2010年上外高翻会议口译笔试题目

2010年上外高翻会议口译笔试题目2010年上外高翻会议口译系笔试试题：汉译英海地大地震发生已经半个月，大规模的搜救工作告一段落。

海地地震救灾和灾后重建国际会议的召开，下一步国际社会工作重点将转向灾后重建。

与其它国家和地区遭受的自然灾害相比，海地大地震具有两个方面的特殊性：一是地震破坏性大、受灾面广。

大地震不仅造成20余万人死亡，受灾民众达到全国三分之一，而且整个国家几乎处于瘫痪状态；二是海地自身基础薄、承受力弱。

海地是西半球最贫穷国家之一，长期以来依靠国际援助为生，国内稳定长期依靠联合国维持。

因此灾后重建艰巨，面临三方面难题。

此次海地地震为7级，截至1月25日已造成20余万人死亡，是中国汶川地震死亡人数的两倍多，每百人就有三人死亡，这还不包括目前无法统计的大量受伤者。

海地独立二百多年来，经历了32次政变。

1990年海地产生了首届民选政府，但并没有结束国内政治社会动荡局面，2004年再度发生军事政变。

由于海地政府十分脆弱，国内冲突不断，不得不从1993年开始就依靠联合国部队来维持稳定。

此次地震导致海地政府一度陷入瘫痪，出现权力真空，社会秩序混乱。

海地总统被迫邀请美国派军帮助维持社会治安。

因此，震后需重建的不仅是经济体系，还有整个政治架构和社会秩序。

再造一个新海地需要大量资金，资金从哪里来？海地是西半球最贫穷的国家之一，75％的人生活在赤贫状态下，失业率高达7成半，成人文盲率达47％。

因此，灾后重建最突出的就是资金问题。

多米尼加共和国总统费尔南德斯在为海地救援和重建的多国峰会上表示，海地重建每年需要20亿美元，最少要5年才能完成，意味着需要的资金将高达100亿美元。

而目前为止，国际社会承诺的援助资金不到5亿美元。

灾后重建一个无法回避的话题就是谁来主导？按常理来说，海地灾后重建自然由海地政府来主导，但海地长期处于赤贫状态，政治上动荡不定，国家几乎陷入全面瘫痪，海地政府有心无力。

海地长期被美国看作是自家的后院，在地震发生后，奥巴马不仅在第一时间承诺将捐助1亿美元，还派出两位前总统克林顿和布什前往海地了解情况。

美国在海地地震后所表现出来的慷慨和积极是在之前任何一次灾难或危机中所没有看到过的。

很显然，美国希望通过领衔海地救灾达到主导海地灾后重建的目的。

但美国的举动遭到了不少国家的质疑。

联合国长期派驻维和部队协助海地维持秩序，而维和部队的主要力量是南美最大国家巴西。

因此，巴西对美国企图利用地震，乘机加大对海地的控制表示不满。

巴西政府公开宣称不会放弃联合国驻海地部队的指挥权。

海地历史上曾经是法国的殖民地。

法国从1697年至1804年统治海地，现在不甘心美国一手主导海地地重建。

因此，法国媒体对美国力图主导灾后救援进行毫不留情的批评，法国外交国务秘书抨击说：“现在是在救助海地，而不是在占领海地。

”委内瑞拉总统查韦斯和尼加拉瓜总统奥尔特加也对美国的动机表示怀疑，称“有人正在利用一场悲剧来让美国军队驻扎在海地”。

因此，海地重建虽然是个经济问题，但摆脱不了政治因素。

各国应该在联合国等国际组织统一领导和协调下，帮助海地搞好灾后重建和发展规划，而不应以“救援外交”为名，争夺灾后重建主导权，借机扩大政治影响力2010年上外高翻会议口译系笔试试题：英译汉It was supposed to be the moment Europe grew muscles. Last fall, after a decade of work to simplify policymaking and make the European Union more efficient at home and stronger abroad, the last few holdouts signed a 1,000-page document known as the Lisbon Treaty. In November, the E.U.'s first real President and Foreign Minister were chosen. Europhiles dusted off their familiar dream: of a newly emboldened world power stepping up to calm trouble spots, using aid and persuasion where it could, but prepared to send in troops when it had to. Brussels would lead the fight against climate change. And Europe's economies would prove to the ruthless free markets of North America and Asia that the social market still offers the best way out of an economic crunch.The dream didn't last a month. At the climate change conference in Copenhagen in December, it was China and the U.S. who haggled over a final deal, while Europe sat on the sidelines. Instead of a foreign policy triumph, 2010 began with an unseemly squabble over whether or not to bail out Greece, whose debt has dragged down Europe's currency. At the same time, U.S. President Barack Obama announced he would be skipping an E.U.-U.S. confab in Spain in May, frustrated, it appeared, with the endless summitry that goes with accommodating the E.U. Little wonder that Europe finds itself in one of its periodic bouts of angst-ridden self-doubt. And little wonder that the rest of the world is asking questions: What does Europe stand for? Where does it fit into a world that seems set to be dominated by China and the U.S.? Would anyone notice if it disappeared?Let's get one thing straight: Europe is a remarkably good place to live. Many of the E.U.'s member states are among the richest in the world. Workers in Europe usually enjoy long vacations, generous maternity leave and comfortable pension schemes. Universal health insurance is seen as part of the basic social contract. Europe is politically stable, the most generous donor of development aid in the world. Sure, taxes can be high, but most Europeans seem happy to paymore to the state in return for a higher — and guaranteed — quality of life. "The E.U. offers an attractive social, economic and political model," Charles Grant, director of the London-based think tank Centre for European Reform, argued last year. "It is more stable, safe, green and culturally diverse than most parts of the world, which is why neighbors want to join and many migrants aim for Europe."But the good life at home doesn't make Europe strong abroad. The E.U. may have all the soft-power credentials in the world, but on the grand stage it has lacked the weight and influence of others. At times, it simply seems unable to say what it thinks. Washington and Beijing may squabble from time to time, but the U.S. has a reasonably well-articulated China policy: engage economically, encourage democratically, and criticize on human rights when appropriate. What's the E.U.'s China policy in a few words?The E.U. underwhelms on other big issues. "When it comes to pressing international problems like Afghanistan, Pakistan or North Korea, the E.U. is either largely invisible or absent," wrote Grant in his essay, provocatively titled "Is Europe Doomed to Fail as a Power?" Lucio Caracciolo, editor of Limes, one of Italy's leading foreign policy magazines, says the problem is a Cold War hangover. The post-World War II period was a golden age for Western Europe, a time of reconstruction under the U.S. security umbrella, he argues. When it ended, Europe went into shock. "We're in denial," Caracciolo says. "We see that the Americans are not interested —to put it mildly — in our interests, and we put our head in the sand." Europe "happily decides," Caracciolo says, that Afghanistan, Iran, are American affairs. "Any major crisis is something that is analyzed abroad. We are not up to the responsibilities of the time."The Lisbon Treaty, establishing the new offices of the President of the European Council and the High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, was supposed to change all that. In practice, however, the new E.U. will be run by a complex mechanism with four axes: the President and Foreign Minister; the country holding the rotating presidency; the President of the European Commission and national heads of state and government. The new setup looks like a parody of all that is wrong with the E.U., bureaucratic and complicated, built on least-bad options and seemingly designed to encourage turf wars rather than action.2010年上外高翻会议口译系笔试试题：完形填空(从中挖点某些词，要求补充完整）How Safe Are Your Dollars?Chinese officials and private investors around the world have been worrying aloud about whether their dollar investments are safe. Since the Chinese government holds a large part of its $2 trillion of foreign exchange in dollars, they have good reason to focus on the future value of the greenback. And investors with smaller dollar holdings, who can shift to other currencies much more easily than the Chinese, are right to ask themselves whether they should be diversifying into non-dollar assets – or even shunning the dollar completely.The fear about the dolla r’s future is driven by several different but related concerns. Will the value of the dollar continue its long-term downward trend relative to other currencies? Will the enormous rise of United States government debt that is projected for the coming decade and beyond lead to inflation or even to default? Will the explosive growth of commercial banks’ excess reserves cause rapid inflation as the economy recovers?But, while there is much to worry about, the bottom line is that these fears are exaggerated. L et’s start with the most likely of the negative developments: a falling exchange rate relative to other currencies. Even after the dollar’s recent rally relative to the euro, the trade-weighted value of the dollar is now 15% lower against a broad basket of major currencies than it was a decade ago, and 30% lower than it was 25 years ago.Although occasional bouts of nervousness in global financial markets cause the dollar to rise, I expect that the dollar will continue to fall relative to the euro, the Japanese yen, and even the Chinese yuan. That decline in the dollar exchange rate is necessary to shrink the very large trade deficit that the US has with the rest of the world.Consider what a decline of the dollar relative to the yuan would mean for the Chinese. If the Chinese now hold $1 trillion in their official portfolios, a 10% rise in the yuan-dollar exchange rate would lower the yuan value of those holdings by 10%. That is a big accounting loss, but it doesn’t change the value of the American goods o r property investments in the US that the Chinese could buy with their trillion dollars.The Chinese (or Saudis or Indians or others outside the euro zone) should, of course, be concerned about the dollar’s decline relative to the euro. After all, when th at decline resumes, their dollar holdings will buy less in European markets. While it is hard to say how much the decline might be, it would not be surprising to see a fall of 20% over the next several years from the current level of about 1.4 dollars per euro.But the big risk to any investor is the possibility that inflation will virtually annihilate a currency’s value. That happened in a number of countries in the 1970’s and 1980’s. In Mexico, for example, it took 150 pesos in 1990 to buy what one peso could buy in 1980.That is not going to happen in the US. Large budget deficits have led to high inflation in countries that are forced to create money to finance those deficits because they cannot sell longer-term government bonds. That is not a risk for the US. The rate of inflation actually fell in the US during the early 1980’s, when the US last experienced large fiscal deficits.Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke and his colleagues are determined to keep inflation low as the economy recovers. The Fed has explained that it will sell the large volume of mortgage securities that it now holds on its balance sheet, absorbing liquidity in the process. It will also use its new authority to pay interest on the reserves held by commercial banks at the Fed in order to prevent excessive lending. This is, of course, a formidable task that may have to be accomplishedat a time when Congress opposes monetary tightening.Looking forward, investors can protect themselves against inflation in the US by buying Treasury Inflation-Protected Securities (TIPS), which index interest and principal payments to offset the rise in the consumer price level. The current small difference between the real interest rate on such bonds (2.1% for 30-year bonds) and the nominal interest rate on conventional 30-year Treasury bonds (now 4.6%) implies that the market expects only about 2.5% inflation over the next three decades.So the good news is that dollar investments are safe. But safe doesn’t mean the investment with the highest safe return. If the dollar is likely to fall against the euro over the next several years, investments in euro-denominated bonds issued by the German or French governments may provide higher safe returns. Even if the dollar is perfectly safe, investors are well advised to diversify their portfolios.。