Bushman & Smith 2001_acnt & corporate governance

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布须曼人[东非最古老的土著居民]

布须曼人[东非最古老的土著居民]

布须曼人[东非最古老的土著居民]布须曼人东非最古老的土著居民布须曼人,是生活于南非、波札纳、纳米比亚与安哥拉的一个原住民族,是科伊科伊人的相近种族。

布须曼人是非洲南部的民族集团。

又称桑人。

主要分布在纳米比亚、博茨瓦纳、安哥拉、津巴布韦、南非和坦桑尼亚。

一般认为属尼格罗人种科伊桑类型,但布须曼人在各方面与蒙古人种更为接近。

为南部非洲和东非最古老的土著居民。

基本信息中文名布须曼人外文名Bushmen别名桑人(San)相关视频简介布须曼人(Bushmen)布须曼人操布须曼语诸语言,属科伊桑语系中部语族布须曼语支,无文字。

社会发展大大受阻,一直过着狩猎和采集生活,大多仍处在原始社会的不同阶段。

多信仰万物有灵,有部落图腾。

按血缘群居,按双系续谱。

亲属称谓多为夏威夷型(见毛利人)。

以鸵鸟蛋壳存贮饮水。

擅长岩壁画,用各种矿物颜料、石灰、油烟加水和动物油调合涂色,千年不褪。

以现实主义手法描绘狩猎和战争场面,栩栩如生。

最古为单色(红或褐),近代为多色。

各支布须曼人由于所处条件不同,状况也不尽相同。

东南非两支正被吸引而逐渐跻入现代生活。

西南非一些群体仍处在狩猎阶段:一部分在白人殖民者农场做工;一部分人在为班图各族(主要是茨瓦纳人)充当牧奴。

概况历史布须曼人是生活在非洲南部地区的一个原始狩猎——采集民族。

在西方殖民主义者到达非洲南部之前,布须曼人至少有20万,而今只剩下5.5万人了。

现在,他们之中的一半以上生活在博茨瓦纳,其余则生活在南非、纳米比亚和安哥拉。

直到20多年前,布须曼人依然处在史前时期,几乎无人知晓。

他们生活在最贫瘠和荒芜的沙漠地区,像旧石器时代那样,以狩猎和采集植物的根、茎及野果为生。

为了获得生存所需要的水源和食物,布须曼人在夏季常常聚族而居,而到冬季,当水和食物不能满足需要的时候,便开始以家庭为单位向不同方向迁移,四处寻觅食物和水源。

但也有些布须曼人在冬季最干旱的季节里被迫集中在唯一的水源周围。

在布须曼人部落中,男人负责外出狩猎,他们常常两人一组,每星期外出二至三次,所捕获的动物在亲戚和朋友之间分享。

20920484_纳米比亚的“生存大师”布须曼人_

20920484_纳米比亚的“生存大师”布须曼人_

40如果说还有哪个少数民族继续保持着和祖先一样出色的野外生存技能,非纳米比亚的布须曼人莫属。

我亲眼见识了他们的本领,不愧为卡拉哈里沙漠的“生存 大师”。

沙漠中的“疯狂原始人”纳米比亚的“生存大师”布须曼人的了解源于颓废方丹(Twyfelfontein)古岩画,这是纳米比亚的第一处世界文化遗产。

午后,干旱沙漠炙热的阳光如洪水猛兽,毫不留情地烧烤着大地上的一切,周围赭红色的石山仿佛被阳光点燃一样,让人躁动不安。

我顶着烈日走近这些史前岩刻和岩画,上面的狮子、大西南非洲这块干旱的土地上,我遇见了和千年兰一样有着极强适应能力的布须曼人(Bushman),这些“灌木丛中的人”是南部非洲和东非最古老的土著之一。

2012年第一次造访西南非洲,对布须曼人文、图|陈婷布须曼部落里的长者。

All Rights Reserved.41WORLD VISION 2020.NO.4象、长颈鹿、羚羊、犀牛等当地常见野生动物的线条虽简洁,但活灵活现。

还有诸如如何捕猎、如何生存的内容。

岩画用各种矿物颜料、石灰、油烟加水和动物油调和涂色,千年不褪。

这些符号图形让人沉浸在对远古的无尽遐想中,眼前逐渐浮现出古着他们的生活,还有意念中的神灵,表达着对大自然的敬畏,对美好生活的追求和企盼。

遗址高质量地记录了这个狩猎采摘民族数千年的礼仪习俗、宗教信仰和知识。

从岩画巨石散落面积较广可以看出,这个狩猎民族在6000年前就在峡谷各处繁衍生息。

在非洲这片人类起源的土地上,史前人类用岩画记录着狩猎、争战、祭祀、娱舞、交媾等生活场景,表现着原始宗教自然崇拜、生殖崇拜、图腾崇拜、神灵崇拜的文化内涵。

创作出这些丰富岩画的古老狩猎民族正是布须曼人,“Bushman”意为灌木丛里的人,是17世纪荷兰殖民者起的,这种称呼多少带有轻蔑的成分,这些土著更愿意用“桑人”( San)来称呼自己的祖先,意为“真正的人”。

作为这片土地上最古老的居民之一(据说有两万年历史),布须曼人发源于西南非卡拉哈里沙漠北部与赞比西河之间地带,如今东非的那支已经逐渐进入现代生活。

布须曼人

布须曼人

布须曼人1、韩洪昌的《探秘布须曼人》中从原始生产、恐怖宴席、成年仪式三个方面介绍了布须曼人的社会。

(1)原始生产:布须曼人生活在一片有着8万多平方公里的草地和系数的草原森林,周围是荒漠。

他们主要以采集果实和狩猎为主。

因为愈多野生动物受到保护,他们能猎取的动物多是野兔、羚羊、野牛等等。

有时还把落入陷阱的羚羊和野牛养起来。

布须曼男人擅长追踪猎物,他们在长期的狩猎实践中甚至能分辨出受伤动物与健康动物的足迹。

狩猎时,2至6人组成一个狩猎小组,追踪猎物时常常要离开营地两三天的时间。

猎捕大型动物时,他们用带毒的弓箭,箭头和箭杆可以灵活拆分。

当弓箭射中猎物后,撞击力会致使箭杆从箭头上脱落,但是箭头仍牢牢地嵌在动物体内,这事箭头上的毒药就会慢慢渗入到动物的血液内。

毒药是用剧毒植物、蛇毒和有毒甲虫制成的。

这种带毒箭头既可用来狩猎,也可用来抵御入侵。

除了哺乳动物外,他们还捕杀乌龟、蛇,捡拾鸟蛋、白蚁卵和蚂蚁等动物充饥。

布须曼人没有私有财产,所有劳动均属部落成员。

当男人外出打猎时,妇女负责寻找各种可使用的食物,如蘑菇、植物的球茎、浆果以及各种瓜果作为家庭日常食物。

与肉食相比,植物食物是一种更稳定的食物来源。

布须曼人的生活离不开灌木和茅草,他们的居所多为就地取材建成的草棚屋。

至今,布须曼人仍保留着钻木取火的习惯。

(2)恐怖的宴席:布须曼人有一大嗜好,就是生食牛肉。

主要用于婚丧嫁娶或节假日的宴席。

把健康壮硕的牛当场宰杀剥皮,趁牛肉还有温度时就绞成肉末,拌上调料,就着饼子食用。

用来生吃的牛肉,一般都是牛里脊和牛身上最为鲜嫩的部分。

能够生吃的肉,也不过只有一头牛身上的五分之一。

还有一种吃法是,被宰了的牛去皮挂在那里,食客自己上去挑选,看到满意的部位就拿刀割下来,切成小片蘸着调料直接大嚼。

越是血腥的部位越受欢迎。

(3)成年仪式:布须曼人非常重视成年仪式。

男子在成年仪式期间,要在灌木丛生的地方独自生活一个月。

布须曼人少女的成年仪式要在部落首领的主持下进行一个多月。

采集渔猎与原始农业的关系上

采集渔猎与原始农业的关系上

采集渔猎与原始农业的关系上采集渔猎与原始农业的关系(上)2010-10-29 02:18农业起源于距今万年之前,而"文明人"(culturalman)在这个地球上已生活了约200万年。

文明人作为地球上的生命之一,他们99%的时间是在狩猎和采集的阶段中渡过的。

估计在地球上共曾生活过近800亿的人,其中90%的人是靠狩猎和采集渡过一生的,有6%的人是在农业社会中渡过的,其余4%的人才生活在工业社会中,一直至今。

因而哈伦(J.R.Harlan)说,采集-狩猎生活是迄今为止人类所能达到的最成功、最持久、最适应的方式。

人类改变采猎生活方式,走上农业道路的原因,可以从两个方面进行探索:一是人向环境所索取的资源,二是人所处的环境条件,二者既有一定区别,又密切相关。

人类要保持个体的生存以及种族的绵延壮大,必须从环境索取赖以生存的资源。

在长达百余万年的采集、渔猎竞争生活中,人类学会了生火和熟食,学会了创制、改进渔猎采集的工具,提高了生存竞争力。

在狩猎方面,从简单的木棒、投枪进一步发明使用石球、飞去来器、弓箭、石镞、弩等;对植物的采集,人类学会识别数以千计的植物种类,熟悉它们的生长特性,知道哪些植物是可食的,哪些是有毒不能食的,哪些虽然是有毒,经过处理就仍然可食的,对于个别有毒的植物,狩猎人用来制造毒箭头;等等。

这里单以石球为例,石球是早在旧石器时代就发明的,蓝田、三门峡等处,即已有少量粗糙的石球出土,到了旧石器中期,石球已广泛应用于狩猎。

1976年许家窑出土的石球数竟有1 059个之多。

旧石器初、中期,石球的出土集中在陕西、山西、河南一带,到了旧石器晚期,在辽宁、内蒙古、甘肃等地也相继发现。

秦岭南麓及黄河两岸似乎是石球传播的中心。

许家窑出土的石球,最重的有1500克以上,小的不足100克,可能视使用狩猎对象而异。

与石球一起出土的动物化石也极为可观,其中以野马、披毛犀和羚羊的化石最多,马匹累计即有三百多匹,可见许家窑人猎马的技能之高明,考古学家誉之为"猎马人"。

澳大利亚英语的词汇特点

澳大利亚英语的词汇特点

澳大利亚英语的词汇特点作者:闫洪才宋银秋来源:《山东青年》2016年第06期摘要:从社会语言学的角度出发,澳大利亚英语是英语的地域变体之一,澳大利亚英语是在澳洲特定的地域社会、历史条件下演变、发展而形成有别于英式英语和美式英语的一个语言分支,是一种移植的英语。

本文六个方面探讨了澳大利亚英语的词汇特色,同时揭示文化对语言的深刻影响。

关键词:澳大利亚英语;词汇;文化澳语是在澳洲发展历史的不同时期、从不同来源吸收词汇所汇聚而成的语言,这可以说是澳洲文化的一大特色。

由于澳洲特殊的历史和社会环境,澳洲人特别崇尚自由,喜欢无拘无束的生活。

这不仅造就了澳洲特有的国民性格,而且铸成了澳语独具特色的词汇。

澳语因此包融了丰富而有特色的词汇,反映了澳洲人在新环境下应用英语的一些特点。

从canary (囚犯所穿的黑黄相间衣服),paddock(围起来的一片地),billabong(一个水洞,来自土著语言),到fossick(从泥土中挖金子)等,这些词汇都清晰记录了澳洲的演变和发展历程(Ramson, 2001; Butler, 2001)。

然而,概括起来,澳语的词汇特点主要有以下几点:1. 从土著语音中借用词汇/土著语言土著居民住在澳洲已有几千年历史,他们又复杂的宗教制度、法律制度、社会组织既丰富多彩的礼仪、神话、树皮画、雕刻和舞蹈。

每个部落都有自己的语言,但是以口语形式居多,很少有书面语言。

当英国殖民者一踏上澳洲大陆,就遇到了新的自然环境,很多动植物在英国都不曾见过,他们就通过音译直接把土著语言搬过来充塞进英语词汇。

这些词汇涉及好多领域,最有代表性的是动物类的和植物类的,其次是表示地方及涉土著人生活的词汇。

(1)动物词汇:kangaroo(袋鼠)、koala(考拉,树熊)、joey(幼小的袋鼠;有袋动物的幼兽)、wombat(袋熊)、dingo(野狗)、wallab(沙袋鼠)、jerryang(小鹦鹉)。

(2)植物词汇: burrajong(异叶瓶木)、waratah(特洛皮)、boolialla(长叶相思树)、brigalow(镰叶相思树)、bore(垂枝相思树)、cunjevio(海芋)、bunya(大叶南洋杉)、mulga (一种金合欢属植物)。

阅读真经5详解

阅读真经5详解

Passage01 冰箱Q: 请问第一篇冰箱的发明的第2和3空怎么定位,我在原文找不到。

A: 第二第三题对应正文第四段最后一句话。

原文:and another made by physician JG, and developed vapor-compression refrigeration for the brewing and meatpacking industries.题干:and commercial refrigeration was applied to______as well as_______industries.对应:for=applied to; and=as well as定位词:commercial refrigerationQ: 还是冰箱那篇,为什么第5个空不能填alternatives?在原文中不是刚好接在比较级better后面吗?A: 第五题对应正文第五段第三句话。

原文:engineers worked until the 1920s to come up with better alternatives, one of which was Freon.题干:The safer _________took over it in 1920s.对应:better=safer; come up with=took over定位词:1920s请注意,填alternative不是最优答案,最准确的是氟利昂FreonPassage02 阿尔弗雷德诺贝尔Q: 求问第二篇第三题写highly explosive行不行?第二篇第三提求解析填的consideredA: 第三题对应正文第三段倒数第三行:he also realised that the safety problems had to be solved对应原文译文:阿尔弗雷德.诺贝尔对硝化甘油以及如何将它投入到建工领域进行实用非常有兴趣。

[到肯尼亚看动物]肯尼亚动物大迁徙时间

[到肯尼亚看动物]肯尼亚动物大迁徙时间

[到肯尼亚看动物]肯尼亚动物大迁徙时间一直很想到非洲看动物,曾去过南非两次,没看到太多动物,这次终于成行,因为时间有限,只能到肯尼亚,前后八天。

我们看Discovery或国家地理频道,千万只角马或斑马从坦桑尼亚的赛伦盖蒂逐水草大迁徙至肯尼亚的马赛马拉国家公园,都在每年八月,千军万马、天摇地动,是看动物最好时候,不过那时旅馆飞机都一位难求,价格飙涨,现在一月是次佳时节,虽看不到大迁徙,但还是有很多动物,而且像狮子、花豹是不迁移的。

肯尼亚是穷国,年平均国民所得三百美金,但对观光客索价最高,国家公园内旅馆一间每天都在三百美金以上,反正爱来的欧洲人很多,观光收入占第二位。

奎宁是一定要吃的,肯尼亚现在每年仍有一万到三万疟疾病例,有些欧美人甚至回国后次年才发病。

下午4时搭华航飞香港转肯尼亚航空到曼谷飞奈诺比,次日清晨5时(台北10时)抵达,每人花50美元办落地签证,官员又慢又常弄错,改来改去全团到6点半才办完,搞掉一个半钟头。

树屋因英女皇闻名出机场后直奔150公里外阿布岱尔国家公园内的树顶旅馆(TreeTops),旅舍建在树上,树仍继续生长,在屋中树干树枝都包上厚羊毛,避免碰撞,树屋高三层,房间甚小,仅可摆两小床,有如在船上之房间,使用公共浴厕,游客在持枪警卫护送下进入树屋即不可外出,以免被攻击,到底是人看动物,还是动物看人,是动物自由还是人自由,有点好笑。

Tree Tops有名之处为1956年英伊丽沙白公主与夫婿菲力普亲王在此度蜜月,上树屋前为公主,当晚其父乔治六世崩驾,隔天清晨下树时已成女王,Tree Tops因此声名大噪,欧洲人尤喜指名居住。

树顶旅馆50公尺外有数间木头围起来的无顶屏障,长宽各约5公尺,开口约半公尺,中间由木头隔得有点像迷宫,是为了如果有人受野兽攻击,可以躲进庇护所,野兽不易进入。

用盐堆吸引兽群旅馆前后各有一水池,前面置盐十余堆以吸引动物,因动物既要喝水又需补充盐分。

下午4时开始有动静,先是一大群狒狒,有大有小从树林中出来,猴年见猴,兆头不错,又来了几只鹿,鹿最谨慎,一面喝水一面张望,突然一大群野牛(buffklo)从山林奔驰而来,上百只跑起来非常壮观,野牛的角粗大,绝非一般牛角可比,非洲五大猛兽(big5)――狮、豹、野牛、象、犀牛中,以野牛最可怕,吓得鹿赶快逃跑,野牛除了喝水吃盐,还在泥里打滚,疣猪顶着两只大獠牙,也来凑热闹。

彼得·凯里短篇小说《美国梦》中的身份认同研究

彼得·凯里短篇小说《美国梦》中的身份认同研究

1452021年第4期(2021年4月)No.4 2021《美国梦》(American Dreams, 1974)是澳大利亚著名小说家,布克奖、英联邦作家奖获得者彼得·凯里(Peter Carey, 1943—)的短篇小说名篇。

该小说被收录在凯里的第一部短篇小说集《历史上的胖子》(The Fat Man in History, 1974)中,于1974年结集出版。

该小说从澳大利亚小镇男孩的视角观察美国文化对澳大利亚的影响。

面对二战后美国势力在全球范围的扩张,特别是20世纪六七十年代以来电影、电视等大众传媒深入千家万户,美国文化在域外的传播势头猛烈。

同为西方阵营的澳大利亚,深受美国文化传播的影响,其国内呈现出对美国元素的向往,由此引发了小说家对国家民族身份认同的担忧。

本文以小说人物面对美国文化的两难困境为切入点,旨在揭示20世纪70年代美国文化在澳大利亚的强势影响,并剖析在该影响下澳大利亚的民族认同危机。

一、主人公面对美国元素的两难困境《美国梦》里的小镇男孩和其他居民一样憧憬着美国丰富的物质生活。

直到有一天,由邻居格里森先生制作的小镇模型展露人前,从而改变了小镇生活本来的模样。

这个完整复刻小镇人和物的模型,吸引了大批美国游客纷至沓来。

美国游客将模型当地图,挑剔地寻找小镇上的真实来对照。

面对美国游客的审视挑剔和摆拍要求,曾经向往美国的小镇男孩显得不知所措。

《美国梦》借一个小男孩的视角再现了一个澳洲小镇上的人们对美国生活方式的向往和对当下生存环境的轻视。

“多年来,我们在罗克西电影院一边看电影,一边梦想着美国”[1]102。

受到物质至上思想的影响,小镇上的人们认为:“这地方是很美,但我们就是不愿呆在这里”[1]101。

小男孩的父亲清醒地看到真正热爱小镇的是建造模型的格里森先生。

他修建的小镇模型不仅精细还原每条街道、每栋房屋,连镇上的每一个居民也都有各自的小像。

“格里森建造我们小镇的模型只是为了让我们目睹小镇的美丽,让我们为此而自豪,抛弃我们所倾心的美国梦”[1]108。

《雅思阅读真经5》使用说明,补丁,难题解析-----刘洪波

《雅思阅读真经5》使用说明,补丁,难题解析-----刘洪波

《雅思阅读真经5》使用说明,补丁,难题解析-----刘洪波This book is underpinned by a scientific methodology, integrating reading skills and vocabulary building, and unveilling the real tests.《雅思阅读真经5》超越了《真经234》中采用的三篇文章一套题的安排模式,所以它不仅是一本真题机经的预测,更重要的价值是它包含了一种培训体系和理念,引导读者在做题时暗合真经派的教学法。

所以我在封面写了这段英语。

【使用流程】我心中最理想的雅思考生是这样准备雅思阅读的:1.先拿《剑桥雅思4-9》随便一本,比如4,模考四套题。

现在我知道了雅思考试流程,内容,难度,自己现在和目标分数的差距,那种题型自己最讨厌。

自己的词汇和语法还差多少。

2.学习《雅思阅读真经总纲》中各个题型的解题技巧,同时按题型修炼《雅思阅读真经5》,并背记真经5中每篇文章后面的核心词和考点词。

(结合文章背单词是最有效的)3.现在我对雅思阅读各个题型的命题思路和技巧都没问题了,学习《雅思阅读真经总纲》中前两章。

了解真题各题型组合后不同的阅读顺序。

再用《剑桥雅思5-9》开始模考。

同时使用《剑桥雅思阅读考点词真经》,结合剑桥的文章复习单词,同时学习剑桥每道题的考点词设计。

4.考试。

5.庆祝高分,在@雅思教父刘洪波上晒出分数,我奖励《留学Super之路》一本,代价是一堆人会问你的心得,你要帮我给师弟师妹们在微博上答疑和分享学习经验,攒人品。

背后的科学理论是:要先练好内功和分解动作,再去和剑桥组合过招,进步感觉最快。

内功没有,单独的招数还不熟,就天天跟人家拼组合拳,我很佩服一些考生的抗击打能力。

在第2步中,考生积累了单词(内功),集训了题型(招数),了解了题库机经(对手)。

《真经5》的设计目的就是如此。

在做剑桥雅思真题之前,要了解它组合拳的路数。

《燃烧》观后感

《燃烧》观后感

《燃烧》观后感《燃烧》观后感当女主褪去衣裳,赤身裸体在晚霞映照的落日下独自起舞,仿佛是唤醒沉寂、平庸生活的生命之舞,像一种渴望救赎解脱,朝拜自由的宗教仪式。

晚霞消失前的那一刻,孤独之感刻入骨髓。

《燃烧》是由韩国导演李沧东执导的新作(2018),电影根据日本作家村上春树的短篇小说《烧仓房》改编,同时又杂糅了美国作家威廉•福克纳的短篇小说《烧马棚》。

讲述了三个经历各不相同的年轻人,他们之间的纠葛、暧昧、迷离。

这部电影给我了很深刻的印记,只是在某个失意的夜晚看到这部电影,那种映入生命深处的孤独感萦绕心头,让人久久无法排遣。

这部电影给我很深刻的印象:电影要如何诗意的表达情感,李沧东如何把那种孤独感传递给观众的?李沧东导演风格接近于诗人,他的这部作品也带着诗意表达,电影如何把情感,传递给观众。

个人觉得有以下几方面:一是,借女主之口,抛出哲学命题:我们为什么活着,人生有何意义?这也可以视作本片的电影主题,电影接下来大量的篇幅,也是围绕着我们的生活、生命究竟有何意义?有无意义的标准是什么,又由谁来评判?无论是女主惠美通过到非洲寻找“饥饿之舞”,来找寻生命的意义,或者富裕男主通过焚烧大棚来找寻毁灭无意义的快感,都是在探讨,生命应该是怎么度过才算意义。

二是,有了哲学命题之后,利用细节制造意象,营造电影诗意氛围。

如女主第一次带男主到自己的小屋后,告诉男主自己家里那一丝由对面玻璃反射来的转瞬即逝的阳光,此后这个细节反复出现。

再比如,女主哑剧描述那个“橘子”、开头不存在的“猫”、童年时的“枯井”,这些亦真亦假,甚至有点超现实主义的物体构成的意象,让整部电影始终带着一丝超脱现实的诗意。

三是,诗意的台词。

很难想象,一部以诗意自居的电影,没有诗意的台词,会是怎么样的一种矫情。

不仅诗意,这样的台词还必须带有哲学思辨,以本片为例,台词能带给观众非同寻常的思考:如电影开场女主对男主描述哑剧表演中看不见的橘子,亦如后面那只看不见的猫:女主:“你看,只要我想吃的时候,随时都能吃到橘子。

侵犯行为学习资料

侵犯行为学习资料

侵犯行为4)温度与侵犯行为早在十九世纪初,一些社会哲学家就发现天气变化与犯罪行为之间存在着一定的关系。

而近二十年来,对这个问题的研究更多。

比如罗特姆(Rottom 1985)的一项档案研究发现空气污染与暴力犯罪有关。

在巴龙(1978)的研究也发现犯罪与温度有关,他通过研究发生在夏天的城市暴乱与气温的关系,发现其呈现出倒U曲线,在华氏81—85度时,暴乱的数量最多,当温度较低或很高时,暴乱发生的数量较少。

但是由于他们没有考虑不同温度的持续时间,使得这个结论受到卡尔斯密斯和安德森等人的批评,其中安德森用概率论对这一曲线加以修改,指出在特定的温度范围内,暴力事件的发生与温度呈现线性关系,也就是说,在摄氏38到41度以内,随着气温的升高,人们的暴力倾向增强,但是在超过这个温度之后,由于人们外出的机会下降,所以暴力行为产生的机会也较少。

(5)兴奋转移与侵犯行为由于敌意性的侵犯行为总是伴随着情绪的激起,所以心理学家想知道由于其他刺激所引发的生理上的激起是否会转移到侵犯性冲动之上。

泽勒曼(Dolph Zillmann 1972 1994)等人在研究爱情行为的时候发现,由其他刺激诱发的情绪性激起会转移到爱的对象之上,他称这一心理过程为兴奋转移(Excitation transfer)。

泽勒曼认为兴奋转移不仅发生于爱情中,也可以解释侵犯行为的发生,在他的一项研究中,泽勒曼让实验者的助手或者激怒男性被试,或者用中性的态度对待男性被试。

然后再让其中一半的被试从事大运动量的锻炼,而另一半被试不锻炼。

稍加休息后,给被试提供了一个电击助手的机会,正如泽勒曼所预料的,愤怒且锻炼的人比愤怒但没有锻炼的被试用更高的电压电击助手。

除了锻炼,大的噪音、暴力与淫秽电影等引起的激起都会增加人们的侵犯性。

(6)侵犯性线索与侵犯行为侵犯性的线索也会引发侵犯行为。

柏科维兹(1967 1979)发现,情境中与侵犯相关的一些线索,如刀、枪、棍等器械往往会成为侵犯行为产生的起因,他把这种现象称为武器效应(weapon effect)。

I Met A Bushman

I Met A Bushman

I Met A BushmanPeople told him not to drive along that road aloneBut he decided to try it ---"Don't try to drive across the Kalahari Desert alone," my friends in the city said. "If your car breaks down , you will be there for days before anyone passes by and it is terribly hot. Besides, what will you do if you meet a Bushman?"My friends told me that Bushmen were wild people who had no mercy for travelers. When a traveler lost his way in the desert, they said, there was often a Bushman watching him from behind the tall grass. The Bushman was waiting for him to die, my friends said. He was waiting to take the traveler's water bottle, belt and shoes.Listening to my friends, I almost decided not to drive across the desert alone. But I was going to a distant town in Southwest Africa, and the road across the Kalahari Desert was 1,000 miles shorter than any other. I decided to try it.For a long time everything went well, but then my car broke down! The sound of the engine told me that there was no water in the radiator. lifted the hood of the car and looked inside. It was true -- the radiator was empty and -- I was 30 miles from a village.Alone in the DesertI sat in the car for an hour, trying to decide what to do. "Shall I pour the last of my drinking water into the radiator?" I thought. "Or shall ] pour it down my throat?" I certainly didn't want to leave the car and look for water in the desert. "If I do that, I thought, I will probably lose my way, and meet a Bushman, too." So I made as much noise as I could with my automobile horn. I sounded the horn every ten minutes, hoping that some other traveler passing near me would hear.The noon sun was terribly hot, and the car was as hot as a stove. There was no air anywhere. I felt lonely and thirsty, and, remembering my friends' stories, I was a little afraid, too.Then I saw the Bushman.He was squatting behind the tall brown grass. He was holding a small bow with several sharp arrows, about as long as pencils. He had small dark eyes and an untidy pile of hair on his head.When he stood up, I saw that he was shorter than the tall brown grass.Friend or Enemy?When he saw that I was looking at him, he began to walk slowly toward me, still holding his bow and arrows. He opened his lips and pulled them back, showing a row of very white teeth. "Maybe this is a smile," I thought, "but maybe it isn't." I did not smile back.He squatted motionless under the sun, watching me, for an hour. Every ten minutes, when I sounded the automobile horn, he made a happy noise in his throat. The noise shook his small body from head to foot. But he still squatted motionless under the hot sun, just watching me.Once, he said something to me in his language, then put his bow and arrows on the ground, stood up and lifted his hands toward the sky. He seemed to be telling me that he came in peace. But I didn't trust him.Later, as the sun went down, he came closer to the car and began to talk in his strange language. His face showed that he could not understand why I was not more friendly. I felt a little ashamed, but I still didn't trust him. I remembered those stories about Bushmen.On the other hand, when evening came, I found that I was rather grateful that the Bushman was near. Night is a lonely time in the desert. I was less afraid while another human being was near, even that squatting Bushman. I envied him, too, as he made his fire of dry sticks -- then night was suddenly cool. Every few minutes he turned and waved his hand. He seemed to be telling me he would protect me during the long night. Each hour I felt less afraid. At last I slept, still in my car.Water from the SandI woke in the early morning. My little Bushman was squatting mo-tionless on the hood of the car, smiling as usual. I sat up, feeling cold. For the first time, I smiled at him, too.At that moment, his face changed, and he spoke in a wild but happy way. He seemed to be saying, "At last you are beginning to act like a human being. Now we can do something together.I suddenly saw what he had in his hand. It was a small leather bag, full (I hoped) of water.Water! Where did he find it in this part of the country? Forgetting to be afraid, I opened the door of the car for the first time. He seemed to consider this a sign that I wanted to be friendly. He ran around the car like a happy child, making loud sounds of pleasure.In sign language I showed him that I needed water for the car. He understood. "Ah!" he said. He gave me the bag that he was carrying, and I poured the water into the radiator. It was not enough.Then the Bushman ran to the tall grass and found a long hollow stick. In sign language he told me to follow. I still didn't completely trust him, but I followed a little behind him. After a short walk he squatted on the ground and pushed one end of his hollow stick into the sand. I watched, amazed, as he put his lips around the other end of the stick. A moment later, a stream of water came out around his mouth. There was water under the sand!I ran back to the car for my big water bottle, and for half an hour the Bushman's mouth worked to fill it for me. When the bottle was full, he gave it to me. His happy face seemed to say, "Now, you see, we are acting like brothers!" I took the bottle back to the car, poured the water into the radiator, and then returned to the Bushman.The Bushman's mouth was still working with the hollow stick, but now there was no more water. He began to run around wildly, pushing the stick into the ground, putting his lips around it, but getting only sand in return. After several minutes he stopped and looked at me, smiling sadly.No Pay for HospitalityWe walked back to the car in silence. "I'll take some water out of the radiator and give it to him," I thought. But I wanted to do something more to show that I was grateful. I took my watch off my wrist and gave it to him. His eyes became big and his fingers trembled as he took it. But then he put the watch back into my hand. Amazed, I tried to explain that I wanted him to keep it. No, he would not let me give it to him. "After all," his eyes seemed to say, "you are my guest. This is my desert, my home. Do not try to pay me for my hospitality." I felt a little ashamed as I put the watch back on my wrist.He stood there as I took some water out of the radiator and put it into my bottle. He shook his head when I put the bottle in his hand, but I said, "Yes! Yes! You must take it!" So he put it on the ground beside his bow and arrows.I closed the hood of the car and started the engine. It seemed to be going well. I was ready to leave. We said good-bye in our two languages, and I continued across the desert. That evening I stopped at a small village near the end of my journey. I was taking my bags out of the back of the car, when I suddenly saw my water bottle. It was on the floor of the car, behind my seat, where the little Bushman had put it.。

i met a bushman主要内容

i met a bushman主要内容

i met a bushman主要内容我遇见了一个布什曼我曾经有幸遇见了一个非常特别的人,一个布什曼。

布什曼是南非的土著部落,他们以狩猎和采集为生,保留着非常原始的生活方式和文化传统。

这次遇见的布什曼是在一个自然保护区里,他们在那里定居并且继续保持着自己的传统生活方式。

当我第一次看到这个布什曼时,我被他们与众不同的外貌所吸引。

他们身材矮小,皮肤呈灰褐色,头发卷曲,眼睛深邃。

他们穿着简单的兽皮衣物,身上挂着各种珠宝和装饰品,给人一种原始而神秘的感觉。

我决定接近他们,了解更多关于他们的生活和文化。

我发现,布什曼是非常友好和好客的人。

他们非常愿意与我交流,分享他们的经验和知识。

布什曼以狩猎和采集为生,他们擅长使用弓箭和陷阱捕捉动物,同时也懂得采集植物和水果作为食物。

他们的生活方式非常简单,但却非常适应自然环境。

布什曼对于自然的了解非常深入,他们可以通过观察动物和植物的行为来预测天气和寻找食物。

他们还擅长使用草药治疗疾病和伤口,他们认为自然界中的每一种植物都有特定的药用价值。

这种对自然的敏感和了解是我们现代人所缺乏的。

在与布什曼的交流中,我了解到他们对于家庭和部落的重视。

他们的社区非常紧密,每个人都有自己的责任和角色。

男性负责狩猎和保护家族,女性负责采集和照顾孩子。

他们非常尊重长辈和领袖,同时也非常注重传统和仪式。

布什曼的语言和音乐也非常特别。

他们使用一种被称为“喀喀喀”的语言,这是一种非常复杂且富有节奏感的语言。

他们也擅长演奏一种叫做“卡拉卡拉”的乐器,这是一种由动物皮制成的弦乐器,发出的声音非常悠扬和动听。

在与布什曼的交流中,我不仅仅了解到了他们的生活和文化,更重要的是,我学到了很多关于自然和生活的智慧。

布什曼教会了我如何与自然和谐共处,如何尊重他人和珍惜生活。

我很庆幸有机会遇见这个布什曼,他们的生活方式和价值观给了我很多启示和思考。

我相信,只有通过了解和尊重不同的文化,我们才能更好地理解世界,更好地保护我们的地球家园。

暴力的英语单词

暴力的英语单词

暴力的英语单词暴力是指不符合法律和道德规范的强制力量,很多时候人们都会采取暴力来解决问题,但是暴力不管什么时候都是一种不正当的行为,我们应该给予制止。

那么你知道暴力的英语单词是什么吗?下面店铺为大家带来暴力的英语单词和相关英语例句,供大家参考学习。

violence英 [ˈvaiələns] 美 [ˈvaɪələns]force英 [fɔ:s] 美 [fɔrs, fors]strong arm英 [strɒŋɑ:m] 美 [strɔŋɑrm]暴力革命 violent revolution暴力机关 organ of violence暴力镜头 carnography暴力行为 act of violence暴力摩托 road rash这个年轻人被控暴力抢劫。

The young man was charged with robbery with violence.我毕生谴责暴力行为。

I detest violence with my whole being.最近暴力行为激增,这已经打击了公众的信心。

The recent spurt in violence has demoralised the public.当时若警方迟一些干预就会发生严重的暴力事件了。

If the police had not stepped in when they did there would have been serious violence.节目中的暴力场面和难听的粗话使许多观众感到震惊。

The violence and bad language in the program shocked many of the viewers.教友派信徒们强烈反对暴力和战争。

Quakers strongly oppose violence and war.暴力犯罪仅仅是危害社会的弊病之一。

Violent crime is only one of the maladies afflicting modern society.他们将用暴力来对付暴力。

这些英语口语你理解多少-

这些英语口语你理解多少-

这些英语口语你理解多少?That house is really A-1.[误译]那间房子的门牌确实是A-1号。

[原意]那间房子确实是一流的。

[说明]A-1,也作A1(形容词),意为“头等的,一流的,极好的,最优秀的”。

A bull of Bushman woke the sleeping child with his noise.[误译]贝兴的一头公牛弄醒了那个酣睡的孩子。

[原意]一个大嗓门的人把那个酣睡的孩子吵醒了。

[说明]a bull of Bushman 是习语,意为“大嗓门的人”。

Even a hair of the dog didn't make him feel better.[误译]即使一根狗毛也不会使他觉得好些。

[原意]即使是再喝解宿醉的一杯酒,也不会使他觉得好些。

[说明]a [the] hair of the dog (that bit one)是口语,意为“用以解宿醉的一杯酒”。

Is he a Jonah?[误译]他是叫约拿吗?[原意]他是带来厄运的人吗?[说明]a Jonah喻意为“带来厄运的人”。

Jim is fond of a leap in the dark.[误译]吉姆喜欢在黑暗处跳跃。

[原意]吉姆喜欢冒险行事。

[说明]a leap in the dark 是习语(名词短语),意为“冒险行事,轻举妄动”。

A little bird told me the news.[误译]一只小鸟将此消息告诉我。

[原意]消息灵通人士将此消息告诉我。

[说明]a little bird told me是口语,意为“消息灵通人士告诉我,有人私下告诉我”。

Mr. Smith doesn't want to make his son an ambulance chaser.[误译]史密斯先生不想让他的儿子成为追赶救护车的人。

[原意]史密斯先生不想让他的儿子成为专门靠怂恿交通事故受伤者打官司来拉生意赚钱的律师。

阿拉伯茶茶又叫

阿拉伯茶茶又叫

阿拉伯茶茶又叫
说道喝茶,可能大家都不陌生,不瞒大家说,日常也是一个超级喜欢喝茶的人。

不管是生普洱还是熟普洱,西湖龙井还是黄山毛峰,或是金骏眉、正山小种、遵义红、滇红,甚至正宗的福鼎白毫银针,均有涉猎。

但是今天要向大家介绍的茶,可不是一般的茶叶。

而是大名鼎鼎的毒品:阿拉伯茶。

阿拉伯茶(CathaedulisForssk),又名恰特草、学名Cathaedulis、埃塞俄比亚茶、也门茶、巧茶、布什曼茶(Bushman'stea)、东非罂粟,东非常青灌木,原产地为埃塞俄比亚,现广泛分布于热带非洲、埃塞俄比亚、阿拉伯半岛以及中国大陆的海南、广西等地。

2019全国卷2阅读理解A全文中文翻译

2019全国卷2阅读理解A全文中文翻译

2019全国卷2阅读理解A全文中文翻译2019全国卷2 阅读理解A原文呈现全文翻译重点词汇讲解My Favourite BooksJo Usmar is a writer for Cosmopolitan and co-author of the This Book Will series(系列)of lifestyle books.Here she picks her top reads.MatildaRoald DahlI once wrote a paper on the influence of fa iry tales on Roald Dahl’s writing and it gave me a new appreciation for his strange and delightful worlds.Matilda’s battles with her cruel parents and the bossy headmistress,Miss Trunchbull,are equally funny and frightening,but they’re also aspirational.After DarkHaruki MurakamiIt’s about two sisters―Eri,a model who either won’t or can’t stop sleeping,and Mari,a young student.In trying to connect to her sister,Mari starts changing her life and discovers a world of diverse “night people” who are hiding secrets.Gone GirlGillian FlynnThere was a bit of me that didn’t want to love this when everyone else onthe planet did,but the horror story is brilliant.There’s tension and anxiety from the beginning as Nick and Amy battle for your trust.It’s a real whodunit and the frustration when you realise w hat’s going on is horribly enjoyable.The StandStephen KingThis is an excellent fantasy novel from one of the best storytellers around.After a serious flu outbreak wipes out 99.4% of the world’s population,a battle unfolds between good and evil among those left.Randall Flagg is one of the scariest characters ever.21.Who does “I” refer to in the text?A.Stephen King.B.Gillian Flynn.C.Jo Usmar.D.Roald Dahl.22.Which of the following tells about Mari and Eri?A.Cosmopolitan.B.Matilda.C.After Dark.D.The Stand.23.What kind of book is G one Girl?A.A folk tale.B.A biography.C.A love story.D.A horror story.My Favourite Books我最喜爱的书籍Jo Usmar is a writer for Cosmopolitan and co-author of the This Book Will series(系列)of lifestyle books. Here she picks her top read s.Jo Usmar 是“四海为家的人”图书的作者,也是“This Book Will”退出的生活方式类系列图书的联合作者。

中考英语名词复数形式构成方法:-man 结尾的

中考英语名词复数形式构成方法:-man 结尾的

中考英语名词复数形式构成方法:-man 结尾的man-men 人,男子汉,侍从,部下seaman-seamen 海员,水手,精通海事的人,水兵Indiaman-Indiamen 过去用于与印度做生意的商船militiaman-militiamen 民兵cabman-cabmen 出租马车司机clubman-clubmen 俱乐部会员,交际家subman-submen 极差的人,残暴的人adman-admen 广告员suburbbadman-badmen 不法分子,偷牲口的人贼,受雇用的刺客headman-headmen 工头,监工,刽子手madman-madmen 疯子,狂人blindman-blindmen 盲人,辫字点hodman-hodmen 搬运灰泥砖瓦的人,砌砖工人的助手,雇用工人woodman-woodmen 樵夫,在森林中居住的人,熟悉森林知识的人,猎人yardman-yardmen 场地工作者,车场工作人员,铁路调度点birdmam-birdmen 飞行员,飞机乘客tribeman-tribemen 部落的一员,同宗族的人placeman-placemen 官吏furnaceman-furnacemen 加热炉工,炉前工spaceman-spacemen 宇宙飞行员,宇宙科学家policeman-policemen 警察serviceman-servicemen 军人,维修人员exserviceman-exservicemen 退役军人,复员军人blademan-blademen 平地机手,铲刮工freeman-freemen 自由民,公民,正式会员committeeman-committeemen 委员,委员会成员garageman-garagemen 汽车库工人,汽车修理工人bargeman-bargemen 驳船船员stakeman-stakemen 打桩工,标桩工,放样工whaleman-whalemen 捕鲸者,捕鲸船middleman-middlemen 中间人,中间商rifleman-riflemen 步兵missileman-missilemen 导弹手gentleman-gentlemen 出身高贵的人,绅士,先生,男仆nozzleman-nozzlemen 喷水工,喷砂工craneman-cranemen 吊车工人,起重机手machineman-machinemen 印刷工,钻石工人,机械工人stoneman-stonemen 石匠,石标,石工,装版工人foeman-foemen 敌人tapeman-tapemen 持尺员hardwareman-hardwaremen 五金工人,五金商人cadreman-cadremen 骨干分子fireman-firemen 消防队员,司炉,方炮工,爆破工wireman-wiremen 电气装配工,架线工,架线工,线路工,线务员foreman-foremen 工头,领班,评审长,陪审团发言人longshoreman-longshoremen 码头工人preman-premen 一种古灵长动物hoseman-hosemen 消防员houseman-housemen 控制室操作员oxeman-oxemen 用斧者,伐木者prizeman-prizemen 得奖人surfman-surfmen 破浪艇turfman-turfmen 赛马迷G-man-G-men 联邦调查员bagman-bagmen 行商,推销员,贿赂事件的中间人gagman-ganmen 插科打诨的演员,笑话作者flagman-flagmen 信号兵,信号旗手,旗工ragman-ragmen 收买破旧货的人legman-legmen 现场采访记者,到处奔波的人eggman-eggmen 送鸡蛋的人yeggman-yeggmen 窃贼,盗贼,恶棍hogman-hogmen 养猪人frogman-frogman 蛙人coachman-coachmen 赶马车的人henchman-henchmen 心腹人,亲信,顺从者,仆人Frenchman-Frenchmen 法国人winchman-winchmen 绞车手watchman-watchmen 看守人,警卫员,更夫pitchman-pitchmen 摊贩switchman-switchmen 转辙员,扳道工人Scotchman-Scotchmen 苏格兰人Dutchman-Dutchmen 荷兰人weighman-weighmen 过磅员,称货点ploughman-ploughmen 把犁人,庄稼汉washman-washmen 南洗衣工freshman-freshmen 新手,生手,大学一年级学生bushman-bushmen 澳大利亚丛林中的居民Northman-Northmen 北方人hackman-hackmen 出租汽车司机,出租马车赶车人packman-packmen 小贩trackman-trackmen 铁路护路员stockman-stockmen 牧场主,牧场工人,饲养员,仓库管理员truckman-truckmen 卡车驾驶员,milkman-milkmen 卖牛奶的人,送牛奶的人silkman-silkmen 丝织品的制造者tankman-tankmen 坦克手,工业用罐槽管理工linkman-linkmen 夜间手执火炬的引路人junkman-junkmen 废旧品商人,船工bookman-bookmen 文人,学者,书商kirkman-kirkmen 苏格兰教会的教徒或支持者,教士workman-workmen 工人,劳动者,工作者,工匠Turkman-Turkmen 土库曼人deskman-deskmen 办公室工作人员,报馆编辑人员signalman-signalmen 信号员,通信兵wheelman-wheelmen 舵手,骑自行车的人,汽车驾驶员shovelman-shovelmen 用铲子的人railman-railmen 铁路职工,码头工人councilman-councilmen 市政会成员bellman-bellmen 敲钟者,在街上敲钟向公众报事的人hillman-hillmen 住在山区的人rollman-rollmen 滚轧机操作者tollman-tollmen 收税者Pullman-Pullmen 卧铺火车dolman-dolmen 女斗篷schoolman-schoolmen 教师,学校行政人员fenman-fenmen 沼泽居民penman-penmen 抄写人,书写员,书法家,作家,伪造者chainman-chainmen 司链员brainman-brainmen 谋士,参谋trainman-trainmen 乘务员,制动手muffinman-muffinmen 卖松饼的人kilnman-kilnmen 烧窑工人gunman-gunmen 带枪的歹徒,枪炮工人yeoman-yeomen 自由人,侍者,仆人,自耕农radioman-radiomen 无线电人员,无线电技师woman-women 妇女shewoman-shewomen 女性十足的女人chapman-chapmen 小贩slapman-slapmen 便衣警察shopman-shopmen 店主,店员hoopman-hoopmen 篮球运动员propman-propmen 道具管理员radarman-radarmen 雷达员spearman-spearmen 持矛的人,持矛的士兵sonarman-sonarmen 声纳兵lumberman-lumbermen 伐木者,集材者alderman-aldermen 高级市政官,市参议员,总督triggerman-triggermen 开枪行凶的人,刺客,匪徒,保镖fisherman-fishermen 捕鱼人,捕鱼船weatherman-weathermen 天气预报员,气象员merman-mermen 人鱼,男子游泳健将newspaperman-newspapermen 新闻记者superman-supermen 超人,具有超过常人力量的人oysterman-oystermen 采牡蛎者,采牡蛎船overman-overmen 监工,工头,仲裁者,裁判员,超人airman-airmen 航空兵,飞行员chairman-chairmen 主席,议长,会长,委员长vicechairman-vicechairmen 副主席,副议长,副会长,副委员长cochairman-cochairmen 联合主席,副主席repairman-repairmen 修理工人doorman-doormen 门口仆役motorman-motormen 电车司机,电动机操作工人headsman-headsmen 刽子手,捕鲸鱼船指挥,推车工leadsman-leadsmen 测深员landsman-landsmen 本国人,同胞,新水手roundsman-roundsmen 巡视官,看夜人,推销商。

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Financial accounting information andcorporate governance$Robert M.Bushman a,*,Abbie J.Smith ba Kenan-Fla g ler Business School,Uni v ersity of North Carolina,Chapel Hill,NC27599-3490,USAb Graduate School of Business,Uni v ersity of Chica g o,USAReceived4October1999;received in revised form4April2001AbstractThis paper reviews and proposes additional research concerning the role of publicly reportedfinancial accounting information in the governance processes of corporations. Wefirst discuss research on the use offinancial accounting in managerial incentive plans and explore future research directions.We then propose that governance research be extended to explore more comprehensively the use offinancial accounting information in additional corporate control mechanisms,and suggest opportunities for expanding such research.We also propose cross-country research to investigate more directly the effects offinancial accounting information on economic performance through its role in governance and more generally.r2001Elsevier Science B.V.All rights reserved. JEL:D8;F3;G3;J3;M4Keywords:Financial accounting;Corporate governance;Agency;Moral hazard;Compensation$We thank Thomas Dyckman,Thomas Hemmer,Edward Lazear,Thomas Lys(Editor),Joseph McConnell,Raghuram Rajan,Richard Sloan(Discussant),Ross Watts,Jerry Zimmerman (Editor),Luigi Zingales,and seminar participants at Carnegie Mellon University,Columbia University,Cornell University,and the2000Journal of Accounting&Economics Conference for their helpful comments.We also would like to thank Xia Chen for her valuable research assistance. Abbie Smith thanks the Institute of Professional Accounting of the Graduate School of Business, University of Chicago,and Robert Bushman thanks The Pricewaterhouse Coopers Faculty Fellowship Fund forfinancial support.*Corresponding author.Tel.:+1-919-962-9809.E-mail address:bushmanr@(R.M.Bushman).0165-4101/01/$-see front matter r2001Elsevier Science B.V.All rights reserved.PII:S0165-4101(01)00027-11.IntroductionIn this paper we evaluate and propose additional economics-based empirical research concerning the governance role of financial accounting information.We define the governance role of financial accounting information as the use of externally reported financial accounting data in control mechanisms that promote the efficient governance of corporations.We adopt the classic agency perspective that the separation of corporate managers from outside investors involves an inherent conflict.Corporate control mechanisms are the means by which managers are disciplined to act in the investors’interest.Control mechanisms include both internal mechanisms,such as managerial incentive plans,director monitoring,and the internal labor market,and external mechanisms,such as outside shareholder or debtholder monitoring,the market for corporate control,competition in the product market,the external managerial labor market,and securities laws that protect outside investors against expropriation by corporate insiders.Financial accounting information is the product of corporate accounting and external reporting systems that measure and publicly disclose audited,quantitative data concerning the financial position and performance of publicly held firms.Financial accounting systems provide direct input to corporate control mechanisms,as well as providing indirect input to corporate control mechanisms by contributing to the information contained in stock prices.A fundamental objective of governance research in accounting is to provide evidence on the extent to which information provided by financial accounting systems mitigate agency problems due to the separation of managers and outside investors,facilitating the efficient flow of scarce human and financial capital to promising investment opportunities.We believe that governance research is important for developing a complete understanding of the impact of financial accounting information on the allocation and utilization of resources in an economy.The largest body of governance research in accounting concerns the role of financial accounting information in managerial incentive contracts.The heavy emphasis on managerial compensation derives from the widespread use of compensation contracts in publicly traded U.S.corporations,the availability of top executive compensation data in the U.S.as a result of existing disclosure requirements,and the success of principal–agent models in supplying testable predictions of the relations between available performance measures and optimal compensation contracts.In Section 2,we review and critique the existing compensation literature in accounting,including the literature examining the role of accounting information in determining managerial turnover.Our discussion develops the theoretical framework underlying much of this work and evaluates existing empirical evidence.We also provide an historical overview to trace the economic roots of compensation research in accounting,discuss empiricalR.M.Bushman,A.J.Smith /Journal of Accounting and Economics 32(2001)237–333238R.M.Bushman,A.J.Smith/Journal of Accounting and Economics32(2001)237–333239 research concerning the prevalence and trends in the use offinancial accounting numbers in managerial compensation plans,and offer suggestions for future compensation research.While Section2focuses on one particular control mechanism,managerial compensation plans,researchers also have examined the role of accounting information in the operation of other governance mechanisms.Examples include takeovers(Palepu,1986),proxy contests(DeAngelo,1988),boards of directors (Dechow et al.,1996;Beasley,1996),shareholder litigation(Kellogg,1984;Francis et al.,1994;Skinner,1994),debt contracts(Smith and Warner,1979;Leftwich, 1981;Press and Weintrop,1990;Sweeney,1994),and the audit function(Feltham et al.,1991;DeFond and Subramanyam,1998).1A detailed review of this extended literature is beyond the scope of this paper.However,in Section3,we provide examples of such research and suggest ideas for direct extensions.These suggestions include a more comprehensive investigation of the use offinancial accounting information in a variety of control mechanisms,the consideration of interactions among control mechanisms,and the impact of limitations offinancial accounting information on the structure of control mechanisms.The research discussed in Sections2and3suggests that the governance use of financial accounting information likely affects the allocation and utilization of resources in an economy.In Section4,we propose empirical research to inves-tigate more directly the effects offinancial accounting information on economic performance,with an emphasis on the governance effects of accounting.We begin Section4by discussing three channels through whichfinancial accounting information can affect the investments,productivity,and value added offirms.Thefirst channel involves the use offinancial accounting information to identify good versus bad projects by managers and investors (project identification).2The second channel is the use offinancial accounting information in corporate control mechanisms that discipline managers to direct resources toward projects identified as good and away from projects identified as bad(governance channel).The third channel is the use offinancial accounting information to reduce information asymmetries among investors (adverse selection).The research proposed in Section4concerns four issues.Thefirst issue is the aggregate economic effects offinancial accounting information through1We thank Richard Sloan for supplying these citations and for encouraging us to include them in our review.2The use offinancial accounting information for the identification of good versus bad projects is broader than just identifying good and bad opportunities for investingfinancial capital.It also includes the identification of opportunities for increasing the productivity of assets in place,and the identification of good versus bad opportunities for current and potential managers and other employees to invest their human capital.Hence,thefirst channel is a means through whichfinancial accounting information can enhance the allocation and utilization of bothfinancial and human capital.all three channels.The second issue is the economic effects of financial accounting information specifically through the governance channel.The third issue is how the economic effects of financial accounting information through all channels,and through the governance channel alone,vary with other factors,including the auditing regime,communication networks,financial analyst following,relative importance of financing from capital markets relative to banks,legal environment and other corporate control mechanisms,the concentration of production within versus across firms,political influence over business activities,and human capital.The fourth issue is how the economic effects of financial accounting data through the governance channel,and in total,vary with specific properties of financial accounting systems.Cross-country designs represent a powerful setting for investigating the four issues proposed in Section 4because of significant cross-country differences in both financial accounting regimes and economic performance.In addition,vast cross-country differences in the legal protection of investors’rights,commu-nication networks,and other institutional characteristics enable researchers to explore how the economic effects of financial accounting information vary with other factors.Recent research in economics has laid important groundwork for the research proposed in Section 4.Economic and finance theories linking information,financial development,and economic growth motivate investiga-tion of the relation between financial accounting information and economic performance.And recent empirical research in economics and finance has developed designs and databases for testing the cross-country relation between a variety of institutional characteristics and economic performance.Furthermore,this emerging literature in economics and finance has generated new evidence that the protection of investors against expropriation by corporate insiders is an important economic Porta et al.(1997,1998)document substantial cross-country differences in the protection of investors against expropriation by insiders from laws and their enforcement.Beginning with these influential papers,there has been a surge of empirical research concerning the economic effects of the differential legal protection of investors’rights from country to country.3Collectively,this research 3These papers document that at least some aspect of a country’s legal protection of investors’rights is related to,among other things,economic growth (e.g.Rajan and Zingales,1998a;Carlin and Mayer,2000;Demirguc-Kunt and Maksimovic,1998),level of corporate investments in physical capital and R&D (Carlin and Mayer,2000),allocation of corporate funds to the highest valued investments (e.g.Wurgler,2000),dividend policies ( Porta et al.,2000),firm valuation and the ratio of stock prices to cash flows and book value (La Porta et al.,1999b;Lombardo and Pagano,1999),beta-adjusted stock returns (Lombardo and Pagano,1999),the amount of firm-specific information impounded in stock prices (Morck et al.,2000),cross-listings and home country equity offerings (Reese and Weisbach,2000),and IPO underpricing (Lombardo and Pagano,1999).R.M.Bushman,A.J.Smith /Journal of Accounting and Economics 32(2001)237–333240R.M.Bushman,A.J.Smith/Journal of Accounting and Economics32(2001)237–333241 documents a significant relation between a country’s protection of investors against expropriation by corporate insiders and the domestic development and efficiency offinancial markets,costs of external capital,and economic growth and efficiency.Such evidence supports the La Porta et al.(1997,1998)view that the protection of investors against expropriation by insiders has important economic effects.Together this evidence,along with new evidence of a positive relation betweenfinancial accounting information and economic performance (Rajan and Zingales,1998a;Carlin and Mayer,2000),suggest that the governance role offinancial accounting information is likely to generatefirst-order economic effects.We expect the research proposed in Section4to generate new evidence on the significance of the economic effects offinancial accounting information from all sources,and from the governance role offinancial accounting information specifically.We also expect the proposed research to identify institutional factors that influence the total economic effects offinancial accounting information,as well as the factors that influence the economic effects offinancial accounting information through its governance role. Finally,we expect the proposed research to generate new evidence on the properties of high-versus low-qualityfinancial accounting systems from the standpoint of the total economic effects,and from the standpoint of the economic effects offinancial accounting information through the governance function.In Section5,we describe the relation between governance research and other economic-based research in accounting.We argue that future research on the connection between the governance use and capital markets use offinancial accounting information is important for developing a more complete understanding of the effects offinancial accounting informa-tion on economic performance,and make suggestions for exploring this connection.In Section5,we also make further suggestions for future capital markets research that naturally emerge from our consi-deration of the channels through whichfinancial accounting information affects the economy,and from consideration of the potential interactions betweenfinancial accounting regimes and other institutional characteristics.In Section6,we provide a summary,and an important caveat to help put our suggestions for future research in perspective.As we indicate there,we do not intend that our suggestions for future research be viewed as complete in terms of either the hypotheses or empirical designs that can be used to investigate the governance role offinancial accounting information.Nor are we certain that our suggestions will stand up to scrutiny.Our hope is that our suggestions will stimulate other accounting researchers to reflect on new possibilities for testing the efficiency effects offinancial accounting information.2.Accounting information and managerial incentive contractsThis section contains our review and critique of existing research on managerial incentive contracts and accounting information.Much of the empirical research in this area focuses on the cash compensation (annual salary plus bonus)of top executives (most often CEOs)of public firms in the United States.This literature is at a mature stage of development,with the same basic compensation data set underlying many of the studies.Further progress will require creativity and a broader perspective to isolate research designs that significantly advance our understanding.In addition to the literature on top U.S.executives,there are developing literatures focused on compensation of business-unit managers within the hierarchies of large firms and of top executives of non-U.S.firms.These developing literatures hold significant promise,although data availability will continue to represent a fundamental constraint on progress here.In what follows,we develop the theoretical framework underlying much of this research,provide a general discussion of empirical design and econometric issues,and review and analyze existing research studies.Our objective is to analyze critically what has been accomplished in order to set the stage for further advancement.Before turning to our main discussion,we first offer some broad impressions of the existing literature.Overall,this literature has produced a rich portrait of executive compensation contracts.It documents that financial accounting measures,especially measures of profitability,are extensively used in executive compensation contracts.There is evidence of widespread,explicit use of profitability measures in the annual bonus plans and in the long-term performance plans of corporate executives.The implicit use of profitability measures in the board of director’s evaluation and compensation of top officers is supported by a robust,positive statistical relation between profitability measures and various measures of executive pay,including managerial turnover probabilities.The literature also documents important trends in the use of accounting numbers in top executive compensation contracts in the U.S.There is statistical evidence that over the last three decades,accounting profitability measures have become relatively less important in determining cash compensation of top executives,as these plans have shifted toward the use of alternative performance measures.In addition,cash compensation itself appears to have become a less important component of the overall pay–performance sensitivities of top executives.Evidence shows that in recent years,the total sensitivity of executive wealth to changes in shareholder wealth has become dominated by executives’stock and stock option portfolios,as opposed to cash compensation or other components of executives’pay packages.The sensitivity deriving from cash compensation is generally swamped by that deriving from stock and stock option portfolios.The reasons for these shifts in compensationR.M.Bushman,A.J.Smith /Journal of Accounting and Economics 32(2001)237–333242R.M.Bushman,A.J.Smith/Journal of Accounting and Economics32(2001)237–333243 plan design are not well understood.There is clearly a challenge here for accounting researchers to understand this decline in the‘‘market share’’of accounting information in top executive compensation,including an under-standing of cross-sectional differences in the declining importance of cash compensation.It is also the case that future compensation research focused on the role of accounting information in the cash compensation of top U.S. executives must be prepared to defend its relevance in the face of this decline in market share.Finally,a substantial theory-based empirical literature investigates implica-tions of the tradeoffbetween risk and incentives derived from standard principal–agent models.A primary implication of this theory is that contracts should substitute away from accounting numbers as the‘‘noise’’in accounting measures relative to the noise in alternative performance measures increases. Overall,the evidence on this issue is mixed:some studiesfind evidence of a shift,others do not.The mixed nature of these results is consistent with similar findings in the economics literature(see the discussions in Prendergast,1999a). This suggests the possibility that empirical proxies used are not capturing the true noise construct,or that the classical principal–agent model,with its emphasis on risk-incentive trade-offs,does not fully capture the contracting environments under study.Beyond these mixed noise results,the literature reveals systematic patterns on when and where accounting numbers have relatively more or less contracting value.For example,there is evidence that firms substitute away from accounting earnings towards alternative perfor-mance measures asfirms’growth opportunities increase,that the incentive weight on earnings increases with the intensity with which earnings are impounded into stock price,and that boards of directors distinguish among components of earnings in determining annual bonuses.Before proceeding,it is important to note that this paper does not offer a complete overview of research into incentive compensation.Research into incentive compensation is vast and spans a number of disciplines including economics,finance,sociology,and psychology.For the interested reader,there are a number of excellent recent reviews of the broader economics literature. For example,Rosen(1992)and Prendergast(1999a)discuss the broad sweep of theoretical structures developed in economics to explain incentives infirms (e.g.,sorting models,incentive compensation contracts,tournament theory, subjective performance evaluation,career concerns,etc.)and evaluate the empirical evidence brought to bear on the validity of these theories.Gibbons (1998)evaluates four strands of agency theory research:static models of objective performance measurement;repeated models of subjective perfor-mance assessments;incentives for skill development;and incentive contracts between versus within organizations.Murphy(1999b)introduces and surveys research on executive compensation,including a vast array of statistical information drawn from publicly available sources and survey instruments.Pavlik et al.(1993)usefully catalogue the empirical executive compensation literature.Finally,Indjejikian (1999)provides a discussion of the compensation literature from a managerial accounting perspective.We complement these existing papers by providing an evaluation of economics-based compensation research directly concerning accounting issues.2.1.Historical perspecti v e on executi v e compensation researchA substantial literature examines the use of accounting information in incentive compensation contracts.Much of this work relies on economic theory,and is best understood in the context of the broad sweep of economic research on executive compensation.The roots of corporate governance research can be traced back to at least Berle and Means (1932),who argued that management ownership in large firms is insufficient to create managerial incentives for value maximization.Given the widespread existence of firms characterized by the separation of control over capital from ownership of capital,corporate governance research has focused on understanding the mechanisms that mitigate agency problems and support this form of economic organization.Scholars have isolated a number of pure market forces that discipline managerial behavior.These include product market competition (Alchian,1950;Stigler,1958),the market for corporate control (Manne,1965),and labor market pressure (Fama,1980).However,despite these market forces,there evidently remains a residual demand for additional governance mechanisms that can be tailored to the specific circumstances of individual firms.This demand is documented in the large body of economics research examining boards of directors,compensation contracts,concentrated owner-ship,debt contracts,and the role of securities law in disciplining managers to act in the interests of capital suppliers (see Shleifer and Vishny (1997)for an insightful review of this literature).A separate compensation literature has evolved as a branch of governance research.The early compensation literature addresses the structure and level of compensation,with some focus on the nature of the firms’objective function (Marris,1963;Williamson,1964;Baumol,1967).These early papers empirically examine whether the le v el of executive pay responds more to the profitability of the firm (posited as the shareholders’objective)or sales (where size was assumed to be the opportunistic objective of managers).These studies use a variety of specifications and produce a wide range of results:some find that cross-sectional variation in compensation is more related to firm size than earnings,while others find that profits matter more,and still others that both matter.Rosen (1992)points out conceptual and econometric difficulties in drawing powerful inferences from this line of research.In particular,he notes that this work is plagued by multi-collinearity and serious interpretation problems (e.g.,if larger firms are led by managers with larger marginalR.M.Bushman,A.J.Smith /Journal of Accounting and Economics 32(2001)237–333244R.M.Bushman,A.J.Smith/Journal of Accounting and Economics32(2001)237–333245 products,then a correlation between size and pay will not necessarily imply opportunistic behavior).An empirical regularity documented in this literature is that the elasticity of annual cash compensation with respect to sales is in the 0.2–0.3range.This result appears to be relatively uniform acrossfirms, industries,countries and periods of time(see the discussion in Rosen,1992). More recently,Holthausen et al.(1995a)found that the compensation levels of business unit managers at large panies also exhibit a positive elasticity of approximately0.30with the size of the business unit.More recent compensation research evolved concurrently with significant developments in the information economics literature,and in particular the principal–agent model.Principal–agent theory formally models issues of performance measurement in an optimal contracting framework under conditions of asymmetric information(Ross,1973;Mirrlees,1976;Harris and Raviv,1979;Holmstrom,1979).Classical principal–agent models study the trade-offbetween risk sharing and incentives in the optimal design of compensation contracts.This theory has inspired an empirical literature that focuses on establishing the economic determinants of observed incentive contracts.The availability of compensation data on top U.S.executives driven by SEC reporting requirements elevates executive compensation as a key laboratory for examining implications of the theory.Given the theory’s strong prediction that executive compensation should be based onfirm performance,some studies address econometric concerns with the earlier work,and convincingly establish an empirical relation between pay and performance(e.g.,Murphy,1985;Coughlin and Schmidt,1985;Benston, 1985).More recent research focuses on the magnitude of pay–performance sensitivities.For example,Jensen and Murphy(1990)directly estimate the sensitivity of dollar changes in top executive pay in the U.S.to dollar changes in shareholder ing a comprehensive measure of top executive pay (cash compensation,salary revisions,outstanding stock options,stock own-ership and performance-related dismissals)they estimate that executive pay changes by roughly$3.25for every$1000change in shareholder wealth,and argue that this is too low to provide adequate managerial incentives.However, as their critics note,it is difficult to evaluate the level of pay–performance sensitivity without considering the underlying,economic determinants of sensitivity.In response to Jensen and Murphy,Haubrich(1994)demonstrates that the documented pay–performance sensitivities can be optimal for largefirms,given sufficient managerial risk aversion.Hall and Leibman(1998)expand compensation to include changes in the value of executives’stock and option portfolio,and show through simulations that estimated pay–performance sensitivities impose substantial lifetime consumption risk on executives. Baker and Hall(1998)enter this debate by asking:what is the appro-priate measure of incentives for top executives?They question whetherpay–performance sensitivity as estimated by Jensen and Murphy (1990)is the proper measure of the strength of executives’incentives,as it does not consider the executive’s marginal product of effort.That is,small estimated pay–performance sensitivities do not necessarily imply low incentives for executives at large firms,as the marginal product of managerial effort can increase with firm size.An executive’s actual incentives are theoretically measured by the Jensen and Murphy pay–performance sensitivity times the executive’s marginal product of effort.They document that the Jensen and Murphy pay–performance sensitivity measure (dollar change in executive wealth per dollar change in shareholder wealth)is strictly decreasing in firm size (see also Schaefer,1998),while an alternative incentive intensity measure,the v alue of the executive’s equity stake,increases in firm size by roughly the same magnitude.They argue that the validity of either as a measure of overall incentives depends on underlying assumptions about the elasticity of the executive’s marginal product of effort with respect to firm size (i.e.,Jensen and Murphy assume that marginal productivity is invariant to firm size (elasticity ¼zero),while the value of equity stakes assumes that marginal productivity scales proportionally with size (elasticity ¼one)).They estimate the true elasticity in their sample to be somewhere in between these extremes (0.4),which they interpret as implying that executives perform a variety of tasks that scale with size in different degrees.4They argue that smaller pay–performance sensitivities for large firms are substantially offset by larger marginal products of effort.This paper adds insight into distinguishing between pay–performance sensitivity and pay–effort sensitivity (incentive intensity).The debate surrounding Jensen and Murphy (1990),and the Haubrich (1994),Hall and Leibman (1998)and Baker and Hall (1998)follow-ups,illustrate the difficulties involved in evaluating agency theory by examining the average size of estimated incentive coefficients.A more powerful approach examines comparative static predictions from formal principal–agent models.The trade-offbetween risk sharing and incentive provision in optimal contract design which lies at the heart of these models,implies a number of basic comparative static results that provide a basis for investigating the cross-sectional determinants of incentive contracts.The basic agency model predicts that ceteris paribus,pay–performance sensitivity should decrease in the variance of noise in the performance ing a variety of measures for compensation and performance,Aggarawal and Samwick (1999a)extend 4An example of a decision that does not scale with size is the purchase of corporate jet.That is,a CEO with a 1%claim on the firm’s wealth can buy the jet at a 99%discount regardless of firm size.An example of a decision that does scale with size is a firm-wide strategic activity.That is,the wealth impact of strategic planning activities is likely to be greater at large firms than small ones (see Rosen (1992)for a discussion of this ‘‘chain letter’’or ‘‘superstar’’effect).R.M.Bushman,A.J.Smith /Journal of Accounting and Economics 32(2001)237–333246。

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