TheFeministMovem...

参考译文
1. 课文一
2. 课文二
Text 1
by Dina Wills
课文一女权运动与劳动阶级妇女黛娜·威尔斯
The modern Women‟s Movement first started
America in 1964 has changed the thinking of 1964年源于美国的现代妇女运动改and the attitudes of men towards women. But 变了妇女的思维方式,改变了男人对女人的态度。

但时至今日女权主义者与劳动妇between the feminists and the working-class women. The following passage discusses the 以下便探讨这个问题。

issue.
opening line of many conversations in which 妇女们谈论没有得到公平合理的报chance for a job, decent 或是干与男同事同样的工作却没有得到同样的尊重时，常说的第一句话是，“我job. Even in 1989, 25 years after Betty 并不是妇女运动的成员，可是……。

”甚The Feminine Mystique signaled the start of 至在1989年，即贝蒂·弗莱丹发表标志modern Women‟s Movement, many still believ e 现代妇女运动开始的《女性的奥秘》之后25年，许多人仍然认为，这些都是她们result of 个人问题，而不是我们的经济与政治体制造成的结果。

她们不愿他人称自已为“女libbers." 权主义者”或“妇女解放运动者。

”然fairly means that they do expect to be given opportunities and responsibilities equal to
those men get. 说明她们期望获得和男人一样的机会与责任。

could agree on some points. "The personal is
political" meant that women‟s inequality
compared to men was not just an individual 所有称自己为女权主义者的妇女在某些问题上均达成共识。

“个人问题也是political and economic systems were stacked
forbidding women from lifting more than 30 政治问题”意味着，与男人相比时妇女所遭受的不公平待遇不仅是个人问题，而且是不利于她们的美国社会、政治与经济体
pounds, kept them out of lucrative jobs 制造成的。

法律上的种种限制，诸如禁止considered "men‟s work." 妇女干搬运30磅以上的物件的活等，使get credit in their own names or to obtain 她们无法获得被认为是男人干的、报酬不菲的工作。

妇女们发现很难以自己的名字property starts, a husband could manage the 进行信贷业务或获得贷款做生意或买房family finances alone, while his wife could 子。

在共同财产方面，丈夫对家庭开支一Women often were not admitted to law and 人说了算，而妻子却不能做主。

大学的法schools; if they did get in, they faced 学院与医学院往往不录取女生。

如果她们discrimination from teachers and fellow 能被录取，她们面对的是教师与男同学的students. The cultural norm insisting that a 夷鄙与歧视。

妇女结婚后一定得从夫姓这样根深蒂固的文化准则，就同法律一样
要人恪守。

然而很少有人考虑到当一个人改姓后心理上的巨大变化。

that occurs when a name is changed.
Many women began to recognize that their
struggles in relationships and jobs were not
just their own personal failures, but were
them in their place. Their reaction was anger
the patriarchal3 system. "The click" was a
许多妇女已开始意识到，自己在人际when a woman realized that she was, indeed, 关系与工作上的抗争并不只是个人的软弱无能，而与旨在使妇女禁锢在当前这种was told by a solicitous male supervisor that 地位的文化系统有很大关系。

她们对这种order to succeed in her job she would have to 家长式的体制极为愤怒。

“顿悟”是眼下"at least twice as good as any of the men." 女性常用的一个词汇，表现了妇女意识到With the fervor of the newly converted,
the feminist message of liberation from 诉她，要做一名合格的雇员得比男同事付feminists in 对于一名妇女来说，当关心她的男上司告出多一倍的努力时，她顿时明白过来。

顿accepted by any woman. However, exposure to 悟！
make every woman a feminist. Some
American women were antagonized by the
feminists expressed towards the family, 带着新焕发出的热情，20世纪七十traditional feminine styles of dress and 年代早期的女权主义者相信，任何一个妇women‟s paid work, and sexual freedom in 女听到要把妇女从家长式的压迫下解放relationships and childbearing. 出来的女权运动宣传，都会接受这种观点。

然而，不足以使每一名妇女成为女权主义者。

女a middle-class movement, as it often was 权主义者对于家庭、女性传统的服饰款式、言谈、
take the time to try to change it.
often clashed with the realities of
working-class women‟s lives.
truly equal job opportunities, some
working-class women had good reason to be cynical about the cries of "liberation" and The issue of paid work for women versus 性自由以及养育孩子等问题上的态度，使美国一些劳动阶级妇女甚为反感。

造成这种状况的部分原因为阶级问题。

在早期，妇女解放运动，象它常常被指责的那样，是中产阶级运动。

它由受过解，试图慢慢地改变这种状况。

"equality" they heard from the Women‟s 教育的妇女发起。

她们对这种体制非常了movement. The vocal feminists quoted in the media sounded as though they believed that a her full potential. Many of them also argued 除了对真正平等的工作机会的重要some way should be found to pay women for housework, but that idea wasn‟t given wide coverage in the media. The concept of women 性产生误解以外，一些劳动阶级妇女对从妇女解放运动那里听来有关“解放”和“平等”的口号，有充分理由持嘲讽态having a choice about whether to work for pay 度。

not was a middle-class idea; working-class usually worked, from
necessity. To them, not having to work sounded more like liberation. 关于妇女家中工作领取报酬还是志愿者服务以及分文不取的问题，在运动的
初期引起很大分歧。

那些雄辩的女权主义message that women should work for 者在大众媒体上反复地宣称，妇女不上班some people. In 1973, Social 挣钱就无法发挥自身的全部潜能。

她们中Chicago surveyed 410 women in eight cities; 许多人也提出，应该找到使家庭妇女也获of the areas they probed was the women‟s 取报酬的办法，但这个想法在媒体中影响to the Women‟s Movement. (They referred to it 不大。

妇女可以选择是否上班挣钱，这种"Women‟s Lib," a term usually used by 观点是中产阶级妇女提出的。

劳动阶级妇of the movement, showing either their 女通常是必须上班。

对于她们来说，不用去上班听起来更像解放。

their sample (two-thirds of the total) had a stronger sense of being oppressed and than the middle-class women, but didn‟t the Women‟s Movement offered them any help. saw it as a contributor to the problem by 女权主义者在表述妇女应该上班挣pressure on them to have a job, when they had 钱的观点时所用的口吻，使一些人迷惑不解。

1973年，芝加哥的社会研究所在八have jobs, which they would have given up 个城市对410名妇女进行过调查。

对其中if they could have afforded to stay home 一个地区的调查是要了解妇女对妇女运动的反应。

(调查人员把它称为“妇女解
authoritarian attitude of leaders of the 放运动”，这一术语常为妇女运动的反对Movement, "an attempt by Lib leaders to tell 者使用，表现了他们的无知或偏见。

)社other women what they ought to do, feel, be 会研究所人员发现，被抽样的劳动阶级妇of, or ashamed of." Similar attitudes were 女(占总数三分之二)感觉她们比中产阶by the writers who interviewed individual 级妇女所受的压迫要深、更没有自由，同Louise Kapp Howe interviewed several 时也不相信妇女运动能给予她们帮助。

她
给她们增beauticians for Pink Collar Workers. One 们认为运动会使这个问题恶化，
加压力，促使她们上班，而她们在这个问helped around the house. "No, and I wouldn‟t 题上没有多大的选择余地。

她们是有工
但如果能无需上班挣钱而在家吃穿不作，
愁，她们会非常乐意放弃这份工作。

在此
劳动阶级妇女非常讨厌她次研究调查中，
们认为的妇女运动领导人表现出的独裁
“妇女解放领导人试图告诉妇主义态度，
女她们该做哪些、该怎样感受、该为哪些事情感到自豪、哪些事情该感到羞耻。

”odds were that most of these women worked 文章作者个别采访妇女时也发现有类似
的态度。

their homes at repetitious, boring, and
sometimes dangerous jobs. They usually
their husbands‟ jobs as the primary ones and
their own as secondary to their vocation of
was to their family‟s economic well-being. homemaking, no matter how important their
working-class women as it did to an academic 露易斯·凯普·豪为《粉领工人》杂Marxist feminist or a member of NOW. To
system did to both women and men, not just
something men in a patriarchal, capitalist
harder than theirs, even when they worked
hard to join the Women‟s Movement in anger
directed at men in general.
Feminist values and working-class women 志采访过几位美容师。

一个妇女被问到她兴。

“不，我不要他干。

打理家中里里外外。

我不相信什么妇女解己丈夫做一半家务。

”在被采访者中，她呆在家中照料孩子，因为妇女在外面干的大多数工作机械重复，令人乏味，有时非常危险。

无论她们的收入对改善家庭经济状况多么重要，她们总是认为丈夫的工作working-class women, oppression was what the 的丈夫是否帮做家务时，她显得非常不高放。

我不相信所有那些扯淡──什么让自是较典型的，她认为如有可能女人就是要It was in this area of family, 是首要的，而自己料理家务的活是次要的。

discrepancies were found between feminist
values and those expressed by the
working-class woman gave her family much
priority than her job ― it was her major
of self-esteem. Many early feminists
对于这些劳动阶级妇女来说，“压Some, such as Shulamith Firestone in The 迫”与从事学术研究的马克思主义女权Dialectic of Sex, suggested alternative ways 主义者或全国妇女组织成员所指的“压迫”，并不是同一回事。

劳动阶级妇女所did not seem to value children, and the
working-class women resented it. 指的压迫，是这个制度对男人和女人做了些什么，并不仅指在这个家长式的、资本
即便主义的制度下男人对女人做了什么。

她们还是把男人的作她们也在外面工作，
to misunderstanding. A feminist in the early 用看得比自己的要大。

因此，她们通常难1970‟s might refuse to wear skirts or other 以参加针对男人的妇女运动。

traditionally feminine clothing, wear a hair
style she could care for herself, and never
make-up. Working-class women lived in a
where such unorthodox dress could send an
unpleasant message. As one woman put it, "A
…liberated‟ working-class woman may be
considered a slut." 女权主义者的价值观与劳动阶级妇女正是在家庭，与男人的关系以及生儿育女这些问题上，女权主义者的价值观与文章作者所采访的劳动阶级妇女所表达的价值观之间出现严重的分歧。

劳动阶级妇女把家庭远远地置于工作之上──这是for 她们获得自尊的主要源泉。

许多早期的女权主
义者认为家庭是一个桎梏，禁锢了妇女。

她们中的一些人，如舒拉密丝·弗尔a shop at home ─ be our own boss, be 斯通在其《辩证的性别》中便提出集体轮the kids come home from school, and keep 流抚养孩子的办法。

这些女权主义者似乎ourselves together if the old man cuts out." 不太重视孩子，而劳动阶级妇女对这种做法却十分厌恶。

and I think I‟m as liberated as anybody."
For these women who rarely had a choice
女权主义者过分注意别人将自己视为性对象，是导致误解的另一方面。

二十世纪七十年代初，女权主义者拒绝穿裙子或其他的传统女性服装，蓄留唯有自己才with men? Two reasons emerge from the 能护理的发式，从来不使用化妆品打扮自interviews.
Equal employment opportunity first was 己。

劳动阶级妇女则生活在视奇装异服为逆忤的文化环境中。

正如一位妇女所说的mentioned at a union rally in 1887; the idea 那样：“被解放了的劳动阶级妇女有可能been part of working women‟s lives for more 被看作生活放荡的女人。

”
100 years. Low-income women have gone on
and asked for better wages and working
conditions for many years. They 曾被几位作者采访过的一些美容师
its own, but as a separate one with a long 指出，对劳动阶级妇女而言，她们有最好of rebuffs and setbacks. 的职业。

其中一人说道：“你不知道，我
我们多少人干美容这一行是为了要自立，
们在家中就拥有门店，自己做老板，能在a strong feeling expressed that, given any 家中等着孩子上学归来，如果男人失业problem with the number of jobs available, a 了，日子还能过得下去。

”另一位女士对
“你总不能说女人关心自己的豪这样说，
support his family. They recognized the 容貌是错的吧。

我就关心自己的容貌，而且我认为我和别人一样解放。

” emphasis on family relationships, they
the policy of giving men preference for jobs
对于这些很少有机会决定上班还是呆在家中的妇女而言，“同工同酬”可能change so that women could get and keep jobs 就是她们与女权主义者共同的想法。

而她们为什么不参加妇女运动要求得到与男been fighting that system for a long time. 人一样平等的就业机会呢？采访中发现两个方面的原因。

had personal contact with feminists who were
1887年的一次工会集会上，人们首feminists overcame the barriers of
contact with had favorable opinions of the 次提出平等就业机会的观点。

过去的一百精神支柱的一部分。

多年来，低收入妇女misunderstanding, and the women they came in 多年里，这个观点一直是劳动妇女生活中Women‟s Mo vement. However, the women who got 举行罢工，要求提高工资与更好的工作条their information about the Women‟s Movement 件。

但她们并没有把妇女运动提出的平等from the mass media failed to see what it had 就业机会的主张看作是自己的事。

由于长offer them. 期以来这种要求一直遭到断然拒绝和以
因此就被看成可望而不可即的Now that the movement has produced major
失败告终，
事了。

many women, of all classes, colors, and
repeat, "I‟m not a feminist, but..." as they 其次，在抽象意义上赞成“同工同about changes that still need to be made? 酬”观点的同时，她们强烈地感受到一one answer lies in the impact made by the 点：即使就业再难，也得给男人一份工作rhetoric of the early Women‟s Movement, 使其能养家糊口。

她们意识到此举给一个女人带来的困苦。

但是，从家庭关系的大局着眼，她们亦认为在就业方面给予男人lesbianism, contempt for motherhood, and a
demand that everyone work for pay.
A stronger reason may lie in the value 优先权及高薪是整个社会解决此问题的最佳办法。

至于这个制度会发生变化，妇differences discussed by these working class 对此她们不抱什么希望。

"What do women want?" has no one answer,
women have diverse needs and values. The
more point to this list. Mrs. Stanton had
gained a national reputation as
in the fight for women‟s rights. Now, she
to go one step further. 小组组长伊丽莎白·坎迪·斯坦顿认为，有必要在清单上再加一条。

斯坦顿declared Mrs. Stanton. "Without the vote, we 夫人作为一名为妇女权利而斗争的运动领导人已经蜚声全国。

此次，她要采取进And, without that political right, we will 一步的行动。

be free!"
fiery words, voted to add her statement on The other women, moved by Mrs. Stanton‟s “我们必须要求并获得选举权，”斯women‟s suffrage to their list of facts. And, following day, before a cheering audience of 没有这种政治权利，我们就永远不自three hundred women and men, the entire list 由。

”
accepted as the first platform of the newly
women‟s rights movement.
fight the battle for women‟s rights. They 其他妇女被斯坦顿慷慨激昂的言辞话写入那份清单里去。

第二天，整张清单所打动，同意将她关于妇女投票权问题的talked; they argued; they paraded; they made 被300被视为新生的妇女权利运动的第一份纲领性文件。

to vote.
western territory of Wyoming. In 1869, the 从塞尼卡福尔斯归来的叛逆者开始Wyoming Territorial Council quietly passed a bill giving the women of the territory the 与人辩论，组织游行，发表演说。

可是在to vote. Only a token few voted in the 整个东部，她们为自己争取选举权的每一个尝试都失败了。

exercised their political rights.
然而，在西部怀俄明，令人惊奇不已Wyoming proved that they were well 的事情发生了。

1869年，怀俄明地区议handle their new rights, without neglecting 会悄悄通过了赋予该州妇女选举权的法案。

在1870年的几次选举中虽然只有几
可是后来的名妇女象征性地参加了投票；
越来越多的妇女行使了她们的政选举中，
治权利。

same action from taking place in their own
states.
怀俄明的women‟s suffrage went on. For most of those 使许多男人感到惊讶的是，
thirty years, except in a handful of western 妇女证明了自己非常称职地行使新权利的同时，并没有置孩子与家庭于不顾。

不were made every year in the United States 幸的是，在这个国家其他地区的大多数男
人认为这种做法行不通，因此他们竭力阻
Congress to pass a 止类似的情况在自己的州里发生。

year, they failed.
When the United States entered World
在后来的30年时间里，争取妇女获support to the war effort. Not only did this 得选举权的运动一直在进行。

这30年的women the opportunity to provide essential 大部分时间里，除了西部少数的几个州in a time of crisis, but it also helped them 外，这场运动均告失败。

在美国国会，人recognition as a valuable asset to their country. 们每年都试图通过妇女选举权法案，可是年复一年，她们均以失败而告终。

Finally, on August 26, 1920, the battle
won. The passage of the Nineteenth 美国卷入第一次世界大战后，全国的妇女团体都尽全力支持美国参战。

这使得women the right to vote. 妇女们不仅得到了在危机时刻提供重要Seventy-two years after Mrs. Elizabeth
Candy Stanton first voiced her demand for 帮助的机会，同时还有助于她们获得作为国家重要群体的认可。

changes sought by the first women‟s rights 在1920年8月26日，这场运动最终platform in 1848 were still to be won.
After the passage in the Nineteenth 1700万妇女获得选举权。

place alongside men in high political 伊丽莎白·坎迪·斯坦顿夫人第一in top
industry positions. They did move out 次喊出给予妇女选举权后72年过去了，妇女们最后尝到了政治权力的滋味。

但是necessarily because men welcomed them, but
because the country needed their labor. 1848年妇女第一份权利纲领所追求的大部分变革仍未实现。

By 1941, with America‟s entrance into
War II, a labor force was needed to build 在第十九修正案通过后，妇女们并没and guns and tanks for the nation‟s fighting 有自动地与男人一块在政坛上或企业的V ery often, that labor was made up of women, worked successfully in dozens of essential
occupations that had always been considered
"man‟s work." 并不是因为男人欢迎她们，而是因为国家需要她们的劳动。

The women did their jobs well, but they
needed to look inside their pay envelopes to
that their income was far less tha n a man‟s 到了1941年，美国参加第二次世界income for the same work. And, of course, as 大战,需要劳动力来为参战的部队制造飞机、大炮和坦克。

这些劳动力通常就由妇fired. 女组成，她们在十几个一直认为是“男人Certain areas were still open to women. 干的”重要工种中干得相当出色。

that earned by men for the same work. 尽管妇女们活干得不错，可她们只要就知道她们干同样的Just as disturbing to many working women 往工资袋里瞧一瞧，
活比男人拿的钱要少得多。

当然，男人从be qualified for a position in the field of 战场一回来，大多数女人就被解雇了。

medicine, or engineering. But she knew that job she got in her chosen profession, if she
could find one, would be at a level far below 一些领域仍对女人开放。

她们可以做skill and training. Women with superior scores in civil 可是在做同样工作的情况下，她们的报酬通常比男人的低得多。

best jobs. Women who were qualified for
是男同时困扰许多劳动阶级妇女的，
某一妇女可能适应于做not given them because of the attitude of so 人对女人的态度。

men: "Who wants to work for a woman?"
discrimination just because they were women. 法律，医疗或工程方面的工作，可她的心里明白，她在择业时所得到的工作(假如她找到一份的话)远用不上她培训后获得
的技能。

在公务员测试中分数高的妇女发现分数低的男人得到了最好的工作。

适合管to return to their jobs if they took sick 理工作或重要岗位的妇女未获得这些工And always, women were paid anywhere from 作，是因为许多男人持这样的观点：“谁one-third to one-half less than men for doing 会愿意给女人干活？” same job.
By the 1960s, almost 45 percent of the
in the United States were working at some
无论何种职业，妇女仅仅因为她们是女人而遭受歧视。

男人但不是女人，可以made only a token advance. It seemed that 在上班期间抽烟；女人，而不是男人，被had changed since that day in 1848 when five 告知要穿什么样的衣服；女人，而不是男人，如果她们请了病假就被剥夺了重返工and women, had written the first women‟s 作的权利。

而且，无论在哪里工作，妇女platform. 做同样的工作，领取的报酬只是男人的三The period of inactivi ty in the women‟s 分之一到一半。

rights movement came to an end in the 1960s.
到了二十世纪六十年代，差不多45%的美国妇女在外面从事某一种职业。

尽管她们人量众多，她们中大多数人清楚，自problems, and many women turned again to the 己仅获得了一种象征性的进步。

自1848active search for equal rights. 年五名对男人与女人之间的关系提出反Thousands of women in dozens of cities 对意见的叛逆者写下第一份妇女权利纲across America joined in parades, mass 领的那天起，妇女的状况没有发生多大的变化。

education rights; free day care centers for children of working mothers; an end to the 二十世纪六十年代，妇女权利运动不traditional relationship that insisted that 活跃的时代结束。

那些年里，许多人在社会与政治一系列问题上采取行动。

许多妇home and care for the children. 女再次积极探寻平等权利。

was formed to carry on the fight for women‟s rights. 在全美的十多座城市里，成千上万的"The time has come," said the leaders of 妇女一起参加游行，群众集会和示威，表达她们多年来孜孜以求的目标：平等的工作与教育权利；为女工设立免费日托孩子women. The time has come for an end to
discrimination against women in government, 的中心；结束男人挣钱养家、女人照料家务孩子的传统关系。

industry, the professions, the churches, the political parties, the labor unions, and in other women‟s rights groups, a re concerned 同时成立了全国妇女组织(NOW)，把educating people away from the traditional 争取妇女权利运动继续下去。

in which society has placed men and women. According to them, this traditional role of
全国妇女组织领导人说道：“所有美education begins almost at birth. Boy babies 国妇女真正平等以及男女之间完全平等的一天来到了。

在政府机构、企业、given dolls. Boys are asked to do certain 教堂、政党、劳动以及美国社会生活所有jobs while girls are encouraged to "play 重要领域，结束歧视妇女的做法的一天到来了。

” and then, a girl may be pictured as doing only a token one. 更为重要的是：全国妇女组织以及其Girls are often encouraged to train for 他的妇女权利团体的领导人，非常关注教traditional "women‟s" occupations while boys 育人们摒弃社会对男人与妇女所定的传have their choice of the "superior" 统角色的问题。

她们认为：教育的传统角And the girl who chooses to do something 色几乎自婴儿呱呱坠地就开始了。

男婴的or in addition to, the traditional 玩具为汽车；女婴的为洋娃娃。

男孩子要house-wife-mother role is often considered 做的是“男性”的活，而女孩子则鼓励其somewhat unusual. 做“过
家家”的游戏。

书本与电视表现的
Believers in women‟s rights know that in 是男孩参加令人兴奋不已的冒险活动而time the hundreds of laws that discriminate 女孩则似乎被排除在外。

有时候会出现女孩在做乖巧的或勇敢的事的画面，可是她that the final fight for women‟s rights will 的这种表现只是象征性的。

through the re-education of men and women to。