of thousands of new jobs. Space and related industries are generating new demands in investment and skilled personnel, and this city and this state, and this region, will share greatly in this growth. What was once the furthest outpost on the old frontier of the West will be the furthest outpost on the new frontier of science and space. Houston, your city of Houston, with its Manned Spacecraft Center, will become the heart of a large scientific and engineering community. During the next 5 years the National Aeronautics and Space Administration expects to double the number of scientists and engineers in this area, to increase its outlays for salaries and expenses to $60 million a year; to invest some $200 million in plant and laboratory facilities; and to direct or contract for new space efforts over $1 billion from this center in this city.To be sure, all this costs us all a good deal of money. This year's space budget is three times what it was in January 1961, and it is greater than the space budget of the previous eight years combined. That budget now stands at $5,400 million a year--a staggering sum, though somewhat less than we pay for cigarettes and cigars every year. Space expenditures will soon rise some more, from 40 cents per person per week to more than 50 cents a week for every man, woman and child in the United States, for we have given this program a high national priority--even though I realize that this is in some measure an act of faith and vision, for we do not now know what benefits await us. But if I were to say, my fellow citizens, that we shall send to the moon, 240,000 miles away from the control station in Houston, a giant rocket more than 300 feet tall, the length of this football field, made of new metal alloys, some of which have not yet been invented, capable of standing heat and stresses several times more than have ever been experienced, fitted together with a precision better than the finest watch, carrying all the equipment needed for propulsion, guidance, control, communications, food and survival, on an untried mission, to an unknown celestial body, and then return it safely to earth, re-entering the atmosphere at speeds of over 25,000 miles per hour, causing heat about half that of the temperature of the sun--almost as hot as it is here today--and do all this, and do it right, and do it first before this decade is out--then we must be bold.I'm the one who is doing all the work, so we just want you to stay cool for a minute.However, I think we're going to do it, and I think that we must pay what needs to be paid. I don't think we ought to waste any money, but I think we ought to do the job. And this will be done in the decade of the Sixties. It may be done while some of you are still here at school at this college and university. It will be done during the terms of office of some of the people who sit here on this platform. But it will be done. And it will be done before the end of this decade.And I am delighted that this university is playing a part in putting a man on the moon as part of a great national effort of the United States of America.Many years ago the great British explorer George Mallory, who was to die on Mount Everest, was asked why did he want to climb it. He said, "Because it is there."Well, space is there, and we're going to climb it, and the moon and the planets are there, and new hopes for knowledge and peace are there. And, therefore, as we set sail we ask God's blessing on the most hazardous and dangerous and greatest adventure on which man has ever embarked.Thank you.。
高级英语Lesson 2 译文肯尼迪就职演说
就职演说(1961年1月20日)约翰.肯尼迪我们今天举行的不是一个政党的祝捷大会，而是一次自由的庆典。
这是一个承先启后、继往开来的大事件。
因为刚才我已依照我们的先辈在将近一又四分之三个世纪以前拟好的誓言在诸位和全能的上帝面前庄严宣誓。
当今的世界已与往昔大不相同了。
人类手中已掌握的力量，既足以消除一切形式的人类贫困，也足以结束一切形式的人类生活。
然而，我们的先辈曾为之奋斗的革命信念至今仍未能为举世所公认。
这信念就是认定人权出自上帝所赐而非得自政府的恩典。
我们今天仍未敢忘记我们是第一次革命战争的接班人。
此时此地我谨向我们的朋友，同时也向我们的敌人宣告：火炬已传到我们新一代美国人手中。
这一代人在本世纪成长起来，经受过战火的锻炼，经历过冷峻的和平的考验，以珍视古老的传统而自豪，又决不愿坐视或容许人权逐渐遭到践踏。
美国对这些人权一向负有责任，今天我们也正在本国及全世界范围内为之奋斗。
必须让每一个友邦和敌国都知道：为维护自由，使其长存不灭，我们将会不惜付出任何代价，肩负任何重担，迎战一切困难，援助一切朋友，反击一切敌人。
以上这些是我们保证要做到的——但我们保证要做到的还不止这些。
对于那些与我们有着共同的文化和精神渊源的传统盟邦，我们保证将报之以真诚不渝的友谊。
只要我们团结起来，我们在许多合作性事业中就会无往而不胜；而一旦彼此分裂，我们就会无所作为。
因为我们之间若起争端，彼此离异，便难以与我们面临的强大对手抗衡。
对于那些我们欢迎其加入自由国家行列的各新兴国家，浅们发誓，一种形式的殖民统治的结束绝不应仅是为了被另一种远为残酷的暴政所取代。
我们并不期望这些国家总是支持我们的观点，但我们希望他们始终能够坚决地卫护自己的自由，并时刻牢记，过去那些企图骑上虎背为自己壮声势的愚人结果都没能逃脱葬身虎腹的命运。
对于那些居住在遍布半个地球的茅舍荒村中，正奋力冲破集体贫困的桎梏的各民族，我们保证将尽最大努力帮助他们脱贫自救，不管这样做需要多长时间。
肯尼迪英语演讲稿
肯尼迪英语演讲稿Ladies and gentlemen,Thank you for joining me here today. I stand before you not just as an individual, but as a representative of hope, change, and progress. It is an honor to address such a distinguished audience, and I am humbled by the opportunity to share my vision for a new America.Today, I want to talk about the power of unity and the importance of working together towards a common goal. As President of the United States, I believe it is my duty to inspire and mobilize the American people to come together and confront the pressing challenges of our time.In times of uncertainty, it is natural for people to retreat into their own corners, to focus only on their own needs and wants. But true greatness is not achieved through isolation, it is achieved through collaboration and cooperation.We live in a world that is more interconnected than ever before. Our challenges—whether they be economic, environmental, or political—are not limited by national boundaries. They require a global response and a collective effort. The problems we face are not Democratic or Republican, they are human problems, and it is our shared responsibility to find solutions.I believe that America has the power to lead this effort. We are a nation of dreamers and doers, of innovators and pioneers. Throughout history, we have overcome great challenges by daring to dream and by working together to make those dreams a reality.This is the spirit that built our nation, and it is the spirit that will drive us forward.But to truly harness this power, we must first heal the divisions that have plagued us for far too long. We must reject the politics of fear and division, and embrace the politics of hope and unity. We must reach across the aisle, find common ground, and work towards a shared vision for the future.Today, I want to make a pledge to the American people. I pledge to be a President for all Americans, regardless of party affiliation. I pledge to listen to your concerns, to understand your struggles, and to fight for your future. I pledge to put the needs of the American people above all else, and to work tirelessly to build a stronger, fairer, and more inclusive America.But the responsibility does not rest solely on my shoulders. Each and every one of you has a role to play in shaping our future. It is up to us—collectively—to forge a path towards a better tomorrow.I am reminded of the words of President John F. Kennedy, who once said, "Ask not what your country can do for you, ask what you can do for your country." Today, I urge you to ask yourselves what you can do to make a difference. Whether it is by volunteering in your community, by advocating for change, or by simply treating others with kindness and respect, each and every action, no matter how small, has the power to create positive change.Together, we can overcome the challenges that lie ahead. Together,we can build a better future for ourselves, for our children, and for generations to come. Together, we can make the world a better place.I want to thank you all once again for being here today, and foryour commitment to a brighter tomorrow. Let us go forth from this moment inspired by the power of unity, and let us work together to create a future that we can all be proud of.Thank you, and God bless America.继续写相关内容，1500字的篇幅可以进一步探讨以下几个方面：1. 经济发展：作为一个经济强国，美国面临着许多经济问题，包括失业率、收入不平等、工人权益等。
爱德华.肯尼迪《美国的真相与和解》英语演讲稿
爱德华.肯尼迪《美国的真相与和解》英语演讲稿Ladies and gentlemen,As the President of the United States of America, I stand before you today to discuss a topic that is central to the foundation and evolution of our great nation: the truth, and reconciliation.It is no secret that the United States has been marred by a deep and longstanding legacy of injustice and inequality. From the forced enslavement of millions of African Americans to the systematic oppression of minorities and marginalized communities, our country has a history that is built upon the backs of the oppressed.But to truly understand the root of these pervasive social problems, we must first start with the truth. We must acknowledge that the harms inflicted upon these communities were not accidental or incidental, but rather, they were ingrained in the very fabric of our society.To be clear, the truth is not an easy thing to confront. It requires us to face uncomfortable realities and uncomfortable truths about our own complicity in perpetuating injustice. But it is only through this uncomfortable process of recognition and acknowledgement that we can begin to move towards true reconciliation. Reconciliation is not simply about forgiving past wrongs and moving on, but rather, it is about actively working to repair the damage that has been done. It is about creating a new future for our country that is built upon the principles of justice, equality, and respect for all people.To achieve this vision for our nation, it is imperative that we acknowledge and rectify the complicity of our government and our institutions in perpetuating systemic injustices. We must work to create policies and initiatives that actively combat these injustices, and we must hold those in power accountable for their actions.But we cannot rely solely on our government and institutions to enact change. Real change must come from the grassroots level - from the average citizen who is committed to building a more just and equitable society.That is why I implore each and every one of you, today, to take an active role in the cause of truth and reconciliation. Whether it is through supporting local organizations that fight for social justice, engaging in difficult conversations with friends and family members, or simply practicing empathy and understanding towards those who have been historically marginalized, we all have a role to play in creating a better future for our country.In closing, I leave you with the words of Martin Luther King Jr., who said that "Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere." Let us all commit to the cause of truth and reconciliation, so that we may build a better, more just, and more equitable future for all people. Thank you.。
k打头的英文名有哪些
k打头的英文名有哪些k打头的英语单词我们都学过很多了，你是不是想给自己起一个k 打头的英文名呢?下面是店铺为你整理的k打头的英文名，希望大家喜欢!k打头的英文名Keith，基斯，风;树林。
Kelly，凯利，战士。
Ken，肯恩，一位英俊的领导者。
Kennedy，肯尼迪，武士之首，指领导者。
Kenneth，肯尼士，一位英俊的领导者。
Kent，肯特，英俊的领袖;辽阔的国土。
Kerr，科尔，指持矛的黑人。
Kerwin，科尔温，有一只柔和的眼睛的人;朋友Kevin，凯文，圣人;很男性化的;出身很好的。
Kim，金姆，出生皇家堡垒草地上的人。
King，金，统治者。
Kirk，科克，住在教堂旁边的人。
Kyle，凯尔，一狭窄的海峡;英俊潇洒的。
k开头的男生英文名Keith，基斯，风;树林。
Kelly，凯利，战士。
Ken，肯恩，一位英俊的领导者。
Kennedy，肯尼迪，武士之首，指领导者。
Kenneth，肯尼士，一位英俊的领导者。
Kent，肯特，英俊的领袖;辽阔的国土。
Kerr，科尔，指持矛的黑人。
Kerwin，科尔温，有一只柔和的眼睛的人;朋友Kevin，凯文，圣人;很男性化的;出身很好的。
Kim，金姆，出生皇家堡垒草地上的人。
King，金，统治者。
Kirk，科克，住在教堂旁边的人。
Kyle，凯尔，一狭窄的海峡;英俊潇洒的。
以K开头好听带寓意的女生英文名字大全英文名==中文名==寓意Kim==金姆==草地Kitty==克逖==性感的Karen==凯伦==逻辑分析力强的Kate==凯特==自信的Kelly==凯利==女战士Katie==凯蒂==纯洁的Katherine==凯瑟琳==神圣Kristen==克瑞丝顿==追求变化和新的挑战Kathleen==凯瑟琳==纯洁的Kathryn==凯瑟琳==高贵Katrina==卡特丽娜==善解人意的Kristin==柯蕊思汀==基督的追随者Kaya==卡娅==善解人意的Katharine==凯瑟琳==高贵Kirsten==柯尔斯顿==基督的追随者Kristina==柯蕊思蒂娜==基督的追随者Kathy==凯茜==纯洁无暇的Karin==卡云==神圣Katy==卡逖==纯洁无瑕的Kay==持钥匙者==友善甜美的Katerina==凯特丽娜==神圣Kira==基拉==太阳Kit==科特==神圣Kyra==凯拉==有远见Katia==凯蒂娅==神圣Katarina==凯特蕊娜==神圣Kara==卡拉==亲爱的Karma==卡玛==命运Kendra==肯德拉==知识Karis==卡丽丝==优美Keeley==柯蕾==优雅的Kenia==肯妮娅==迷人的女人Kaitlin==凯特琳==神圣的美Kelsey==开尔瑟==勇敢的Keely==基利==美丽的Kala==卡拉==公主Katlyn==卡特琳==神圣Kari==凯立==纯净Kinsey==金赛==王者的胜利Kirstie==柯尔丝蒂==基督的追随者。
肯尼迪总统演讲英语作文
肯尼迪总统演讲英语作文John F. Kennedy, the 35th President of the United States, delivered a famous speech on January 20, 1961,which has since been regarded as one of the greatest speeches in American history. In this speech, Kennedy addressed the challenges and responsibilities faced by the American people and emphasized the importance of unity, freedom, and global cooperation. This essay will provide an analysis and interpretation of Kennedy's speech,highlighting its historical significance and lasting impact.Kennedy's speech, commonly known as the Inaugural Address, was delivered during a time of great uncertainty and tension. The Cold War was at its peak, with the United States and the Soviet Union engaged in a fierce competition for global dominance. Kennedy recognized the need for a united front against the common threats of tyranny, poverty, disease, and war. He believed that the American people had the power to bring about positive change and shape a better future for themselves and the world.The speech began with a powerful and memorable opening line: "Ask not what your country can do for you, ask what you can do for your country." This call to action resonated with the American people, inspiring them to take an active role in the betterment of their nation. Kennedy emphasized the importance of individual and collective responsibility, urging citizens to contribute to the progress of their country and the well-being of their fellow citizens.Kennedy also touched upon the issue of freedom, highlighting its significance in both domestic and international contexts. He expressed his commitment to defending freedom and democracy, stating, "Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty." This statement demonstrated Kennedy's determination to protect the values that the United States held dear, while also signaling his willingness to engage in diplomatic efforts to promote freedom worldwide.Furthermore, Kennedy emphasized the importance of global cooperation, acknowledging that the challenges faced by the United States were not exclusive to its borders. He called upon the international community to join forces in addressing issues such as poverty, disease, and nuclear disarmament. Kennedy stated, "To those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace." This plea for peace and cooperation reflected Kennedy's belief in the power of diplomacy and negotiation to resolve conflicts and build a more stable world.Kennedy's Inaugural Address had a profound impact on the American people and the world at large. His words inspired a sense of unity and purpose among Americans, encouraging them to work together for the greater good. The speech also set the tone for Kennedy's presidency, as he went on to implement policies that reflected the ideals and aspirations expressed in his address.In conclusion, John F. Kennedy's Inaugural Address remains a powerful and influential speech in Americanhistory. Its message of unity, freedom, and global cooperation continues to resonate with people around the world. Kennedy's call to action and his commitment to defending freedom and promoting peace serve as a reminder of the enduring values that underpin the United States and its role in the international community.。
约翰·肯尼迪就职演说 -英语演讲稿
To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support -- to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.
We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning -- signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.
Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty.
肯尼迪总统遇害英语作文
肯尼迪总统遇害英语作文Title: The Assassination of President Kennedy。
On November 22, 1963, the United States of America was plunged into shock and grief as news spread of the assassination of President John F. Kennedy. This tragic event not only marked the untimely end of a promising presidency but also left an indelible mark on American history. The circumstances surrounding President Kennedy's assassination continue to be the subject of debate and speculation, but the impact of his death reverberates to this day.President Kennedy, a charismatic and dynamic leader, had captured the imagination of the American people with his vision of a New Frontier. His youthful energy and inspiring rhetoric had inspired a sense of optimism and hope for the future. However, his presidency was cut short by a fateful visit to Dallas, Texas, where he was assassinated while riding in a motorcade through DealeyPlaza.The assassination of President Kennedy sent shockwaves across the nation and around the world. In the immediate aftermath of the shooting, confusion and chaos reigned as the nation struggled to come to terms with the loss of its leader. Vice President Lyndon B. Johnson was sworn in as president aboard Air Force One, marking a seamless transition of power in the midst of crisis.As the nation mourned the loss of President Kennedy, investigations were launched to uncover the truth behind the assassination. The Warren Commission, established to investigate the circumstances surrounding the shooting, concluded that Lee Harvey Oswald, acting alone, was responsible for the assassination. However, doubts and conspiracy theories have persisted over the years, fueling speculation about the true nature of the events that transpired that day in Dallas.The assassination of President Kennedy had far-reaching consequences, both domestically and internationally. In theUnited States, it shattered the sense of innocence and invincibility that had characterized the post-war era. The nation was forced to confront the harsh realities of political violence and the fragility of democracy. Internationally, the assassination raised questions about America's role in the world and its ability to lead effectively in the midst of crisis.In the years that followed, President Kennedy's legacy lived on in the hearts and minds of the American people. His vision of a more just and prosperous society inspired subsequent generations of leaders to pursue bold and ambitious goals. While his presidency was tragically cut short, President Kennedy's ideals continue to resonate with people around the world who strive for a better future.In conclusion, the assassination of President John F. Kennedy remains one of the most tragic and defining moments in American history. While the exact circumstances of his death may never be fully understood, the impact of his loss continues to be felt to this day. President Kennedy'slegacy lives on in the enduring pursuit of peace, justice, and progress for all.。
约翰·肯尼迪《我们选择登月》英语演讲稿
约翰·肯尼迪《我们选择登月》英语演讲稿Ladies and gentlemen,Today, I stand before you to discuss an extraordinary and monumental task that lies ahead of us as a nation. It is a task that only a decade ago was unimaginable to many, but now, it is within our reach. I am here to talk about our mission to land a man on the moon.This mission is not just about the scientific and technological achievements it will bring. It goes beyond that. It represents the indomitable spirit of the American people, our passion for exploration, and our determination to push the boundaries of human capabilities. It is an endeavor that will unite our nation, inspire future generations, and create a legacy that will stand the test of time.But let us not forget the reasons behind our decision to pursue this mission. We do not seek to reach the moon merely for the sake of reaching it. Our goal is to prove to ourselves and the world that we are capable of greatness. We are a nation built on the foundations of freedom, innovation, and progress. This mission will be a testament to our values and our commitment to pushing the limits of human achievement.In embarking on this journey, we also recognize the challenges that lie ahead. The road to the moon will be arduous and demanding. We will face countless obstacles and setbacks along the way. But as a nation, it is in our nature to overcome adversity and strive for greatness. We have done it before, and we will do it again.To achieve this monumental task, it will require the collective efforts of scientists, engineers, and countless others who will dedicate themselves wholeheartedly to this mission. It will require the support and collaboration of industries, government agencies, and the American people. We must all come together, united in purpose and unwavering in our determination.I am confident that we have the skills, the knowledge, and the drive to succeed. We have already made significant progress in our space exploration efforts. The Mercury and Gemini programs have laid the groundwork for this ambitious endeavor. We have the Mercury astronauts who have shown us what it means to be fearless in the face of the unknown. They have paved the way for future generations of explorers.In closing, let me remind you of the words of Robert Kennedy, who said, \。
肯尼迪英语演讲稿
肯尼迪英语演讲稿Ladies and gentlemen,Today, I stand before you to speak about a great leader, John F. Kennedy, who once said, "Ask not what your country can do for you, ask what you can do for your country." These words embody the spirit and courage of a man who led the United States during a time of great challenge and change. With his charisma and vision, Kennedy inspired a nation and left an indelible mark on history.Kennedy's presidential campaign in 1960 was marked by his youthful energy and his call for a new generation of Americans to take part in the political process. He addressed the nation in his inaugural speech on January 20, 1961, delivering one of the most famous lines in American history. He said, "And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you - ask what you can do for your country."These words captured the essence of Kennedy's leadership style –one that emphasized citizen participation and service. Kennedy believed that the strength of a nation lies in the hands of its people, and he sought to inspire individuals to make a difference in their communities and in the world. He believed in the power of volunteerism and urged his fellow Americans to take an active role in shaping the future of their country.Kennedy's passion for public service and his commitment to social progress were evident in his policies and initiatives. He championed civil rights and worked to dismantle segregation and discrimination in all forms. He established the Peace Corps, anorganization that provides young Americans with the opportunity to serve in developing countries and promote peace and understanding. Through initiatives like the Alliance for Progress, Kennedy sought to foster economic development and improve the living conditions of people in Latin America.Furthermore, Kennedy's leadership extended beyond domestic issues. During the height of the Cold War, he faced the Cuban Missile Crisis, a tense standoff between the United States and the Soviet Union that brought the world to the brink of nuclear war. Kennedy's calm and steady approach to the crisis averted catastrophe and showcased his ability to navigate complex international challenges.Kennedy's legacy as a leader lives on in the hearts and minds of Americans and people around the world. He inspired a generation to dream big and aim high. His commitment to public service and his belief in the power of individuals to effect change continue to resonate with people today.In conclusion, John F. Kennedy was a man of vision and courage, who believed in the power of the people to shape their own destiny. Through his words and actions, he inspired a nation and left a lasting impact on the world. As we reflect on his legacy, let us remember his call to action: "Ask not what your country can do for you – ask what you can do for your country." Let us strive to live up to these words and honor his memory by working together to build a better and brighter future for all.John F. Kennedy's presidency was marked by an atmosphere of optimism and hope. He promised a new era of progress and change, and his presidencywas indeed characterized by significant achievements in various areas. One of the most notable accomplishments of his administration was the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which prohibited discrimination based on race, color, religion, sex, or national origin. This landmark legislation was a major step forward in the fight against racial segregation and paved the way for greater equality and justice in America.Kennedy also made significant strides in the field of space exploration. He set a goal of landing a man on the moon before the end of the 1960s and committed the necessary resources and funding to make it happen. This ambitious project culminated in the historic Apollo 11 mission in 1969, when astronauts Neil Armstrong and Buzz Aldrin became the first humans to set foot on the moon. Kennedy's vision and determination pushed the boundaries of human achievement and captured the imagination of people around the world.In addition to his domestic achievements, Kennedy was also highly regarded for his foreign policy initiatives. He established the Peace Corps, which sent American volunteers to developing countries to assist with various projects, such as education, healthcare, and agriculture. This initiative was aimed at promoting goodwill and understanding between nations, as well as fostering economic and social development in struggling regions.Kennedy also faced significant challenges on the international stage, particularly during the Cold War. Perhaps the most crucial test of his leadership came during the Cuban Missile Crisis in 1962. The discovery of Soviet nuclear missiles in Cuba brought theUnited States and the Soviet Union to the brink of a nuclear war. Kennedy handled the crisis with composure and resolved the situation through a blockade of Cuba, negotiation, and diplomatic efforts. His ability to navigate this dangerous confrontation without escalating it into a full-scale war is widely regarded as one of his greatest accomplishments.Kennedy's foreign policy approach was marked by a combination of pragmatism and idealism. He believed in the importance of American leadership and influence on the global stage, while also advocating for the principles of democracy and human rights. He famously declared, "Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty."Tragically, Kennedy's presidency was cut short by his assassination in 1963. His untimely death stunned the nation and left a void in leadership. However, his legacy and impact endure to this day. Kennedy's charisma, inspiration, and visionary leadership continue to inspire future generations of leaders and citizens. His call to be active participants in shaping our world and making a difference remains an important reminder of our duties and responsibilities as citizens.Furthermore, Kennedy's presidency and legacy also shed light on the enduring power of leadership. His ability to inspire and unite people brought forth a renewed sense of national purpose and mobilized the country towards achieving common goals. Kennedy's leadership style was characterized by his ability tocommunicate effectively, set ambitious goals, and foster a spirit of collaboration and collective action. He knew how to inspire and connect with people, and his speeches and rhetoric still resonate today.John F. Kennedy was not a perfect leader, and his presidency faced its fair share of challenges and controversies. However, his enduring legacy lies in his ability to inspire and mobilize individuals to come together for a greater cause. He believed in the power of the people to effect change and left behind a legacy that reminds us of our collective responsibility to work towards a better future. As we look back on his presidency, let us remember the words he spoke and the spirit he embodied – the call to ask not what our country can do for us, but what we can do for our country.。
初中英语名人演讲稿爱德华.肯尼迪—美国的真相与和解素材(最新整理)
爱德华。
肯尼迪—美国的真相与和解Edward M. Kennedy: Truth and Tolerance in AmericaThank you very much Professor Kombay for that generous introduction. And let me say, that I never expected to hear such kind words from Dr。
Falwell. So in return， I have an invitation of my own。
On January 20th， 1985, I hope Dr. Falwell will say a prayer at the inauguration of the next Democratic President of the United States. Now， Dr. Falwell，I’m not exactly sure how you feel about that. You might not appreciate the President， but the Democrats certainly would appreciate the prayer。
Actually, a number of people in Washington were surprised that I was invited to speak here —- and even more surprised when I accepted the invitation. They seem to think that it’s easier for a camel to pass th rough the eye of the needle than for a Kennedy to come to the campus of Liberty Baptist College。
高级英语-关于肯尼迪演讲的评论
高级英语-关于肯尼迪演讲的评论January 19, 201150 Years Later: JFK's Inaugural AddressTomorrow, Jan. 20, will mark the 50th anniversary of President John F. Kennedy‘s inaugural address. Its timeless, oft-quoted lines make it remembered to this day as one of the most powerful and influential speeches of any U.S. president, or any figure, of the 20th century.Kennedy‘s speech focused on the challenges the country faced at the time – and some it continues to face today. Some words were provocative: ―Let every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house‖; while some were conciliatory: ―Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.‖ There were also Biblical allusions, with Kennedy offering an olive branch to the nation‘s adversaries: ―Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah—to ?undo the heavy burdens ... and to let the oppressed go free.‘‖In sweeping terms, he asked the American people to make the nation‘s challenges their own. He discussed world poverty, the scourge of Communism, nuclear deterrence as well as arms control, the need for international cooperation as well as national self-determination, and how freedom is a universal human desire and right.As one of a series of reflections offered to Columbia magazine, Archbishop Charles J. Chaput of Denver aptly summed up the speech‘s lasting influence:After so many years and so much history, John F. Kennedy's1961 inaugural address can be hard to read. It's too pure, too strong in its simplicity, and too moving — especially for those of us who actually heard it delivered as young adults and believed in its promise. Kennedy gave one of the great speeches of American public rhetoric — maybe the greatest since Lincoln's Gettysburg Address. His words, at the same time forceful and elegant, distilled the best of the American spirit — and Kennedy clearly embodied those words.Then there‘s the recollection of Ray Flynn, a former member of the Massachusetts House of Representatives, mayor of Boston and ambassador to the Holy See. Flynn, who is also a Knight of Columbus remembers his impression of Kennedy‘s address, which he experienced as a student at Providence College.―During that historic evening, we listened to President Kennedy's moving and eloquent address on television. He challenged and inspired us to give, not just take —to ask ourselves what we can do for our country and for the cause of freedom,‖ Flynn said. ―These were among the most important words of advice that my generation ever heard.‖You can read the rest of the reflections on Kennedy‘s words from the December issue of Columbia.To commemorate the historic anniversary of the first Catholic president of the United States, the Knights of Columbus has just announced the results of a survey conducted with the Marist Institute to discover how Kennedy‘s words and message still resonate with the Americanpeople.The poll captures a cross-section of sentiments from across the generations, from the Millennials (aged 18 to 29), Generation X, the Baby Boomer Generation, and the Greatest Generation.During a time when political disagreements seem to occupy the lion‘s share of media attention, it is helpful to reconsider the stated ideals of a leader who seemed to embody a patriotic consensus in a period of profound national trial.Across all age groups polled, and even among those who are decades removed from the historic speech in 1961, Kennedy‘s words continue to hold profound meaning. It should come as no surprise that approximately three-quarters of Americans considered Kennedy‘s call to ―ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country‖ as highly important.The survey also finds that Americans rate highly the president's affirmation that ―the rights of man come not from the generosity of th e state, but from the hand of God.‖It is interesting to note that strong majorities in all age brackets would rate Kennedy as one of the country‘s best presidents. Among Millennials, 82 percent consider him in the top echelon.Kennedy, like all great leaders, was far from perfect, and also struggled with his own personal demons. The Knights of Columbus-Marist poll confirms, however, that today, as in January of 1961, his historic address has lasting meaning and continues to exemplify the very best of what it means to be an American.- Paul Ciarcia。