Empirical Analysis on Urbanization Patterns in Zhejiang Province Based on Spatial Economy and GI

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何立新,女,获日本一桥大学经济学硕士学位,2006 ..doc

基本情况何立新，女， 1988年四川大学本科毕业，2000年日本一桥大学硕士研究生毕业，2006年日本一桥大学博士研究生毕业，获经济学博士学位。

攻读博士学位期间曾在日本一桥大学经济研究所，日本亚洲开发银行研究所以及日本国立社会保障和人口问题研究所从事研究助理工作，2006年10月至2008年10月为日本学术振兴会外国人特聘研究员，一桥大学经济学院博士后研究员。

2009年1月至今为复旦大学经济学院公共经济学系副教授、公共经济学系副主任(2009年9月-2011年11月)、复旦大学中国社会主义市场经济研究中心兼职研究员、复旦大学公共经济研究中心副主任。

主要研究成果专著：《中国的公共年金制度改革----转型期的实证分析与制度分析》（日文），日本东京大学出版会，2008年10月。

主要发表论文He Lixin and Hiroshi Sato, “Income Redistribution in Urban China by Social Security System：- An Empirical Analysis Based on Annual and Lifetime Income –.”Contemporary Economic Policy, Vol. 31, No. 2, April 2013, 314–331,Online Early publication December 28, 2011.He Lixin, “The distributional effects of public pension reform in urbanChina.” in Frontiers of Economics in China – Selected Publications from ChineseUniversities, Higher Education Press and Springer-V erlag , 2008.Jin Feng , Lixin He and Hiroshi Sato, “Public Pension and Household Saving: Evidence from Urban China.” Journal of Comparative Economics, 2011.12,No.39, 470-485.Jin Feng , Lixin He, “ Reforming China’ Public Pension System—A Perspective of Aging, Urbanization and Globalization.”in A New Economic Growth Engine for China - Escaping the Middle-income Trap by Not Doing More of the Same, Edited by: Wing Thye Woo, Ming Lu, Jeffrey D Sachs, Zhao Chen (eds.), 2012.10,World Scientific Press.何立新，潘春阳，“破解中国的“Easterlin悖论”：收入差距、机会不均与居民幸福感”，《管理世界》2011年第8期;（获上海市第十一届哲学社会科学优秀成果一等奖、上海市社会科学界第八届(2010)学术年会优秀论文奖.）何立新、梁琳，关于中国社会保障的收入分配效应的经验研究，《世界经济情况》，2011 年9月，何立新，如何缩小收入分配差距《-瞭望东方周刊》，2012年第01期何立新，封进，佐藤宏，“养老保险改革对家庭储蓄率的影响：中国的经验证据”，《经济研究》2008年第10期（该文被中国人民大学书报资料中心复印报刊资料《社会保障制度》2009年第2期全文转载，香港中文大学文库2009年7月全文收录）何立新，佐藤宏，“不同视角下的中国城镇社会保障制度与收入再分配”《世界经济文汇》 2008年第5期何立新，“经济体制转型与城镇养老保险制度改革”，《货币金融评论》2008年第1期。

The Impact of Urbanization on the Environment

The Impact of Urbanization on theEnvironmentUrbanization refers to the process of population concentration in cities and towns, leading to the expansion of urban areas. This phenomenon has become increasingly prevalent in recent years, with more and more people moving fromrural areas to urban centers in search of better opportunities and a higher standard of living. While urbanization has undoubtedly brought about economic growth and development, it has also had a significant impact on the environment. This essay will explore the various ways in which urbanization has affected the environment, taking into account both the positive and negative aspects of this process. One of the most significant environmental impacts of urbanization is the loss of natural habitats and biodiversity. As cities expand and develop, theyoften encroach upon previously untouched areas, leading to the destruction of forests, wetlands, and other ecosystems. This loss of habitat can have devastating consequences for wildlife, pushing many species to the brink of extinction. In addition, urbanization can also disrupt natural migration patterns and food chains, further endangering the delicate balance of ecosystems. Furthermore, urbanization is often accompanied by increased pollution levels, as a result of industrial activities, transportation, and waste disposal. The concentration of people and resources in urban areas leads to higher levels of air and water pollution, which can have serious health consequences for both humans and wildlife. Air pollution,in particular, has been linked to respiratory diseases, cardiovascular problems, and even premature death. Water pollution, on the other hand, can contaminate drinking water sources and harm aquatic ecosystems, leading to a decline in water quality and biodiversity. Another environmental impact of urbanization is the depletion of natural resources. As cities grow and expand, they require more and more resources to sustain their populations, leading to increased extraction of minerals, fossil fuels, and water. This overexploitation of natural resources can have long-term consequences, depleting finite reserves and causing irreversible damage to ecosystems. In addition, the production and consumption patterns associated with urbanization often lead to high levels of waste generation,further straining the environment and contributing to pollution and resource depletion. On a more positive note, urbanization can also have some beneficial effects on the environment. For example, the concentration of people in cities can lead to more efficient land use, as urban areas are typically more compact and densely populated than rural areas. This can help to preserve natural habitats and reduce urban sprawl, minimizing the impact of development on ecosystems. In addition, the density of urban areas can promote the use of public transportation and non-motorized modes of transport, reducing greenhouse gas emissions and alleviating traffic congestion. Moreover, urbanization can also provide opportunities for sustainable development and environmental conservation. Many cities around the world are implementing green initiatives and sustainable practices to minimize their environmental footprint and promote a more eco-friendly way of life. This includes measures such as green building design, renewable energy sources, waste reduction and recycling programs, and green spaces and parks. By incorporating these practices into urban planning and development, cities can mitigate the negative impacts of urbanization on the environment and create more livable and sustainable urban environments for future generations. In conclusion, urbanization has both positive and negative impacts on the environment, depending on how it is managed and implemented. While urbanization can lead to habitat destruction, pollution, and resource depletion, it can also promoteefficient land use, sustainable development, and environmental conservation. It is essential for policymakers, urban planners, and residents to work together to address the environmental challenges associated with urbanization and strive towards creating more sustainable and resilient cities that prioritize the well-being of both people and the planet.。

基于大数据对城市高活力街道的识别研究——以海口市海甸岛为例

Key words POI data; LBS data; street vitality; space carrier; Haidian Island1引言随着我国城市进入高速发展阶段，城市化建设由增量扩张向存量提质的方向转变，如今城市建设的重要任务就是设计盘活和优化现有城市街道空间的活力。

并且，盘活街道空间活力对城市经济建设和民生发展具有重要作用。

目前，国内外关于城市街道活力的研究以定性评价为主，定量研究相对较少[1]。

通过大量查阅并在CNKI 检索2010—2020年的相关论文，发现在城市街道空间活力量化研究方面发展缓慢。

无论是为了满足当今时代需求，还是为了完善当前的城市管理方法，都需要寻找新的设计指导方法。

这种方法必然不能是以往从主观感受出发的定性研究，也不能是定性与量相结合的折中方案，而是需要科学的、精确的、量化的定量化分析。

为此，本文以海口市主城区海甸岛普通生活型街道为样本，基于大数据构建数据库，应用熵权TOPSIS 法对街道空间活力进行量化评价分析，从“城市科学+风景园林学”的传统研究模式转变为“人类生态学+城市科学+数学+信息科学+其他学科”的理论主导研究，实现了城市街道活力中要素能效研究深度的学科交叉性和融合性。

2理论研究2.1街道活力产生机制对于街道活力的概念，简•雅各布斯（Jacobs Jane）的多样性理论和扬•盖尔（Jan Gehl）慢行理论 [2]摘要随着城市的不断发展，城市街道空间设计逐渐成为城市建设的重要组成部分，本文以海口市海甸岛为例，从丰富度、密度、可达性三个方面研究城市街道活力。

本研究基于POI、LBS 数据，运用shannon-wiener 指数、熵权TOPSIS 分析方法，对海口市中心城区的城市街道空间载体和街道活力进行量化排序实证研究。

结果表明，海口市海甸岛的高活力街道多为生活型街道，排名前五的为三西路（0.086 7）、海岸路（0.082 2）、二东路（0.078 5）、三东路（0.069 4）、五西路（0.0617）。

Empirical Analysis on Financial DevelopmentUrbanizationand Urban and Rural Resident Income

Empirical Analysis on Financial Development ，Urbanization ，and Urban and Ｒural Ｒesident Income in Jiangsu ProvinceYiqiu WANG 1，2*，Lei LIU 11．College of Finance ，Nanjing Agricultural University ，Nanjing 210095，China ；2．Jiangsu Ｒesearch Center for Ｒural Financial Development ，Nanjing 210095，ChinaAbstract On the basis of the time series data of Jiangsu Province in 1990－2013，this paper made an empirical analysis on the dynamic rela-tion between financial development ，urbanization ，and urban and rural resident income ，and income gap．Studies have shown that expansion offinancial development scale and increase in financial development efficiency can promote increase in urban and rural resident income．Howev-er ，due to existence of rural financial repression problem ，the increase in financial efficiency widens the urban and rural income gap ；the ur-banization level of Jiangsu Province remains stable stage ；the increase in urbanization level practically raises urban and rural resident incomelevel．Since the traditional extensive growth mode of urbanization lacks concern for balanced urban and rural development ，urbanization devel-opment widens the urban and rural income gap．In view of these ，it came up with policy recommendations including deepening financial re-form ，expanding the scale of rural financial institutions ，increasing rural financial efficiency ，and attaching great importance to the quality of urbanization development．Key words Financial development ，Urbanization ，Ｒesident income ，Income gapＲeceived ：June 15，2016Accepted ：August 10，2016Supported by Project of National Natural Science Foundation （71373126）；Hu-manity and Social Science Project of Fundamental Ｒesearch Funds for the Cen-tral Universities in Nanjing Agricultural University （SKJD2014001）．*Corresponding author．E-mail ：wangyiqiu@njau．edu．cn1IntroductionWith acceleration of the modernization process ，urban and rural resident income of Jiangsu Province constantly increases．The per capita disposable income of urban residents grew from 1464yuan in 1990to 32538yuan in 2013．Excluding the price factor ，the average annual growth rate reached 9．12%．In comparison ，the per capita net income of rural residents grew from 884yuan to 13598yuan ，and the average annual growth rate was 7．88%．However ，due to implementation of urban-biased policies for a long time ，the urban and rural income gap is gradually widening．In Jiangsu Province ，the ratio of urban and rural resident income rose from 1．66：1in 1990to 2．39：1in 2013．How to constantly increase urban and rural resident income and narrow their income gap has become a top concern of the government of Jiangsu Prov-ince．According to Opinions of Jiangsu Provincial Party committee and People's Government about the Plan of Doubling Ｒesident In-come ，it set forth requirement of doubling actual income of resi-dents in the whole province by 2017．In fact ，however ，estimated at the average annual growth rate of residents in 2010－2013，there is still a long way to reach such goal．In other words ，it is difficult to realize income doubling of the urban and rural residents in Jiangsu Province．For the issue of urban and rural resident in-come ，both foreign and domestic scholars have made extensive studies ，and have found that the urban and rural resident income gap is mainly influenced by heavy industry priority development strategy ，urban and rural separated administration system ，urbani-zation ，household registration system ，and financial develop-ment ［1－3］．At present ，the urbanization rate of Jiangsu Province is up to 64．1%，and it has entered an important stage of raisingquality ，optimization structure ，and making improvement．All sta-ges of urbanization development are dependent on financial sup-port ，especially at the later stage of urbanization development ，both infrastructure improvement and environmental control gener-ate financial demands．In recent years ，the overall strength of fi-nancial industry in Jiangsu Province is gradually growing ，and the financial system with banks ，securities and insurance as main parts is gradually improving ，and financial market scale is con-stantly expanding．Nevertheless ，due to implementation of urban-biased policies for a long time ，rural financial efficiency remainsat a relatively low level ，so the financial development may restrict increase of rural resident income．On the basis of this ，using thetime series data of Jiangsu Province in 1990－2013，we made em-pirical analysis on the relationship between financial development ，urbanization and urban and rural resident income and the income gap in Jiangsu Province ，to provide theoretical support and empiri-cal basis for promoting urban and rural resident income growth and narrowing the income gap in the process of urbanization and finan-cial development of Jiangsu Province．2Theoretical analysis and literature reviewFinancial development interacts with urbanization．Financial de-velopment can satisfy financial demands in the process of urbaniza-tion ，to promote urbanization process ，while urbanization provides opportunity for financial development．However ，excessive atten-tion to urban development but belittling rural development willlead to unbalance in urban and rural finance．For a long term ，ur-ban and rural financial development is not balanced in China．Ｒu-Asian Agricultural Ｒesearch 2016，8（8）：21－26ral financial institutions are few，funds are not oriented towards agriculture，and there is problem of financial repression．Financial development exerts effect on urban and rural income gap mainly through the threshold effect，poverty reduction effect，and disequi-librium effect［4］．At the early stage of financial development，fi-nancial resources are biased towards urban areas，financial service threshold is high，it is difficult for poor people to enjoy financial services，so the poverty reduction effect is little，accordingly fi-nancial development widens the urban and rural income gap．After financial development becomes relatively mature，the general pref-erence of financial services increases，and financial service effi-ciency grows，the radiation effect of urban development will be manifested，and the poverty reduction effect of financial develop-ment is greater than the sum of threshold effect and disequilibrium effect．Therefore，financial development in this period is helpful for narrowing the urban and rural income gap．The above theoreti-cal analysis indicates that there is nonlinear relation between fi-nancial development and urban and rural resident income and the income gap．Both domestic and foreign empirical studies prove the above analysis results：Greenwood and Javanovic［5］used the en-dogenous growth model and found that the relation between urban and rural income gap and financial development submits"inverse U shape"curve relation；Qiao Haishu et al．［6］and Hu Zongyi et al．［7］proved similar relation using the county level data．Besides，Clark et al．［8］based on empirical analysis of global data，found that financial development is negatively correlated with income gap，financial development will significantly reduce the income gap；Beck et al．［9］studied and found that the promotion function of financial development to income of poor people is greater，and they stressed poverty reduction effect of financial development．However，on the basis of the data since the reform and opening-up，using different empirical methods，Ye Zhiqiang et al．［10］and Wang Xiuhua et al．［11］proved that financial development is posi-tively correlated with urban and rural income gap．With flow of production elements including labor，urbanization will exert a great influence on urban and rural resident income and the income gap．For rural residents，the increase in urbanization level promotes flow of rural labor to urban high wage industries．Be-sides，migrant work income may be invested by farmers to agricul-tural sectors，and migrant workers who obtain higher capital and higher technology level may finally return to rural areas，so it will further raise the level of rural resident income；for urban residents，since urbanization promotes rural labor to flow to urban labor mar-ket，labor supply increases，the equilibrium wage will decline．Thus，theoretically，promotion of urbanization will exert a positive influence on urban and rural income gap．However，Cai Fang［2］stated that the proposition"migration can narrow the urban and ru-ral or regional gap"holds true but it is not unconditional．He sum-marized conditions as follows：structural changes reflecting transfer of agricultural labor to non-agricultural sectors，mainly the pulling force of receiving area，changes in the distribution pattern of total urban and rural output，free flow without institutional restriction．If any one condition is not satisfied，the labor flow will not narrow the urban and rural income gap．At present，there are following factors which may offset the active role of urbanization to the income and the income gap．（i）Change in population structure．In rural resi-dents，those with greater initial wealth，higher human capital，and younger age are more probable to move to urban areas，which will lead to rural labor aging and becoming womanlike and having rela-tively low income．（ii）Urban biased policies．Because financial expenditure，investment and finance are more biased towards urban areas［12］，urban infrastructure and public service system will be more perfect and financial development level will be higher，then rural capitals and talents will flow to urban areas，and the urban and rural income gap will further be widened．（iii）Household registra-tion system．The household registration system limits free flow of la-bor，and leads to significant difference in labor and social security，employment policies and services between urban and rural labor，and it is hard for rural labor to realize permanent flow．In sum，the influence of urbanization on urban and rural resident income and the income gap is not certain．In empirical studies，Song Yuanliang et al．［13］，based on the data at national level and using vector auto-re-gression（VAＲ）model，found there exists long-term positive corre-lation between urbanization and rural resident income．Lu Ming et al．［14］analyzed provincial panel data in1987－2001and found that urbanization plays a significant role in narrowing the urban and rural income gap．Later，many studies reached similar conclusions．How-ever，Cheng Kaiming et al．［12］adopted time series data of1978－2004and found urbanization widens the urban and rural income gap．Besides，Cao Yu et al．［15］found the relation between urbaniza-tion and urban and rural resident income gap has significantly re-gional difference，the increase of urbanization level of East China，South China and Central China widens the urban and rural income gap in these regions．In sum，we can come up with following implications：（i）in-crease of urban and rural resident income is influenced by many factors and there is still no unanimous conclusion for the influence of financial development and urbanization on urban and rural resi-dent income and the income gap；（ii）most studies focus on the relation between financial development or urbanization and urban and rural resident income，while few studies touch upon dynamic relation between three aspects；（iii）difference in financial devel-opment and urbanization level between regions is a reason for difference in conclusion of empirical studies．Existing literature conclusions may not be effectively extended，thus we take Jiangsu Province as an example to make an empirical study．3Ｒesearch methods，selection of variables and data source3．1Ｒesearch method To avoid spurious regression of the model，we firstly used ADF unit root test method to test stationari-ty of variables，and differentiated nonstationary variables to make them become stationary time series．If variables are integrated，we will conduct co-integration test for relevant variables to determine22Asian AgriculturalＲesearch2016long-term equilibrium relationship between variables．On the basis of existence of co-integration relation，we will conduct Granger Causality Test to further test the causal relation between variables．3．2Selection of variables3．2．1Financial development．Considering data availability，we selected the financial development scale（FD）and financial devel-opment efficiency（FE）to measure the financial development level．We took the ratio of balance of deposits and loans of financial insti-tutions in Jiangsu Province to nominal GDP of Jiangsu Province as the FD indicator，and took the ratio of balance of deposits of urban and rural residents in Jiangsu Province to balance of loans of finan-cial institutions in Jiangsu Province as the FE indicator．3．2．2Urbanization．With reference to customary algorithm of urbanization rate in existing researches，we used the population urbanization rate to measure the urbanization rate（UＲB）of Jian-gsu Province．The algorithm is to calculate the ratio of urban population to total population．3．2．3Urban and rural resident income．In this study，we used the per capita disposable income of urban residents（CI）in Jian-gsu Province to measure the urban resident income level，and se-lected per capita net income of farmers（NI）in Jiangsu Province to measure the rural resident income level，and used resident CPI to balance the income．3．2．4Urban and rural income gap．In this study，we selected Theil index（TI）to measure the urban and rural income gap．TI is calculated by formula（1）：TIt =p1tp()t1n p1t p t/z1t z()t+p2t p()t1n p2t p t/z2t z()t（1）where TIt denotes TI in period t；p1tand p2tdenote total income ofurban and rural residents of Jiangsu Province in period t（the product of per capita income multiplied by population）；ptde-notes total income of urban and rural residents of Jiangsu Prov-ince in period t；z1t and z2tdenote population of urban and ruralareas of Jiangsu Province in period t，and ztdenotes total popula-tion of urban and rural areas of Jiangsu Province in period t．3．3Data source Data in this study were selected from Statis-tical Yearbook of Jiangsu Province（1991－2014），and sample spacing was the year1990－2013．To avoid violent fluctuation and heteroscedasticity of data，we took logarithm of all variables．4Empirical test and analysis4．1Variation in financial development，urbanization，urban and rural resident income and income gap in Jiangsu Province From Fig．1and Fig．3，it can be seen that both urban and rural resident income and financial development scale of Jiangsu Province take on a rising trend and the synergetic relation is good，but the variation trend of urban and rural resident income is not completely consistent with that of financial development efficiency．From Fig．1 and Fig．4，it can be seen that there exists synergetic relation be-tween urbanization rate and urban and rural resident income of Jian-gsu Province．Fig．2indicates that the fluctuation in urban and ru-ral income gap is high in Jiangsu Province．Combined with Fig．3and Fig．4，we found that the synergetic relation is not significant between financial development，urbanization rate and urban and ru-ral income gap in Jiangsu Province．In addition，variation trends in Fig．3and Fig．4indicate show that there possibly exists synergetic relation between financial development and urbanization rate of Jian-gsuProvince．Fig．1Variation in urban and rural income of Jiangsu Province in 1990－2013（logarithm calculated）Fig．2Variation in urban and rural income gap of Jiangsu Prov-ince in1990－2013（logarithm calculated）Fig．3Variation in financial development of Jiangsu Province in 1990－2013（logarithm calculated）Fig．4Variation in urbanization rate of Jiangsu Province in1990－2013（logarithm calculated）32Yiqiu WANG et al．Empirical Analysis on Financial Development，Urbanization，and Urban andＲuralＲesident Income in Jiangsu Province4．2Unit root test We used ADF unit root test method to testthe data stationarity，and determined the optimal lag order byAkaike's information criterion（AIC）．Table1ADF test results of variablesVariable ADF test value Test type（c，t，m）5%Critical value Difference times Conclusion ln Urban resident income－4．911C，t，5－3．6911Stationary lnＲural resident income－7．446C，0，0－3．0121Stationary ln Financial development scale－5．2100，0，0－1．9541Stationary ln Financial development efficiency－5．3630，0，0－1．9541Stationary ln Urbanization rate－4．761C，0，0－2．9761Stationary ln TI－2．7490，0，0－1．9571Stationary Note：in test type（c，t，m），c denotes intercept，t denotes trend，and m denotes lag order．From Table1，it can be known that after first order differenceof variables，every variable is stationary time series and submits toI（1）process．4．3Co-integration test All the above variables are first orderintegrated，so we could carry out Johansen co-integration test．Be-fore test，we firstly built VAＲmodel，and selected the optimal lagorder for the model according to Schwarz criterion（SC）．The co-integration test results were listed in Table2to Table5．4．3．1Financial development，urbanization，and per capital dis-posable income of urban residents．Table2Co-integration test results of per capital disposable income ofurban residents，financial development，and urbanizationNumber of assumed co-integra-tion equation EigenvalueTracestatistics5%level P value0*0．91052．87927．5840．000 One at most*0．75530．98521．1320．002 Two at most*0．45013．14314．2650．075 Three at most*0．2747．0573．8410．008 Note：*means it rejects original hypothesis at5%significance level，the same in following tables．From Table2，it can be known that there exists co-integration relation between financial development，urbanization and urban resident income，and the co-integration equation is as follows：ln CI=1．16ln FD+1．01ln FE+0．81ln UＲB（0．253）（0．127）（0．161）Table3Co-integration test results of per capital disposable income of rural residents，financial development，and urbanizationNumber of assumed co-integra-tion equation EigenvalueTracestatistics5%level P value0*0．82937．04827．5840．002 One at most*0．76730．58021．1320．002 Two at most*0．56517．48414．2650．015 Three at most*0．0060．1213．8410．728Values in parentheses refer to approximate standard devia-tion．From the co-integration equation，we can see that in1990－2013，the financial development and urbanization of Jiangsu Prov-ince promote increase of the per capita disposable income of urban residents．The elasticity of per capita disposable income of urban residents on financial development scale，financial development efficiency and urbanization rate is1．16，1．01，and0．81respec-tively．4．3．2Financial development，urbanization，and per capital dis-posable income of rural residents．From Table3，it can be known that there exists co-integration relation between financial development，urbanization and rural resident income，and the co-integration equation is as follows：ln NI=0．47ln FD+0．40ln FE+2．11ln UＲB（0．601）（0．229）（0．436）The co-integration equation indicates that in the sample spac-ing，the elasticity of per capita net income of farmers on financial development scale，financial development efficiency and urbaniza-tion rate is0．47，0．40，and2．11respectively，and there is posi-tive correlation between financial development scale，financial de-velopment efficiency，urbanization rate，and per capital net in-come of farmers．4．3．3Financial development，urbanization rate and urban and rural income gap．Table4Co-integration test results of urban and rural income gap and financial development，and urbanizationNumber of assumed co-integra-tion equationEigenvalueTracestatistics5%level P value0*0．85181．09247．8560．000 One at most*0．60139．17129．7970．003 Two at most*0．52718．95915．4950．014 Three at most*0．1072．4943．8410．114 From Table4，it can be known that there exists co-integration relation between financial development，urbanization and Theil In-dex，and the co-integration equation is as follows：ln TI=－5．51ln FD+7．60ln FE+4．43ln UＲB（2．543）（1．209）（1．618）The co-integration equation indicates that when financial de-velopment scale rises about1%，the urban and rural income gap measured by TI will shrink about5．51%；when financial develop-ment efficiency and urbanization rate increase about1%，the ur-ban and rural income gap will expand about7．60%and4．43% respectively．This reveals that the expansion of financial develop-ment scale will narrow the urban and rural income gap，while the increase in financial development efficiency and urbanization rate will widen the urban and rural income gap．4．4Granger causality test In this study，we carried out42Asian AgriculturalＲesearch2016Grainger causality test to determine if the co-integration between variables constitutes causality and what kind is the causality．De-tailed results are listed in Table5．Table5Granger causality test of variablesNull hypothesis Optimal lagperiodF StatisticalvalueP valueln FD does not Granger cause ln CI＊＊＊27．5410．005ln CI does not Granger cause ln FD＊＊25．6670．013ln FE does not Granger cause ln CI20．4560．642ln CI does not Granger cause ln FE＊＊24．1410．034ln UＲB does not Granger cause ln CI＊＊＊26．1850．010ln CI does not Granger cause ln UＲB＊＊＊20．2710．767ln FD does not Granger cause ln NI*33．1530．058ln NI does not Granger cause ln FD*33．2280．055ln FE does not Granger cause ln NI31．4710．265ln NI does not Granger cause ln FE＊＊32．2940．123ln UＲB does not Granger cause ln NI31．3270．305ln NI does not Granger cause ln UＲB＊＊34．2180．025ln FD does not Granger cause ln TI*23．5230．053ln TI does not Granger cause ln FD20．7030．509ln FE does not Granger cause ln TI21．0520．371ln TI does not Granger cause ln FE*23．2040．066ln UＲB does not Granger cause ln TI*23．4160．057ln TI does not Granger cause ln UＲB22．1320．149 Note：*，＊＊，and＊＊＊signify10%，5%and1%significance level respec-tively．From Table5，it can be known that at1%significance level，financial development scale Granger causes per capital disposable income of urban residents，and urbanization rate also Granger cau-ses per capital disposable income of urban residents；at5%signif-icance level，per capital disposable income of urban residents Granger causes financial development scale and financial develop-ment efficiency，and per capita net income of rural residents Granger causes financial development efficiency and urbanization rate；at10%significance level，there exists two-way causality be-tween financial development scale and per capita net income of ru-ral residents；financial development scale Granger causes urban and rural income gap，and there exists one-way causality between urban and rural income gap and financial development efficiency，and between urbanization rate and urban and rural income gap．4．5Further analysis of test results（i）Financial develop-ment scale and financial development efficiency increase urban and rural resident income．There exists negative correlation be-tween financial development scale and urban and rural income gap，and there exists positive correlation between financial devel-opment efficiency and urban and rural income gap．Financial de-velopment scale Granger causes per capita disposable income of urban residents，and per capita disposable income of urban resi-dents Granger causes financial development scale and financial de-velopment efficiency．There exists two-way causality between fi-nancial development scale and per capita net income of rural resi-dents，per capita net income of rural residents Granger causes fi-nancial development efficiency．Financial development scale Granger causes urban and rural income gap，and there exists one-way causality between urban and rural income gap and financial development efficiency．Ｒeasons are as follows．At present，financial development scale of Jiangsu Province remains in the right side of"inverse U shape"curve，namely，the later period of financial development scale，and poverty reduction effect of financial development scale should be greater than the sum of the threshold effect and disequilibrium effect．In recent years，Jiangsu provincial government asks financial institutions to extend to rural areas，then the number of rural small loan compa-nies and township banks gradually rises and agricultural loan also gradually increases．For small loan companies，the Finance Serv-ice Office of Jiangsu Province demands that the total amount of small loan should account for at least70%of the entire loan amount，and the percentage of loan granted by rural small loan companies farmers，agricultural，and rural areas to the entire loan should be not lower than70%，and the loan amount with period longer than3months should take up at least70%of the entire loan．These policies and requirements are favorable for increase in rural resident loan．Besides，Jiangsu provincial government rea-sonably adjusts the loan rate of small loan companies to reduce fi-nancing costs of rural enterprises．In addition，the reform of rural credit cooperatives is further deepening and the preparatory work for construction of rural commercial banks is basically completed．The development of rural financial institutions reduces threshold of financial services for rural residents and reduces the disequilibri-um degree of urban and rural financial scale，favorable for solving problems of rural residents in difficult and expensive financing，thus increasing rural resident income and narrowing urban and ru-ral income gap．The increase in rural resident income can attract financial institutions to settle down in rural areas and expand fi-nancial development scale of Jiangsu Province．With the widening of urban and rural income gap，Jiangsu provincial government cares more about balanced development of finance．Therefore，both Granger cause financial development scale．Furthermore，special urban and rural dual economic structure in China renders financial institutions more willing to invest in those urban sectors with higher return rate，and the total loan amount of financial in-stitutions gradually increases but the agricultural loan still takes up a relatively low portion．With increase in financial efficiency，more funds flow to urban areas．Urban residents will obtain more financing opportunities，then it is able to increase fund utilization efficiency and realize income increase．However，there is still problem of financial repression in rural areas，so it is difficult for rural areas to catch development opportunities offered by economic growth，channels for increasing rural resident income are limited，and substantial growth of income is difficult．（ii）Urbanization promotes increases in urban and rural resi-dent income，but it widens the urban and rural income gap．Ur-banization Granger causes per capita disposable income of urban residents，but does not Granger cause per capita net income of farmers，and there exists one-way causality between urbanization52Yiqiu WANG et al．Empirical Analysis on Financial Development，Urbanization，and Urban andＲuralＲesident Income in Jiangsu Provincerate and urban and rural income gap．Possible reasons are as fol-lows．Firstly，positive effect generated from labor flow is limited．The population urbanization rate of Jiangsu Province is high and labor flow scale is large，but positive effect of labor flow is weak-ened by such factors as abnormal distribution pattern of urban and rural resident income and household registration system．Cai Fang［2］stated that if there exists relatively balanced development relation between three industries，and labor flow tends to change the pattern of urban and rural resident income distribution，their comparative labor productivity should be close to1．Through cal-culation，the comparative labor productivity of primary industry in Jiangsu Province rose from0．28in2000to0．30in2013；in the same period，the comparative labor productivity of secondary in-dustry dropped from1．71to1．15，and that of tertiary industry changed from1．34to1．21，showing the comparative labor pro-ductivity of primary industry much lower than that of secondary and tertiary industries．Besides，it indicates that employment vol-ume of primary industry is relatively high and urbanization level is to be further improved．Secondly，urban-biased policies are im-plemented．In the process of urbanization，there exists obvious ur-ban-biased tendency in resource allocation of Jiangsu Province．To solve the loading ability of urban areas in the process of population urbanization，government provides large funds to support urban in-frastructure construction，public service supply，which deterio-rates imbalance in allocation of economic and social resources be-tween urban and rural areas．Urban-biased policies promote urban infrastructure and public service system more perfect and financial development degree much higher，which is helpful for increasing urban resident income；however，rural funds and talents flow to urban areas，rural infrastructure becomes weaker，which restricts increase in rural resident income and accordingly widens urban and rural income gap．5Conclusions and policy recommendations5．1Conclusions（i）Financial development scale of Jiangsu Province remains in the right side of"inverse U shape"curve，namely，the later period of financial development．Expansion of fi-nancial development scale and increase in financial development efficiency promote increase in urban and rural resident income．However，due to existence of rural financial repression，financial loans flow to urban sectors with high return，and urban and rural gap is constantly widening．（ii）Currently，the urbanization of Jiangsu Province becomes steady，and the increase in urbanization level practically increases urban and rural resident income．How-ever，due to imbalanced development of three industries，in addi-tion to urban-biased allocation of resources，urbanization develop-ment widens urban and rural income gap．5．2Policy recommendations（i）Further increasing the per-centage of agricultural loan and improving rural financial market．Jiangsu provincial government should energetically develop rural finance and increase the number of rural financial institutions，such as rural commercial banks，township banks，and small loan companies．At the same time of expanding rural financial scale，it is recommended to greatly increase rural financial development ef-ficiency，guide back flow of rural funds，increase percentage of agricultural loan，and provide financial support for Jiangsu Prov-ince firstly realizing agricultural modernization．（ii）Jiangsu Prov-ince should transform traditional extensive urbanization develop-ment mode，change the focus on urbanization development rate to urbanization development quality，promote connotative develop-ment of urbanization，orderly promote citizenship of permanent resident population，solve problems of migrant workers'social se-curity，housing，and children education，increase investment in urban and rural infrastructure and public services，optimize urban and rural spatial pattern，and promote balanced urban and rural development and narrow the urban and rural income gap．Ｒeferences［1］LIN YF，LIU MX．On the convergence and income distribution of eco-nomic growth in China［J］．The Journal of World Economy，2003（8）：3－14．（in Chinese）．［2］CAI F．Analysis on the institutional barrier of the flow of surplus rural labor force［J］．Economics Information，2005（1）：35－39．（in Chinese）．［3］YAO YJ．On the financial development，urbanization and urban-rural in-come inequality［J］．ChinaＲural Survey，2005（2）：2－8．（in Chinese）．［4］ZHANG LJ，ZHAN Y．The analysis of three major effects of financial de-velopment on the urban-rural income gap［J］．The Journal of Quantitative ＆Technical Economics，2006（12）：73－81．（in Chinese）．［5］GＲEENWOOD J，JOVANOVIC B．Financial development，growth，and the distribution of income［J］．Journal of Political Economy，1990，98（5）：1076－1107．［6］QIAO HS，CHEN L．The inverted U-shaped relationship between finan-cial development and urban-rural income gap in China［J］．ChineseＲural Economy，2009（7）：68－85．（in Chinese）．［7］HU ZY，LIU YW．Ｒesearch of the Kuznets effect of financial non-bal-anced development and urban-rural income distribution———The analysis based on the county-level cross-section data in China［J］．StatisticalＲe-search，2010，27（5）：25－31．（in Chinese）．［8］CLAＲKE G，XU LX，ZOU HF．Finance and income inequality：Test of alternative theories［N］．World Bank PolicyＲesearch Working Paper，2003（2984）．［9］BECK T，DEMIＲGUE KA，LEVINEＲ．Finance，inequality，and pover-ty：Cross-country evidence［N］．NB EＲWorking Paper，2004（10979）．［10］YE ZQ，CHEN XD，ZHANG SM．Do financial development can reduce urban-rural income gap［J］．Journal of FinancialＲesearch，2011（2）：42－56．（in Chinese）．［11］WANG XH，ZIU ZX．The impact mechanism and empirical research of the rural financial development on the urban-rural income gap in China ［J］．Economics Information，2011（2）：71－75．（in Chinese）．［12］CHENG KM，LI JC．Analysis of mechanism and dynamic econometric relationships between urban bias，urbanization and urban-rural inequali-ty［J］．The Journal of Quantitative＆Technical Economics，2007（7）：116－125．（in Chinese）．［13］SONG YL，XIAO WD．An analysis of dynamic econometric relationship between development of urbanization and income growth of rural resi-dents in China［J］．The Journal of Quantitative＆Technical Economics，2005（9）：30－39．（in Chinese）．［14］LU M，CHEN Z．The economic policy of urbanization and urban bias and the gap between urban and rural income［J］．EconomicＲesearch Journal，2004（6）：50－58．（in Chinese）．［15］CAO Y，CHEN XH，MA YＲ．Urbanization，urban-rural income gap and economic growth———An empirical research based on provincial pan-el data in China［J］．StatisticalＲesearch，2010，27（3）：29－36．（in Chinese）．62Asian AgriculturalＲesearch2016。

外文翻译--厦门在城市化中的时空格局与城乡土地利用变化的驱动力

本科毕业设计（论文）外文翻译翻译二Spatial-Temporal Pattern and Driving Forces of Land UseChanges in Xia menQUAN Bin, CHEN Jian-Fei, QIU Hong-Lie, M. J. M. ROMKENS, YANG Xiao-Qi, JIANG Shi-Feng and LI Bi-Cheng''ABSTRACTUsing Landsat TM data of 1988, 1998 and 2001, the dynamic process of thespatial-temporal characteristics of land use changes during 13 years from 1988 to 2001 in the special economic zone of Xiamen, China was analyzed to improve understanding and to find the driving forces of land use change so that sustainable land utilization could be practiced. During the 13 years cropland decreased remarkably by nearly 11 304.95 ha. The areas of rural-urban construction and water body increased by 10152.24 ha and 848.94 ha, respectively. From 1988 to 2001,52.5% of the lost cropland was converted into rural-urban industrial land. Rapid urbanization contributed to a great change in the rate of cropland land use during these years. Land-reclamation also contributed to a decrease in water body area as well as marine ecological and environmental destruction. In the study area 1) urbanization and industrialization, 2) infrastructure and agricultural intensification, 3) increased affluence of the farming community, and 4) policy factors have driven the land use changes. Possible sustainable land use measures included construction of a land management system, land planning, development of potential land resources, new technology applications, and marine ecological and environmental protection. Key Words: driving force, GIs, land use change, remote sensing, XiamenINTRODUCTIONLand use and land cover are prominent ecological symbols within the surface system of the earth.Land use refers to human manipulation of the land to fulfill a need or want. Meanwhile, land use change may involve either a shift to a different use, such as from rice paddy to aquaculture, or an expansion and intensification of an existing form, such as from subsistence to commercial farming (Matson et al., 1997). Land cover, defined as the physical surface condition of the land, is likely to change as a result of land use change (Turner and Meyer, 1991). Furthermore, land use influences the environment mainly by land cover, and thus land use and land cover are inter-related.Land use/cover change (LUCC) is a core project of the International Global and Biology Plan (IGBP). It aims to improve understanding of the global dynamics of LUCC with a focus to improve the ability to project such change (Turner et al.; 1997). More and more people believe that it is a timely project to comprehensively assess the global environmental changes (Liu and Buhe, 2000a). LUCC studies the changes of natural land, socio-economic conditions, and human activities. Therefore, it requires the cooperation of natural and social sciences to link LUCC to global change (Turner, 1994). LUCC revolves around core problems of regional population, resources, environment, and development. Since the 199Os, the study of LUCC has been a subject of intense interest in academic circles. In recent years, some researchers have made great progress in LUCC studies (Meyer and Turner, 1996; Luo and Ni, 2000; Shi et al., 2002). However, few studies have been done to date in the southeastcrn part of Fujian Province, which experienced major economic development during the past 20 years. Currently, the rate of conversion of agricultural land in the southeastern coastal area of China to non-agricultural uses is increasing (Liu et al., 2003). Consequently, there is a need for more research in the southeastern Fujian Province, where rapid development has led to swift changes in land use patterns. In this work, land use spatial changes during 1988, 1998, and 2001 in Xiamen were studied using remote sensing (RS) and geographical information system (GIS) tools. The characteristics and rules of land use changes and their driving forces were analyzed quantitatively through models, which provided a scientific basis for decisions in regional resource and coordinated environmental development, whilst offered a typical case in land use change in one of China’s “hot spots” of economic development.MATERIALS AND METHODSSurvey of regionXiamen, with an area of 1638 km2, is located in the southeastern part of Fujian Province, facing the Taiwan Straits. It has a southern subtropical monsoon climate, an annual mean temperature of 20.8 “C, and an annual precipitation of 1143.5 mm. The natural vegetation is a southern-subtropical monsoon rainforest, but human activities have destroyed most of this. Masson Pine (Pinus massoniana Lamb.) and Taiwan Acacia (Acacia confusa Merr.) have been planted in the upland and bottom flat land, under which a lateritic red soil has developed over time (Quan et al., 2004b and2005a). In 2001, Xiamen consisted of seven administrative districts including Siming, Kaiyuan, Gulangyu, Huli, Jimei, Xinglin, and Tong’an Districts with a total population of 1.31 million. When China began a policy of opening up to the world, Xiamen became one of the first four special economic zones because of its advantageous location. Since then the economy developed rapidly.Data and classificationLand use data were obtained from Landsat satellite images from 1988 to 1998 and 2001 with a spatial resolution of 30 m x 30 m. In addition, maps of Xiamen’svegetation distribution, Xiamen City remote sensing images, Xiamen administrative district (2004), and land use etc. were collected for image-interpretation. Land resource investigation data (1988-2001) were also gathered for consultation. Two grades were established for the land use classification system. The first grade was divided into six classes: cropland (l), orchard (2), forestland ( 3 ) , rural-urban industrial land (4), water body (5) and unused land (6). The second grade was divided into 12 classes with the following names and codes: paddy field (ll), dry land (12), orchard (21), forest (31), urban, town and separated industrial land (41), rural land (42), salt field (43), reservoir (51), other water bodies (52), coastal beach (53), barren land (61), and other unused land (62).ProceduresFor land use data and conversions from 1988 to 2001, first Landsat TM images of three different periods were acquired, and then the GCP (ground control points) works module of Canadian PCI software was applied for making geometric corrections. More than forty ground control points were selected as references on a topography map of scale 1:50000. The Gauss-Kruger projection, which belonged to a kind of transverse equal-angle cylindrical projection, was used to correct images with itsp rojection parameter as follows: central longitude 117”, Krassovsky ellipsoid, and false easting 500 km (Chang, 2002; Chen et al., 1998). Color composites were generated displaying bands 5, 4 and 3 as red, green and blue, respectively. An image enhancement was performed to increase the visual distinction between features in order to increase the amount of information that can be visually interpreted from the data. After image enhancement, based on field investigations, image interpretation symbols of different image elements were added. A global positioning system (GPS) receiver was used to collect the coordinates of sample sites. Additionally, the land use map of 1996 was digitized in GIS ArcView software before image-interpretation. This could be consulted in the process of personmachine alternating visual operations. The land use types were interpreted visually in the screen based on the TM images. Also, some additional errors were corrected based on auxiliary reference data and fieldwork. In the end, the smallest plot on the interpreted map corresponded to a scale of 1:100000, and field checking verified the accuracy of image interpretation of up to 90%.To determine the rate of land use change, the study period 1988-2001 was divided into two subperiods and the land use changes of the two sub-periods were compared. The first sub-period was from 1988 to 1998, called the earlier stage, and the second sub-period was from 1998 to 2001, called the later stage. The comparative analysis on land use change focused on the two sub-periods.Regional difference in land use characteristics were determined using the land use dynamic degree model that could be mathematically expressed by the following relationship (Liu and Buhe, 2OOOb): where S is the land use change rate over time t, Si is the ith type land use area at the beginning of the monitoring period, n is the number of the land use type, and ASi-j is the total area of the ith type land use that is converted into the other types of land use. The land use dynamic degree was thusdefined as the time rate change of land use that was converted into the other types of land uses and that at the beginning of the monitoring period was part of the land use area subject to change. The dynamic degree represented, in a comprehensive manner, the change of land use in a given region.In order to understand the rate of regional land use changes and their characteristic differences, the land use dynamic degree was calculated for the administrative districts in Xiamen. The seven administrative districts were divided into three groups on the basis of the value of the land use dynamic degree. The first group belonged to the fast mode of land use change, in which the land use dynamic degree was from 25% to 40%. The second group belonged to the moderate mode of land use change where the dynamic degree was from 12% to 25% (including 25%), and the third group belonged to the slow mode with the dynamic degree from 8% to 12% (including 12%). After each group was encoded, the regional distribution map for the land use dynamic degree was made using GIS ArcView software. Regional differences in the rate of land use change were determined with the rate of land use change model as follows (Liu and He, 2002):where S is the rate of the ith type land use change during the monitoring period TI to Tz; Ai is the area of the ith type land use at the beginning of the monitoring period; and UAi is the area of the ith type land use that remains unchanged during this monitoring period. (Ai - UAi) is the changed land area during the monitoring period, i e . the total area of the ith type land use converted into the other types of land use; Thus, this model represented the time rate of change for one type of land use that was converted into another type of land use relative to the land use situation at the beginning of the monitoring period.Regional differences in the land use intensity comprehensive index were calculated using the mathematical expression given by the following relationship (Lai et al., 2002; He et al., 2002):where I is the land use intensity comprehensive index; G; is the gradation value of the ith ranking land use type; Ci is the area percentage of the ith ranking land use intensity; and n is the number of land index of land use was given by:where Ib and I, are land use intensity comprehensive indexes at time point b and a, respectively. These relationships were comprehensive representations of land use intensity. If the parameter AIb-, > 0, the land use is continuely developing in the region; on the contrary, the land use is regressing.Land use can be divided into several rankings according to their change intensity to natural “equilibrium status” (Wang and Bao, 1999). In the gradation index system, unused land was assigned the factor 1; forest and water body were factor 2; agricultural land, including cropland and orchard, was factor 3; and rural-urban industrial land was factor 4. So, the calculation represented the range andintensity of land utilization (Wang et al., 2002).To determine the driving forces of cropland change a comparison of the Landsat acquired data was made with the statistical data obtained from the Land Resource Survey Office. The statistical data of the Xiamen cropland area for each year and the corresponding social-economic data were also collected and analyzed. Thesocial-economic data included general population, total agricultural output value, GDP, etc. There were 23 indexes and the data sets covered each year for the 1988 to 2001 study period.The information was calculated on the basis of no change in the prices from 1990. Then a correlation analysis was conducted between cropland and the other factors to assess cropland change. Driving forces of other land use types were also analyzed to help develop strategies for sustainable development.RESULTS AND DISCUSSIONLand use data and conversions from 1988 to 2001The spatial-temporal land use changes in Xiamen are shown in Table I and Fig. 1. The data indicated that three land use types increased while three decreased from 1988 to 2001. Rural-urban industrial land had the largest increase with 10 152.24 ha followed by orchard with 1635.84 ha (Table I). Due to hydro-technical construction projects, water body increased by 848.94 ha on the whole while coastal beach land decreased by 2 139.07 ha (Fig. 1). Among the land types, cropland decreased by 11 304.95 ha, while forest and unused land decreased by 727.90 and 604.15 ha, respectively (Table I).Land use conversion was common among the various types. About 52.5% of the cropland area lost was converted into rural-urban industrial land, and 27.9% and 16.6% were converted into orchard and water bodies, respectively (Table 11). During the study period, many paddy fields were converted to rural-urban industrial use, orchard, reservoir, and hydro-technical construction sites. In addition, part Fig. 1 Net changes of land use in Xiamen from 1988 to 2001 with paddy field ( l l ) , dry land (12), orchard (21), forest (31), urban, town and separated industrial land (41), rural land (42), salt field (43), reservoir (51), other water body (52), coastal beach (53), barren land (61), and other unused land (62). The number in the parenthesis respresents the ranking code of land use type of the second grade according to the land use classification system.of the orchard area was converted into cropland and rural-urban industrial land. However, the total orchard area increased because of conversions from cropland (62.9%) and forest (20.8%), respectively.About 50.8% of the forest land lost was converted into orchard. Rural-urban industrial land and cropland made up the rest of the converted forest. About 53.6% of the water body lost was converted into ruralurban industrial land (Table 11). In the meantime, the conversion of some cropland into reservoir and hydro-technical construction land led to the increase in the total water body area. The increase in ruralurban industrial land was most noticeable (Fig. l), which came from other land use types, especially cropland. 62.1% of the lost area of the unused land was converted into forest, and the rest was converted mainly into orchard (Table 11). Comparison of land use changes between 1988 to 1998 and 1998 to 2001The rate of land use change for the study period 1988-2001 is shown in Fig. 2 with a larger decrease of cropland ( i e . paddy fields, 10575 ha) during the earlier stage thanthe later stage (730 ha). The decrease in the earlier stage was about 14 times that of the later stage while the period of observation in the later stage was about one third of the earlier stage. Thus, the data suggested that the disappearance rate of cropland had slowed. During the two sub-periods both of the rural-urban industrial land use changes increased (Table I) and the ratio of the increase between the two stages was about 12.4:l. Land areas for orchard and water bodies increased during the earlier stage while no major change took place during the later stage. Forest showed over twice as great a change in the first period than the second. In short, the basic rule of land use change in Xiamen during the period 1988 to 2001 was that changes in the early stage were greater than those in the later stage. This meant that changes in land use gradually decreased with time suggesting a more rational utilization of land resources.Fig. 2 Net changes in land use areas of Xiamen for the earlier stage (1988-1998) and the later stage (1998-2001) with paddy field (ll), dry land (12), orchard (21), forest (31), urban, town and separated industrial land (41), rural land (42), salt field (43), reservoir (51), other water body (52), coastal beach (53), barren land (61), and other unused land (62).The number in the parenthesis represents the ranking code of land use type of the second grade according to the land useclassification system.The land use dynamic degree for the seven administrative districts in Xiamen is shown in Fig.3.The overall comprehensive land use dynamic degree of Xiamen for the period from 1988 to 2001 was 21.1%. Fig. 3 indicated that the Huli and Xinglin Districts were in the first group. Their high ranking was attributed to their favorable geographical location due to the presence of shipping, transportation, and industrial facilities. These districts became a base of “exchanges of mail, trade, air and shipping services” on both sides of the Taiwan Straits. Therefore, these two districts played an important role in capital investments from Taiwan. In 1989, Haicang of Xiamen also became an area of investment interest for Taiwanese businessmen, who progressively promoted local economic development .Fig. 3 Dynamic degree of land use for the seven administrative districts in Xiamen during the period 1988 to 2001 with fast change being from 25% to 40%, moderate change from 12% to 25% (including 25%), and slow change from 8% to 12% (including 12%).The Jimei, Tong’an, and Kaiyuan Administrative Districts belonged to the second group. They experienced a moderate land use change (Fig. 3). Siming and Gulangyu districts belonged to the third group, which showed a slow land use change. Siming was an old urban district in which the urbanization level was high to start with and therefore a further increase would have been difficult to achieve. The slow change on Gulangyu Island could be related to regulations that were designed to preserve the characteristic architectural style and the greenery.The rates of land use change for Xiamen and its administrative districts were calculated for the period 1988 to 2001 (Table 111). Among the various land use types,the cropland annual conversion rate was the highest. This was indicative of the rapid land use change in this region. A comparison of cropland land use change rates among the various administrative districts showed that Siming District had the highest rate of cropland land use change. This change was related to the rapid urbanization during the period 1988 to 2001. The orchard land use change rate in Huli District was the largest and orchards were mainly converted into rural-urban industrial land (Table 11). Most of the water body changes involved converting coastal beach intorural-urban industrial land. In the Xiamen Region, the forest change rate of the Huli District was the highest (Table 111). Losses of forest in Table I1 were mainly converted into orchard and rural-urban industrial land. Changes with unused land occurred only in Xinglin and Tong’an Districts (Table 111), where the losses were mainly converted into forest and orchard (Table 11). This trend may be related to the influence of the “Making Green with Trees” Policy.Regional differences in the land use degree changeUsing the model of Wang and Bao (1999), the land use degree change parameter AI that expressed the change in the land use intensity index was 6.91 (Table IV). Since this was greater than 0, it indicated that the rural-urban industrial land areas could be increasing, and land in the region was becoming more intensively used. Table IV also showed that land use intensity was gradually increasing over time in Xiamen. Comparison of the AI parameter for the various administrative districts in 2001 revealed that land use intensity index was largest for Huli District followed by Kaiyuan District, while the Tong’an.District was the smallest. The land use intensity change of the Jimei District decreased slightly due to it being a cultural and educational district, whereas the other districts experienced an increase. The Huli and Xinglin Districts were both industrial districts, which had a prosperous economy and were experiencing rapid urbanization. Cropland change. A comparison of the Landsat acquired data with the statistical data obtained from the Land Resource Survey Office (LRSO) showed that the difference in cropland area was less than 5%. This difference was in part attributed to the image resolution and the interpretation method involving person-machine alternating operations on existing images. Therefore, for each year during the 13 years of this study period the image cropland area obtained by Landsat data corresponded very well with the statistically acquired cropland area data obtained from the LRSO. Correlation coefficients (r) between cropland area change and the social-economic factors are given in Table V. According to the test of significant differences at P < 0.01, the critical correlation coefficient was 0.661. The results indicated that general population, nonagricultural population, and natural growth rate of the population had highly significant correlations with the dependent variable (Table V).Most population and economic factors were closely correlated to cropland area change. Electricity used in villages and total power consumption of agricultural operations also had highly significant correlation coefficients. This suggested that economic development and the status of agricultural modernization were closelycorrelated to cropland area change. In short, cropland reduction was mainly driven by population growth, present agricultural conditions, level of affluence of the farming populations, and production technology (Li et al., 2003; Quan et al., 2005b).Rural-urban industrial land use change. Table I indicated that during the period 1988 to 2001 the rural-urban industrial land area increased by 10 152.24 ha. This represented an annual increase of 781 ha. Two reasons can be given for this increase. First there were comparative economic benefits that the farming population received%hrough enhanced opportunities during industrialization, and the second was attributed to the effect of the industrial policy itself on villages and small towns. On one hand, industry was earning more than agriculture during those years. On the other hand, many village and small town industries suddenly developed along the roads at the juncture of the city and countryside where land prices were lower. At present, most revenue from those villages and small towns comes from these industrial plants, which will lead to the transition from a village economy to an industrial economy. In addition, some villages located in the city region could practice two types of economic management systems, namely that of a city and a village. In short, these factors promoted the expansion of the rural-urban industrial area.Water body changes. The increase in reservoir, fish pond and aqua farm areas was in part at the expense of cropland areas and was in part obtained from construction of water bodies on sea reclaimed areas. For the farming population, aqua farming was more profitable than traditional agricultural crop production. The reclaimed land areas, from marshes of Xinglin Bay and Maluan Bay, not only increased the potential of flooding during tides, but also raised the possibility of salt-water intrusion from the sea. As a matter of fact, the sea-lanes became shallower and flooding hazards increased. The practice of reclaiming land from the sea has therefore posed a strong threat to the marine environment and has disturbed the balance of the marine ecosystems. In short, comparative economic benefits for the farming population and public policies were the main driving forces for water body changes.Tree cutting and the expansion of orchards were the main reasons for the decrease in forests in Xiamen. Xiamen climatic conditions are often referred to as the ‘‘the four evergreen seasons”, which means that they are favorable for gro wth of various commercial crops. These commercial crops have had a long history as well as large market potential and economic benefits for its population. Since the 1 9 8 0 ~due to the favorable climatic resources and population growth orchard development has taken place rapidly (Figs. 1 and 2).Another reason for the decrease in forest area was serious deforestation. In July 1998, the Xiamen Municipal Government issued measures for forest preservation. These measures stipulated that activities destroying the forest, which at the time consisted of random and unauthorized reclamation; excavating stone, sand, and soil; mining; and tomb and house building, were prohibited. After the corrective measures were put into practice, the cutting of forest by farmers gradually decreased. However, during the period of 1998-2001, the expansion of orchards and rural-urban industrial land contributed more to forest decrease than cutting forests. That is the reason why theaverage annual loss for the forests in 1988-1998 was 53.1 ha while in 1998-2001 it was about 65.4 ha (Table I). Therefore, forest preservation is still an important issue in Xiamen and should be paid more attention.Orchard and forest change.Strategies for sustainable land utilizationA balance between economic growth and cropland utilization was necessary. In Xiamen, urbanization has been the result of economic development with the expansion of urban areas leading to elimination of large areas of cropland. Thus, a reasonable plan for converting cropland, especially for building sites, was necessary. Some measures, such as keeping the total amount of cropland unchanged and changing other land use types, were considered. Meanwhile, because many farmers constructed their private homes on high quality agricultural production land, law enforcement needed to be strengthened.Moreover, a decision support system and dynamic monitoring system of land utilization should be established and the total amount of land supply should be strictly controlled (Dung and Sugumaran, 2005). From the perspective of harmonizing economic development and land use, it was necessary to innovate a policy for cropland conservation. For example, a “cropland replacement policy” could be adopted, which should permit a proportion of additional cropland to be developed for urbanization and industrialization purposes, but this would require the conversion of other land use types to cropland elsewhere and/or making expenditures for additional cropland development. It has also been suggested that a more responsible system identifying basic farmland, and permit policies for basic farmland should be developed. The ultimate aim was to keep the economy growing all the time. Nevertheless, the phenomenon of replacing fertile cropland with inferior land should be forbidden (Zhao, 2004).The potential of the land resources needed to be fully tapped. Xiamen belonged to a region in China, where water, heat and light resources were most abundant. This potential could be fully tapped. Because of light energy conditions, a more rational arrangement of the different plant varieties would allow an increase in agricultural net primary productivity (Bao et al., 2005). There have been many instances of intercropping or mixed cultures, which could raise land productivity. Besides, it was important to build up a rational food chain network so that the byproducts of one organism could be used as the food source for another (Zhu, 1997 and 2002).Heat energy was also favorable. Subtropical fruits made better use of the heat and grew well The establishment of a fruit-farming-grass-stock breeding complex system was another useful ecological pattern of agriculture that has been designed and popularized. The result of this ecological experiment showed that the total energy output per unit area was 5.1 times that of the traditional system. This ecological friendly system showed a benign circulation in the production process that had favorable ecological and economic benefits, and offered wonderful prospects (Zhu and Cheng, 2002; Quan et al., 2003).Though Xiamen has two or three harvests per year, presently the multiple crop index is only about 210%. As a result, the develop potential to further raise the multiple。

国内历史性城镇景观保护方法研究进展与综述——基于CiteSpace图谱量化分析

94城市建筑Urbanism and Architecture / 2023.22review on relevant literature, the study on historical urban landscape is mainly divided into four aspects: historical research and theoretical construction, basic empirical research from the perspective of HUL, the establishment of relevant domestic organizations, and international case experience. Finally, it is suggested that the research should be furthered conducted from three aspects of the change management, landscape characteristics assessment and new heritage types of historic urban landscape.Key words historic urban landscape; data visualization; CiteSpace城市遗产面临的威胁与日俱增，原先基于建筑群的传统保护要求和方法体现出一定的局限性，因此亟须一种新的遗产保护理念来指导城市遗产保护。

自2011年“历史性城镇景观”（historic urban landscape，HUL）概念被正式提出以来，联合国教科文组织（United N a t i o n s E d u c a t i o n a l , S c i e n t i f i c a n d C u l t u r a l Organization，UNESCO）积极推动全球范围内历史性城镇景观方法的应用，指出其是一种历史城镇类型遗产的保护方法，是更新后的遗产管理方法，并组织开展相关理论研究与试点城市实践。

基于光滑样条估计的我国城镇化率对经济增长影响的实证研究

Statistics and Application 统计学与应用, 2019, 8(3), 574-579Published Online June 2019 in Hans. /journal/sahttps:///10.12677/sa.2019.83065Empirical Study on the Impact ofUrbanization Rate on Economic Growth inChina Based on Smooth Spline EstimationXirui LiuSchool of Science, Northern University of Technology, BeijingReceived: Jun. 7th, 2019; accepted: Jun. 21st, 2019; published: Jun. 28th, 2019AbstractIn the real world, the relationship between most variables is not linear. When using time series model to explore the relationship between urbanization rate and economic growth in China, the cointegration test fails, showing that there is no linear cointegration relationship between them.Therefore, this paper uses smooth spline estimation to study the relationship between urbaniza-tion rate and economic growth in China, and compares it with the classical linear regression me-thod on the actual data set. Through empirical analysis, it is found that the fitting effect of smooth spline is better than that of linear regression model.KeywordsUrbanization Rate, Economic Growth, Smooth Spline, Linear Regression基于光滑样条估计的我国城镇化率对经济增长影响的实证研究刘曦蕊北方工业大学理学院，北京收稿日期：2019年6月7日；录用日期：2019年6月21日；发布日期：2019年6月28日摘要现实世界中，大多数变量之间的关系都不是线性的。

我国城市化与住宅建设的关系研究

我国城市化与住宅建设的关系研究黄安永，张波，钟国贺（东南大学物业管理研究所E-mail: ayh1950@ 电话: +86-25-83795509）摘要：本文利用计量经济学软件EViews 5.0，对我国1988～2007年间城市化率和城镇新建住宅面积作了实证研究。

研究表明，在我国，长期来看，二者存在长期协整关系，但不具有因果关系；短期来看，均衡关系由短期偏离向长期均衡调整的速度较快。

城镇新建住宅面积对城市化率相对更加敏感，受城市化率的影响更为显著。

这为房地产健康可持续发展提供了理论依据。

关键词：城市化住宅建设协整检验Granger检验脉冲响应An Empirical Study on Urbanization and Residential Constructionin ChinaHUANG An-yong, ZHANG Bo, ZHONG Guo-he(Property Management Research Institute, Southeast University E-mail: ayh1950@ Tel.: +86-25-83795509) Abstract:The empirical study on the urbanization ratio and urban newly-built residential areas of China over the period 1988-2007 has been conducted using EViews 5.0. The study shows that there is a long-term co-integration relationship rather than the Granger causality relationship between urbanization ratio and urban newly-built residential areas in China, but the speed of adjusting short-run departure to long-run equilibrium is fast in the short term. The study also shows that urban newly-built residential areas is relatively more sensitive to urbanization ratio, and the impact on urban newly-built residential areas affected by urbanization ratio is more significant. These may provide theoretical basis for the sustainable development of real estate.Key words: urbanization residential construction co-integration test Granger test impulse response1 引言由于世界金融危机的影响，中国的房地产业受到极大冲击，2008年我国楼市销售持续低迷，突出表现在成交量的急剧萎缩，房屋销售量与销售额大幅下挫。

城乡居民养老保险制度满意度实证研究——基于代际差异与感知价值双重视角

湖南农业大学学报(社会科学版) 2020年12月第21卷第6期Journal of Hunan Agricultural University (Social Sciences), Dec. 2020, 21(6):046–055DOI: 10.13331/ki.jhau(ss).2020.06.007城乡居民养老保险制度满意度实证研究——基于代际差异与感知价值双重视角吴玉锋，聂建亮，王新会（西北大学公共管理学院，陕西西安 710127）摘要：利用全国5省15县1 054个60岁以下参保农民的调查数据，实证分析了代际差异、感知价值对城乡居民养老保险制度满意度的影响。

研究发现：农民的总体满意度不高，而且有代际差异，青年农民的满意度最低；代际差异通过年龄效应和世代效应两种机制影响满意度；基于养老待遇水平、经办服务质量和养老保障能力的感知价值都有助于提升农民满意度。

另外，基于KHB的中介效应分析发现，感知价值传递了代际差异对满意度的部分影响，是代际差异影响满意度的部分中介变量。

政府应采取有效措施提高青年农民对制度的满意度，并通过提升城乡居民养老保险制度的养老待遇水平、经办服务质量和养老保障能力增进不同代际农民对制度的满意度。

关键词：城乡居民养老保险制度；满意度；感知价值；代际差异中图分类号：C912.82 文献标志码：A 文章编号：1009–2013(2020)06–0046–10An empirical study on urban and rural residents' satisfaction with endowment insurance system: Based on the dual perspective of generation gap and perceived valueWU Yufeng, NIE Jianliang, WANG Xinhui(School of Public Management, Northwest University, Xi’an 710127, China)Abstract: Based on the survey data of 1054 insured farmers under the age of 60 in 15 counties, 5 provinces in China, this paper conducts an empirical study on the influence of generation gap and perceived value on urban and rural residents’ satisfaction with the endowment insurance system. The results show that the insured farmers’ overal satisfaction is not so great, manifesting generation gap; with the young farmers’ satisfaction being the least Generation gap impacts the farmers’ satisfaction through age effect and generation effect. The perceived value based on the pension treatment level, service quality and pension security ability is conductive to enhancing farmers’ satisfaction. Moreover, the mediating effect analysis of KHB, reveals that the perceived value ,transmitting the partial influence of generation gap on the level of satisfaction are a part of mediating variables of generation gap to affect satisfaction. It is advisable for the government to take effective measures to raise young farmers' satisfaction with the endowment insurance system, and intensify the satisfaction of farmers of different generation by improving the urban and rural residents’ pension treatment level, service quality and pension security.Keywords: endowment insurance system for urban and rural residents; satisfaction; perceived value; generation gap一、问题的提出党的十九大报告提出加快完善社会保障体系，收稿日期：2020－11－17基金项目：教育部人文社会科学研究项目（20XJA840001）作者简介：吴玉锋（1979—），男，河南叶县人，管理学博士，副教授，主要研究方向为社会学、社会保障。

明知没有回报依然倾尽全力初中英语作文

全文分为作者个人简介和正文两个部分：作者个人简介：Hello everyone, I am an author dedicated to creating and sharing high-quality document templates. In this era of information overload, accurate and efficient communication has become especially important. I firmly believe that good communication can build bridges between people, playing an indispensable role in academia, career, and daily life. Therefore, I decided to invest my knowledge and skills into creating valuable documents to help people find inspiration and direction when needed.正文：明知没有回报依然倾尽全力初中英语作文全文共3篇示例，供读者参考篇1Working Hard Despite Knowing There May Be No RewardAs a middle school student, I often find myself questioning why I should put in so much effort when the rewards seem so uncertain. Teachers, parents, and society all preach about theimportance of hard work, but what if all that hard work amounts to nothing in the end? It's a pessimistic thought, I know, but one that has crossed my mind more times than I can count.Take my English class, for example. I spend hours upon hours studying vocabulary, practicing grammar rules, and perfecting my writing skills. I pour my heart and soul into every essay, every project, and every presentation, determined to earn top marks. But what if, despite all my efforts, I still end up struggling with the language? What if I never become truly fluent or proficient enough to use English in a professional setting?The same doubts plague me when it comes to extracurricular activities. I've joined numerous clubs and organizations, taking on leadership roles and going above and beyond in my duties. I've sacrificed weekends and evenings to attend meetings, plan events, and participate in competitions. But what if, in the end, none of it matters? What if my involvement doesn't lead to any tangible rewards or opportunities?The truth is, there are no guarantees in life. No matter how hard we work or how much we dedicate ourselves to a task, there is always the possibility that our efforts will not pay off in the way we envision. That's a harsh reality to confront, especially forthose of us who have been taught from a young age that hard work is the key to success.And yet, despite this awareness, I find myself unable to simply coast through my studies or extracurricular pursuits. There's a part of me that refuses to accept defeat before even trying. It's a stubbornness, a determination, an unwavering belief that if I give anything less than my full effort, I'll be selling myself short.Perhaps it's naive or idealistic, but I truly believe that the act of working hard is its own reward. Even if the tangible results don't materialize, the journey itself is valuable. The skills I've developed, the lessons I've learned, and the personal growth I've experienced are all priceless commodities that will serve me well throughout my life.In English class, for instance, the countless hours spent poring over texts and crafting essays have not only improved my language skills but have also taught me the value of perseverance, attention to detail, and clear communication. These are invaluable assets that will benefit me regardless of whether I pursue a career that directly utilizes English.Similarly, my involvement in extracurricular activities has helped me develop leadership abilities, time management skills,and the ability to work collaboratively with others. These are qualities that are highly prized in any professional setting, and they've become an integral part of who I am as a person.Moreover, the act of working hard has instilled in me a sense of discipline and self-respect. I've learned that true fulfillment often comes from the journey, not just the destination. When I put my all into something, even if the outcome is uncertain, I can hold my head high knowing that I gave it my best shot. There's a certain satisfaction and pride that comes from that realization.Of course, this doesn't mean that I'm immune to disappointment or discouragement. There have been countless times when I've felt like giving up, when the prospect of success seemed too distant or the rewards too meager. But in those moments, I've tried to remind myself of the bigger picture – that the true value of hard work lies not in the external rewards, but in the internal growth and personal development it fosters.I'm reminded of a quote by the famous basketball player, Michael Jordan, who said, "I can accept failure, everyone fails at something. But I can't accept not trying." Those words have become a mantra of sorts for me, a rallying cry to keep pushing forward, even when the path ahead seems uncertain or the rewards unclear.Ultimately, the decision to work hard despite knowing there may be no reward is a personal one. It's a choice that stems from a deep-rooted belief in the value of effort, perseverance, and self-improvement. It's an acknowledgment that the journey is often more significant than the destination, and that the rewards of hard work extend far beyond any tangible accolades or achievements.As for me, I've made my choice. I'll continue to pour my heart and soul into my studies, my extracurricular activities, and any other pursuits that come my way. Not because I'm guaranteed success or recognition, but because the act of trying, of giving my all, is its own form of victory. And even if the rewards never materialize, I'll know that I've grown as a person, developed invaluable skills, and lived a life true to my values and principles.After all, what greater reward could there be than that?篇2The Struggle to ShineI've always been a good student, at least when it comes to academics. I work hard, I pay attention in class, and I put a lot of effort into my studies. But lately, it feels like none of that matters.It's like I'm running on a treadmill, putting in all this effort but going nowhere.It started in my English class this year. Mr. Robertson assigned us a huge research paper on an author of our choice. I decided to do mine on Jane Austen since I'm a huge fan of her novels. I went all out – I read everything I could find about her life and writing, I analyzed multiple works in-depth, and I even watched tons of film adaptations to deepen my understanding.When it came time to write the actual paper, I spent weeks outlining, drafting, and revising. I logged countless hours in the library, pawing through books and journals. I had my parents and older sister proofread my drafts over and over until the essay was polished to perfection. In the end, I was really proud of what I had created.So you can imagine my disappointment when the graded papers were passed back and mine had a C- scrawled at the top.A C-minus! After all that hard work! I couldn't believe it. When I looked at Mr. Robertson's comments, he basically said my analysis was too superficial and obvious. That I hadn't dug deep enough or provided any truly original insights.I was crushed. How could he not see how much time and effort I had poured into that assignment? Didn't he realize howmany hours I spent slaving over that paper, doing far more work than was probably required? What was the point of trying so hard if mediocre work would have earned just as good a grade?From then on, I started to feel dejected about a lot of my classes. Like no matter how much I prepare and study, it's never good enough to earn true praise or recognition from my teachers. I could spend an entire weekend working on a math problem set, checking my work over and over until I was totally confident it was all correct. But then I'd get the assignment back with calculations marked wrong that I could have sworn were right. So what was the point of driving myself crazy over it?In history class, we had to write an essay about the impacts of the Industrial Revolution. I went above and beyond, researching not just the key inventions and economic impacts, but also analyzing the revolution's large-scale effects on society, class structures, urbanization, and more. I filled up 10 pages with what I thought was a truly comprehensive examination of the topic from multiple angles. But according to my teacher's brusque feedback, I had rambled and included too much superfluous information instead of sticking to the core question. Another assignment where killing myself didn't even pay off.Don't get me wrong, it's not like I'm failing all my classes. My grades are still pretty good; I have a solid A/B average. But it feels like no matter how hard I try, I can never do anything that really wows my teachers or earns their glowing praise. It's always just "good work" or "nice effort" - which to me feels like code for "Yeah, it was okay, but nothing special." Even if I stay up until 2 AM studying for a test, I'll still somehow miss questions that I definitely thought I had down pat or get points deducted for silly mistakes.Part of me wonders if I'm evencut out for advanced academics. Maybe I'm just dense or missing some vital conceptual tools that would allow me to produce the type of impressive, insightful work my teachers seem to want. If that's the case, then what's the point of me continually going so overboard on every assignment? Why should I keep killing myself over detailed study guides and perfect annotated bibliographies and flawless mathematical proofs if I'm never going to be one of those students who truly shines and gets lavished with accolades?But then another part of me feels this internal drive to always do my best, no matter what. It's just how I'm wired – I'm a perfectionist and I put 110% effort into everything I do, even if Iknow there's no extra reward coming for it. It actually makes me kind of disappointed in myself anytime I do just the bare minimum or take the easy way out on an assignment. Like I'm cheating myself out of a chance to really shine.I don't know, maybe I'm just naive. Here I am, a 14-year-old kid stressing himself out constantly in the pursuit of academic excellence. Whereas lots of kids my age just shrug everything off as "whatever" and put in bare-bones effort because middle school doesn't "really count" anyway. Sometimes I envy those laidback attitudes of my peers. It would be so liberating to just not care as much and save myself from all the self-imposed pressure and frustration.But that's just not me. For some reason, I have it burned into my brain that the only way to get through life is to give each endeavor my absolute all. My parents didn't directly instill that belief in me, nor did my teachers. It's just a sort of personal conviction that I've carried for as long as I can remember.So even though my English paper didn't live up to Mr. Robertson's vision of brilliance, I know that I couldn't have put more effort into it. And despite my history teacher's dismissive comments, I'm still proud of the amount of thought and analysis I dedicated to that essay on industrialization. Because for me, it'snot just about the grade – it's about pushing myself to discover how much I'm truly capable of in each subject.Maybe my work will never astound anyone. Maybe I'll never be one of those fabled students who gets admissions officers from elite colleges drooling over their application. And sure, part of me is definitely disappointed that I haven't quite found a way to consistently create that "wow factor" my teachers seem to crave.But I'm not going to stop trying. Because who knows –maybe the practice of pushing myself again and again will pay dividends down the road. Maybe struggling through tough assignments today is building resilient habits that will make me unstoppable in university and beyond. Or maybe years from now, I'll be proud of myself for sticking to my principles and overachieving, even without receiving constant rewards or recognition along the way.Either way, I've realized that the biggest reward is found within – in the quiet self-respect that comes with knowing you gave your maximum effort, no matter the obstacle or the context. That's a reward nobody can ever take away from you. So even if I slaved over another 40-page essay only to get an average grade on it, I'll keep that feeling of accomplishment glowing inside ofme. And maybe, just maybe, that feeling will sustain me through all future challenges, inspiring me to attack them with the same "defy the odds" determination.Because giving up is the one thing I'll never do. My streak of ingrained overachievement isn't ending anytime soon. So teachers, parents, admissions officers, or whoever – you can keep your praise and accolades. I'll still be over here, putting in 110% effort whether you deem it "good enough" or not. It's just who I am.篇3The Struggle of the Unrewarded PathI'll be honest, when I was first given this topic for our English essay assignment, I wasn't exactly thrilled. "Giving my all despite knowing there is no reward" just didn't seem like something a normal middle school kid like me could relate to. I mean, aren't we supposed to be chasing after good grades to get into a great high school? Aren't we constantly being promised rewards if we work hard? The whole "no reward" thing seemed kind of depressing.But as I started thinking about it more, I realized there are actually plenty of situations where I've had to push myself evenwhen I knew I wouldn't be getting any tangible reward out of it. And you know what? As much as I sometimes resent those unrewarded struggles, they've helped shape who I am today. This essay is my chance to explore what it really means to give your all without expecting anything in return.One situation that definitely comes to mind is my experience with sports. I'm not going to lie - I'm not the most athletic kid out there. ButI spent years of my childhood playing recreational soccer every fall. Our local town league was just for fun, but I vividly remember how hard all us kids tried at those games and practices. We'd be drenched in sweat, grass-stained and panting like dogs by the end of each one.None of us were going to make it pro or even played through high school probably - we all knew that on some level. The only "reward" we got was a ironically crappy plastic participation trophy at the end of each season. And yet we gave it our all every single time, putting every ounce of effort into trying to win those games. Why? Because it was fun. Because we loved that feeling of satisfaction you get from truly exhaling yourself into an activity, regardless of the outcome.Or what about my experience in the school band? Again, not exactly a future career path for me and my mediocre musicalabilities. But I've stuck with playing the alto saxophone for years, putting in hours of practice on difficult pieces, pushing through the rehearsals while my cheeks were ready to burst from all the blowing. The only payoff was a series of performances where we essentially just played a concert for our family members. You'd think I would have just coasted, but I couldn't help but try my hardest. That drive to do something as well as I could - not for a grade or a prize, but for my own sense of pride - kept me working at it.Even my academic work has seen its fair share of unrewarded struggles. Like the American Revolution research project I worked so hard on in eighth grade. I'm certainly not going to become a historian and that knowledge has virtually no impact on my life now. But I stayed up late night after night, reading tedious books and documents, making sure every last detail about the Battles of Lexington and Concord was accurate in my paper. Not for a good grade even - I knew I'd probably max out at a B+ regardless. I just... cared about doing a good job, as silly as that sounds.The more I think about it, the more I realize that so much of life is about struggling through unrewarded situations and finding the drive to still give it your all. All those hours I spentpracticing my violin kids, torturing my parents with my screeching as I learned new songs. Did it lead to me becoming a virtuoso? Not at all. But I enjoyed the simple act of practicing, of pushing myself to get better and better at something, regardless of whether anyone was judging me or not.Which isn't to say it's easy. There were plenty of times I'm sure we've all felt like giving up on something because the payoff just didn't seem worth the effort required. It's definitely fallen victim to days of overwhelm or burnout from relentlessly pushing on passion projects or hobbies that wouldn't have any real impact on my future. Some days the grind is just too much and you need to walk away before you learn to resent what you once loved.But if I've learned anything, it's that such periods are temporary and the rewarding feeling you get from giving something your full effort is worth pushing through. Whether it's finally landing a skating trick after months of constant roller bodily harm, or just knowing you wrote a great poem you're proud of, the intrinsic rewards leave a stronger impression than any certificate or medal could.Maybe that's one reward we often overlook when we're stuck in the unrewarded struggle - the strength we build withinourselves. The resilience and perseverance we develop by encountering challenges and choosing to rise to meet them rather than deterred by the lack of incentives. Those traits become a core part of your character, which then echoes out into all areas of your life.I've seen it in my own experiences - the stamina I built through sticking with soccer even after I knew I'd never go anywhere with it athletically. That perseverance transfers over to helping me push through difficult assignments for school, even when the subject matter feels irrelevant to my future. The pride I took in performing my best on that history project, regardless of the grade? That's become an attitude I try to bring to all areas of my life - giving everything my full effort, if only to be able to feel good about knowing I did my best.Which brings me to the ultimate unrewarded struggle we all must face - simply growing up. Think about it - has anything been more challenging and required more effort than theday-to-day growing pains of childhood and adolescence? And yet there is perhaps no greater example of pouring your heart into something despite a lack of concrete rewards.Every new skill we have to pick up, from tying our shoes to trying to figure out how the heck algebra works, is just anothertest of our willingness to endure that struggle without any guarantee of success. All the social hardships and emotional minefields we have to navigate as we figure ourselves out could easily cause us to shut down, but we keep going, yearning to be better versions of ourselves. The extraordinary ways our minds and bodies change and develop every single year is perhaps the epitome of constantly depleting ourselves into an unpredictable, often unrewarded journey of self-actualization.It's utterly terrifying and completely draining. And yet the alternative is to stop putting in the effort required to keep evolving, to become complacent about stagnating as an individual. Which might make things easier in the short term, but I can't imagine anything more tragically unfulfilling than that. After all, isn't the greatest reward self-growth itself? Even if there's no shiny trophy to mark our progress, we all know what a monumental achievement it is to constantly reinvent and challenge ourselves.So while the prospect of giving my all to something only to receive no accolades or acknowledgement in return might have seemed depressing at first, the more I ponder the role of unrewarded struggles, the more I've come to appreciate them as an unavoidable and even vital part of life. They are the thingsthat mold us, the obstacles that force us to dig deeper and find reservoirs of determination and grit we never knew we had. And perhaps, in that sense, they provide their own inherent rewards - the quiet pride and self-respect you get from knowing you gave something your honest effort.We're all works in progress, and progress can be painfully slow and immensely frustrating at times. But if there's one thing I've learned, it's how important it is to keep pushing yourself even when the path ahead is uncertain or underwhelming in its promised outcomes. To always bring your best, simply because you'll be able to respect yourself for doing so. I know I'll certainly be trying to bring that mindset to everything I take on in life from here on out, whether the world is watching or not.。

城乡统筹的英语

城乡统筹的英语城乡统筹英语：U rb a n-R u r a l I n t e gr a ti o nU rb an-Ru ral I n t e g r a ti o n城乡统筹1.S p a ci al Pl an n i n g I s Th e Co re Of U rb an-Ru ral In te g r a ti o n.城乡统筹空间规划是城乡统筹发展的核心内容,通过对城乡统筹内涵的分析、我国城乡统筹规划的发展回顾以及国外城乡空间规划的研究指出,城乡统筹空间规划应以和谐的人地关系为长远目标、将整体人文生态理论作为基础。

2.On Th e B a si s Of Th e I l l u st r a ti o n Of Th e C o n ce p tO f U rb an-Ru r al In te gr a ti o n An d It s Pl an n i n g,Th i s P a p e r P o i n t s Ou t Th e S i g n i f i ca n ce Of Th e In te g r a te d U rba n-R u r al P l an n i n g In Th e Co re Zo n e Of Ti an j i n B i n h ai Ne w A r e a.在阐明城乡统筹和城乡统筹规划的含义的基础上,指出对天津滨海新区核心区进行城乡统筹规划的意义。

3.Th i s E s s ay Po i n t s Ou t Th at O n l y B a si n g On Th e S ci e n ti f i c V i e w Of De ve l o p m e n t An d T a ki n g Th e S o ci al Po o l i n gD e ve l o p m e n t A s T h e Co n cre te M e t h o do l o g y,Ad o p ti n gCo u n t e r m e as u r e F ro m S tr e n g th e n i n g Ru r al An d U rb anO r ch e s t r at e s S o ci al S e cu ri ty S y s te m,Th e U rb an-Ru r alI n te g r a ti o n S o ci a l S e cu ri ty S y s te m Ca n B e E st ab l i s h e dF i n al l y.我国农村社会保障体系的现实困境主要体现在脆弱的农村合作医疗体制、滞后的农村最低生活保障制度、落后的农村救济体制三个方面,只有以科学发展观为理论基础,以社会统筹发展理论为具体的方法论,从健全城乡统筹农村社会保障制度体制、机制诸方面采取对策,才能最终建立城乡一体化的社会保障体系。

Urbanizations Impact on Biodiversity

Urbanizations Impact on Biodiversity Urbanization has had a profound impact on biodiversity, with the expansion of cities and towns leading to the destruction and fragmentation of natural habitats, the introduction of invasive species, and increased pollution. This has resulted in a significant loss of biodiversity, with many species struggling to survive in urban environments. From a conservation perspective, this loss of biodiversity is deeply concerning, as it can have far-reaching implications for the functioning of ecosystems and the services they provide to humans. One of the most immediate and visible impacts of urbanization on biodiversity is the destruction of natural habitats. As cities and towns expand, they often encroach on previously undeveloped land, leading to the clearing of forests, wetlands, and other natural areas. This destruction of habitat can have devastating consequences for the plants and animals that rely on these areas for food, shelter, and breeding grounds. Many species are unable to adapt to these rapid changes and are pushed to the brink of extinction as a result. In addition to habitat destruction, urbanization also leads to the fragmentation of natural landscapes. As roads, buildings, and other infrastructure are built, they can create barriers that make it difficult for species to move between different areas. This can lead toisolated populations, which are more vulnerable to genetic problems and less able to respond to changes in their environment. In some cases, this fragmentation can even lead to the complete isolation of populations, effectively cutting them off from the larger gene pool and increasing their risk of extinction. Furthermore, urbanization often results in the introduction of invasive species, which can outcompete native species for resources and disrupt the balance of ecosystems. These invasive species can be introduced through trade and travel, and once established, they can be incredibly difficult to control. They can prey on or outcompete native species, leading to further declines in biodiversity. In some cases, invasive species can even drive native species to extinction, leading to irreversible changes in ecosystems. Another significant impact of urbanization on biodiversity is increased pollution. As cities and towns grow, so too does the amount of waste they produce. This can include everything from plastic pollution to chemical runoff from roads and buildings. This pollution can have direct andindirect effects on biodiversity, from poisoning plants and animals to altering the chemistry of soil and water. In some cases, pollution can lead to the decline or disappearance of certain species, further contributing to the loss of biodiversity. From a conservation perspective, the loss of biodiversity due to urbanization is deeply concerning. Biodiversity is essential for the functioning of ecosystems, providing a wide range of services that are vital for human well-being. These services include everything from pollination and pest control to the regulation of climate and the provision of clean water. As species disappear, the ability of ecosystems to provide these services is diminished, which can have far-reaching implications for human society. In conclusion, urbanization has had a significant and often detrimental impact on biodiversity. From habitat destruction and fragmentation to the introduction of invasive species and increased pollution, the effects of urbanization on biodiversity are wide-ranging and complex. As a result, the loss of biodiversity is deeply concerning from a conservation perspective, as it can have far-reaching implications for the functioning of ecosystems and the services they provide to humans. It is essential that we take steps to mitigate these impacts and work towards creating more sustainable and biodiversity-friendly cities.。

公众诉求、政府干预与环境治理效率——基于省级面板数据的实证分析

Public Appeal, Government Intervention and Environmental Governance Efficiency —— An Empirical Analysis Based on Provincial Panel Data 作者：于文超
作者机构：西南政法大学经济学院,重庆401120
出版物刊名：云南财经大学学报
页码： 132-139页
年卷期： 2015年第5期
主题词：公众诉求环境治理效率政府干预
摘要：以1997~2010年中国省级面板数据为研究样本,实证考察了公众诉求与政府干预对环境治理效率的交互影响。

在使用数据包络分析（DEA）方法测算地方环境治理效率基础上,研究发现,公众诉求对环境治理效率存在显著正向影响,并且在政府干预能力越弱的地区,公众诉求对环境治理效率的正向影响越强。

同时,在报纸发行量越大、省长由本地升迁的地区,环境治理效率更高;在省长有本地大学经历的地区,环境治理效率更低。

相比之下,省委书记的个人治理特征并未对环境治理效率产生显著影响。

上述结论为简政放权背景下的环境治理体系改革提供了有益的政策借鉴。

上海理工大学--口译期末重点

1.口译部分To teach is to learn. 教学相长；Business is business. 公事公办The style is the man. 文如其人；Fish in troubled waters.浑水摸鱼More haste, less speed. 欲速则不达；Like father, like son. 有其父必有其子；Great mind think alike. 英雄所见略同misfortunes never come alone. 祸不单行Out of sight, out of mind.眼不见为净Out of office，out of danger. 无官一身轻；Facts speak louder than words. 事实胜于雄辩The tongue cuts the throat.祸从口出/言多必失；Failure is the mother of success.Man proposes, God disposes.谋事在人成事在天Time and tide wait for no man.时不我待。

/岁月无情Health is better than wealth. 家有万贯财，不如一身键Hedges have eyes, walls have ears. 隔篱有眼，隔墙有耳The remembrance of the past is the teacher of the future. 前事不忘后事之师Love me, love my dog.爱屋及乌Teach fish to swim.班门弄斧Let sleeping dogs lie. 勿打草惊蛇Beat the dog before the lion. 杀鸡儆猴Have a card up one’s sleeve.胸有成竹Put the cart before the horse. 本末倒置Diamond cut diamond.强中自有强中手Gifts blind the eyes.拿了手短，吃了嘴软The sauce is better than the fish.本末倒置There is no smoke without fire.无风不起浪A new broom sweeps clean.新官上任三把火Much will have more.得陇望蜀/得寸进尺He cries wine and sells vinegar.挂羊头卖狗肉；Every potter praises his pot.王婆卖瓜自卖自夸Don’t bite the hand that feeds you.不要恩将仇报There are plenty of fish in the sea.天涯何处无芳草Kill two birds with one stone.一石二鸟 A word spoken is past recalling.一言既出驷马难追Birds of a feather flock together.物以类聚人以群分Speak of the devil (and he will appear).说曹操曹操到The same knife cuts bread and fingers.水能载舟亦能覆舟Judge not a book by its cover.人不可貌相，海水不可斗量A straight foot is not afraid of a crooked shoe.身正不怕影子斜A sparrow cannot understand the ambition of a swan.燕雀安知鸿鹄之志A horse stumbles that has four legs.金无足赤人无完人Names are debts.树大招风Late fruit keeps well.大器晚成Rest breeds rust.生命在于运动All your swans are geese.事与愿违A stitch in time saves nine.亡羊补牢True blue will never stain.真金不怕火炼Penny wise and pound foolish.因小失大The pot calls the kettle black.五十步笑百步Short pleasure ,long lament.一失足成千古恨Justice has long arms.法网恢恢疏而不漏A watched pot never boils.心急吃不了热豆腐Nothing venture, nothing have.不入虎穴焉得虎子As you make the bed, so you must lie in it.自食其果The moon is not seen when the sun shines.小巫见大巫A hedge between keeps friendship green.君子之交淡如水Many kiss the baby for the nurse’s sake.醉翁之意不在酒Everybody’s business is nobody’s business.三个和尚没水喝Don’t count the chicken before they are hatched.请勿盲目乐观What is done by night appears by day.若要人不知除非己莫为What we lose in hake we shall have in herring.失之东隅收之桑榆Misfortune might be a blessing in disguise.祸兮福所倚福兮祸所伏Don’t trouble trouble until trouble troubles you.顺其自然/随遇而安The shepherd world rather lose the wool than the sheep.留得青山在不愁没柴烧天生万物，唯人为贵。

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