澳大利亚公私伙伴关系的绩效审计:使政府的政策合法化或提供独立的监督?【外文翻译】

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澳大利亚绩效审计的成功经验(一)

澳大利亚绩效审计的成功经验(一)

澳大利亚绩效审计的成功经验(一)澳大利亚联邦审计署为推进绩效审计,进行了长期不懈的努力。

目前澳大利亚绩效审计的目的主要有两个,其一是为议会服务,检查并评估政府对公共资源的使用效率与管理质量;其二是在此基础上,协助政府公共管理机构提升并改进公共管理水平。

澳大利亚绩效审计一般不涉及政策本身的评价,而主要是检查并报告政策的执行情况,特别是其目标实现的经济性、效率性以及效果性。

回顾历史,澳大利亚绩效审计的成功经验主要有以下三条。

一、借助议会的力量,成功寻求立法支持澳大利亚的政体是议会制,议会制的主要特征就是行政必须对立法(议会)负责,而议会对政府行政机构行为及其业绩的考核需要一系列制度上的安排。

绩效审计的思想则恰好能符合这一需求,并特别显示其可以更好地向议会报告政府公共管理受托责任的潜力。

1974年,由H.C.Coombs担任主席的澳大利亚政府管理皇家专门调查委员会(RCAGA)成立,该委员会第一次对联邦官僚机构进行了广泛的检查,并指出由于内阁成员政治背景的差异已使得政府各部门的官僚机构不再是中立机构,而且很多部长以及官僚机构所负责的管理领域都没有很好地向议会尽职。

希望能通过绩效审计这一制度安排来检查公共管理部门负责人的业绩与表现。

强化政府公共管理的受托责任。

根据澳大利亚国情,Coombs明确表示,绩效审计不应涉及政策本身的合理性问题,他将“效率审计”与“效果审计”分开,前者由审计机关实施,而后者由于涉及政治问题,由内阁和总理幕僚来完成。

尽管财政部等强烈反对授予审计机关绩效审查的权利,并声称一些政策问题很难与管理事务相区分,而且对部长进行双重的“猜疑”也是不妥的。

但是澳大利亚总理以及大部分内阁高官都认为有必要对公共管理过程与行为进行“规范”的审查与监督。

Coombs的委员会最终向议会建议审计机关获得实施经济与绩效审计的法律授权,审计机关被授权检查政府政策的执行情况,而不涉及这些政策本身的合理性评价。

绩效审计主要面向三个方面:其一是面向议会、政府当局、部长们的受托责任;其二是面向纳税人,确保纳税人的资金得到合理使用;其三是面向被审单位,为其提供更有效管理及使用资源的建议并协助政策的履行。

澳大利亚新西兰审计核心内容

澳大利亚新西兰审计核心内容

澳大利亚新西兰审计核心内容Australia and New Zealand audit core content refers to the key aspects of auditing processes that are essential for ensuring the accuracy and reliability of financial information.审计核心内容是指审计过程中关键的方面,这对于确保财务信息的准确性和可靠性至关重要。

One of the core content requirements for audits in Australia andNew Zealand is independence.审计在澳大利亚和新西兰的核心内容要求之一是独立性。

This means that auditors must maintain an unbiased and objective stance when conducting their assessments to avoidany conflicts of interest. 这意味着审计师在进行评估时必须保持公正客观的立场,以避免利益冲突。

Another crucial aspect of audit core content in these countries is compliance with regulations and standards. 在这两个国家,审计核心内容的另一个至关重要的方面是遵守法规和标准。

Auditors are required to adhere to specific guidelines and regulations set forth by regulatory bodies to ensure that audits are conducted in accordance with industry best practices. 审计师必须遵守监管机构制定的具体准则和法规,以确保审计按照行业最佳实践进行。

澳大利亚的公共支出绩效考评制度

澳大利亚的公共支出绩效考评制度

澳大利亚的公共支出绩效考评制度随着经济的发展,政府的投资成为澳大利亚经济发展的重要组成部分。

政府的投资可以有效的促进社会及经济的发展,但是如何有效的控制和管理政府的投资成为当前政府重要的课题。

为此,澳大利亚政府在1992年推出了一种新的思想,即“绩效考评”。

绩效考评是指对一个机构或者项目的表现是否符合其设定的目标来评估,这就要求机构在服务过程中,不断地改善业务管理模式,以此来提高整体绩效。

在澳大利亚,绩效考评系统可以帮助政府更有效地花费税收,同时确保公共投资的有效性,满足公众的期望。

澳大利亚政府对公共投资绩效考评的方法,主要包括以下几种:首先是“阶段绩效考评”。

阶段绩效考评是指在具体项目实施过程中,不断地进行绩效考评,以及阶段性的跟踪,促进服务质量的改善及效果的完善。

其次是“年度报告考评”。

政府的部门按照年度的时间进行绩效考评,以此来评估它们的表现。

此外,澳大利亚政府还采用了“投资跟踪考评”的方法。

投资跟踪考评的目的是在项目的实施过程中,及时地跟踪项目的进展情况,以及它的实际效果,从而调整未来的投资活动。

最后,政府还实施了“行业绩效考评”,即政府部门根据不同行业的特点,对不同行业的服务质量和效率进行考评,并对行业的发展提出有效的改变和改进意见,以保证公共投资的有效性。

澳大利亚政府通过实施上述绩效考评政策,有效地控制和管理着公共支出。

在绩效考评系统的引入下,政府已经开展了有效的规划、实施和管理活动,以满足政府和公众在财政方面的期望。

同时,政府也为绩效考评提供了有力的监督机制,从而进一步提高公共投资的效率,让更多的公共资源被用于有效的投资。

总之,澳大利亚政府的公共支出绩效考评制度的实施已经给澳大利亚政府的投资提供了帮助,明确了行业投资的方向,从而使资源投资得到很好的利用。

并且,有力的监督机制也有助于提高公共投资的效率,确保有效地投资公共资金,减少财政支出的浪费,增加经济的增长效率。

2022年秋季国开一网一平台《国际经济法》形考任务1-4题库

2022年秋季国开一网一平台《国际经济法》形考任务1-4题库

返回测试形考任务1答题版本试卷得分92本次作业需要您在完成第一章到第二章的学习之后再完成。

试题包括单项选择题、多项选择题和案例分析题,满分为100分。

其中,单项选择题10道,每小题3分,共计30分;多项选择题10道,每小题3分,共计30分;案例分析题(综合)8道,每小题5分,共计40分;满分为100分。

一、单项选择题(每小题3分,共30分)1.()不是国际经济法的基本原则。

单选题(3分)3分A.可持续发展原则B.经济合作以谋发展原则公平互利原则最惠国原则2.下列可以适用《联合国国际货物买卖合同公约》的合同是哪一项?()单选题(3分)3分A.我国企业为产品外销而与外商签订的货物买卖合同B.国际工程承包合同国际技术许可协议股票承销协议3.《联合国国际货物买卖合同公约》可以适用的货物买卖是哪一项?()单选题(3分)3分A.船舶的买卖电力的买卖飞机零部件的买卖D.股票和债券的买卖4.我国A公司先后于10月1日和10月8日分别向德国B公司邮寄一份不可撤销的要约通知和一份撤回该要约的通知。

B公司在10月11日收到A公司的要约通知后,当天即打电话给A公司表示完全接受。

并于10月15日再次向A公司邮寄一份确认函。

10月20日B公司收到A 公司的撤回通知而A公司收到B公司的确认函。

在上述情况下。

根据《联合国国际货物买卖合同公约》的规定,A公司和B公司之间的合同是否成立?()单选题(3分)3分A.合同于10月11日成立B.合同于10月15日成立合同于10月20日成立D.合同不成立5.“不可抗力”是指因合同订立以后发生的当事人订立合同时不能预见的、不能避免的、人力不可控制的意外事故,导致合同不能履行或不能按期履行。

遭受不可抗力一方可由此免除责任,而对方无权要求赔偿。

以下哪一情形通常不能认定为“不可抗力事故"。

()单选题(3分)3分A.地震B.战争货币贬值D.政府禁令6.根据《联合国国际货物买卖合同公约》,当卖方不履行合同或《公约》义务构成()时, 买方可以宣布解除合同。

国外政府绩效审计研究述评

国外政府绩效审计研究述评

国外政府绩效审计研究述评一、研究内容1.政府绩效审计的概念。

政府绩效审计在不同国家有不同的名称,在英国称为货币价值审计,在加拿大称为综合审计。

1986年,国际最高审计机构组织选择以“绩效审计”作为统一术语,并将其定义为“对一个组织利用资源的经济性、效率性和效果性的审计”。

绩效审计的提出打破了传统财务审计的框架,丰富了政府审计的内容。

之后,西方学者纷纷从不同角度对绩效审计作进一步的界定。

(1)20世纪80年代的主要观点。

Ronald(1986)认为绩效审计是一种以评价管理绩效为核心的审计活动,它并不一定以货币单位进行计量。

Guthrie(1989)运用Stewart(1984)关于受托责任的阶梯理论,将绩效审计发展为受托责任的五个层次以评价管理绩效。

这五个层次的内容是诚实性和合法性责任、程序责任、绩效责任、方案责任、政策责任。

(2)20世纪90年代的主要观点。

Barzelay(1997)利用Lakoff(1987)关于概念和分类的理论,指出绩效审计、传统审计和项目评估的概念是通过认知模型来界定的。

Chelimsky和Shadish(1997)则认为绩效审计与评估存在差异,绩效审计履行监管和控制职责,监督公共团体的会计工作。

绩效审计不同于监督和普通的业绩测试,因为后者是管理活动的一部分,而绩效审计是独立于管理活动的工作。

此外,公共部门的绩效审计也不同于公司的绩效审计,因为后者属于公司的内部控制,而前者属于对公共部门的外部治理,不仅代表政府管理者的利益,而且代表公众的利益。

Pollitt等(1999)发现审计职业界一致认为绩效审计作为审计的一种类型,应集公共活动的效率性、效果性和货币价值于一身。

绩效审计不同于财务审计,财务审计是常规性和更为标准化的年度审计,对有关信息进行核实;而绩效审计则不易被标准化,通常因项目的不同而有所差异,绩效审计人员不仅有会计人员,还包括医师、工程师和经济学家等专业人士。

2.政府绩效审计的作用。

澳大利亚公私伙伴关系的绩效审计:使政府的政策合法化或提供独立的监督?【外文翻译】

澳大利亚公私伙伴关系的绩效审计:使政府的政策合法化或提供独立的监督?【外文翻译】

外文文献翻译译文原文:PERFORMANCE AUDIT OF AUSTRALIAN PUBLIC PRIV ATE PARTNERSHIPS:LEGITIMISING GOVERNMENT POLICIES OR PROVIDING INDEPENDENT OVERSIGHT?Performance auditing developed from the need to provide assurance of the achievement of the administrative objectives of New Public Management(NPM) in the public sector:economy,efficiency,effectiveness and‘good management’ of government programs(Pollitt et al.,1999).According to Pollitt et al.(1999,p.9),auditing for effectiveness and good management‘demands an investi gation of outcomes,which by definition,take place in the world beyond the organisation or program’,and requires the use of independent evaluation criteria.However,the auditing of effectiveness and good management have been controversial because of disputed understandings of what these terms mean in particular settings,and differences of opinion regarding evidence of their achievement (Cutt,1977;Hamburger,1989;and Guthrie and Parker,1999).NPM’s focus on‘performance’has also given rise to debates about where to draw the line between auditing the implementation of program objectives and auditing the effectiveness of program objectives and associated implementation strategies,which are beyond the mandate of auditors-general(Pollitt et al.,1999).Public private partnerships(PPPs)are time and cost-specific agreements between the state and a private consortium for infrastructure-based service provision. The consortium undertakes responsibility for financing,designing and constructing(or refurbishing)a facility,and for providing services. The government(or service users)provide the consortium with a revenue stream that is used to repay debt,fund operations and provide a return to investors. The risks associated with financing and building the infrastructure and with service delivery are transferred to the consortium. The anticipated risk transfer justifies the use of costly private finance. It also enables value for money(VFM)savings through reduced whole of life project costs. Thismeans risk transfer and VFM are the primary motivations for these projects and make these partnership arrangements economically viable for governments.Little is known about the extent or characteristics of PPP audits in Australia. This paper aims to fill this gap by investigating audit incidence. The paper has three objectives.First,it seeks to examine performance audits of Australian Public private partnerships and determine their scope and focus against an auditing framework criteria devised from mandated procedures outlined in Public private partnerships steering mechanisms. Second,the paper aims to determine whether Australian PPP audits can be classified as substantive or as systems-based.Third,the paper examines whether there is a link between audit classification,auditors-general and controversy surrounding audit/audited PPP projects. The next section provides an overview of the context in which PPPs have been developed and implemented in Australia. The third section reviews the prior literature on performance audits and the fourth section reports on research methods used in analysing audit reports to determine the extent to which insights from performance audit and PPP literature explain observed characteristics. The fifth section presents results and analysis.The final section provides concluding comments.PERFORMANCE AUDIT OVERSIGHT OF PPPs:INSIGHTS FROM THELITERATUREIn performance audits,audit criteria are the benchmarks against which the activities of audited bodies are compared,and upon which audit conclusions and recommendations rely. These criteria are a largely uncodified set of standards about what constitutes‘good practice’ .Consequently,the criteria,and their use in performance audit,are crucial to its perceived ability to provide independent oversight of the effectiveness and management of program implementation.Confirming findings in Australia and international literature,longitudinal study into performance audit practice found evidence of a fundamental link betweenNPM( New Public Management) implementation and changing performanceaudit practice. Although there is general agreement about the origins and distinctive characteristics of New Public Management and performance audits, their development and outworking are intertwined, contested,context-dependent and change over time. Performance audit practice both influences,and is influenced by, New Public Management implementation.PERFORMANCE AUDIT OF AUSTRALIAN PUBLIC PRIV ATEPARTNERSHIPS 319Like NPM,performance audits are concerned with‘effectiveness’and‘good managemen t’and raise questions about the use of‘best practice’performance accountability frameworks as audit criteria(Pollitt et al.,1999;Gendron et al.,2001;Broadbent and Laughlin,2003;and Skrbk,2006).Some auditors- general are actively engaged in developing these frameworks,and also appear to use them as audit criteria(often as a consequence of a desire to foster‘modernisation’in the public sector(Skrbk,2006)).However,these activities also appear to legitimise government policy and have been criticised aspotentially compromising the ability of auditors-general to provide independentand effective oversight of the implementation of those policies(Gendron et al.,2001;Broadbent ).The Australian performance audit literature finds that individual auditors-general have adopted strikingly different interpretations of what performance audits are and how they should be conducted,resulting in observable differences in their conduct. Early Australian studies conclude that investigated performance audits tend to concentrate on economy and efficiency as opposed to effectiveness(Hatherly and Parker,1988),confirming that auditing for effectiveness is a contentious and technical. in summary,the literature suggests that PPP performance audits most frequently investigate systems-based adherence to steering mechanisms,rather than the substantive effectiveness of steering mechanism implementation in achieving stated.This research is based on a historically-informed documentary study of PPP steering mechanisms and performance audit reports(identified by Gendronet al.,2001,as a‘window’through which researchers can understand how auditors-general socially construct performance auditing at particular points in time).The first PPPperformance audit report was published in 1994 and the most recent in May 2006.Initially,all reports were read independently by two researchers to identify the presence(or absence)of reference to the eleven items that constitute the PPP performance audit framework.A small number of categorisation differences were settled consultatively.A code was allocated toeach report to facilitate discussion of results.By contrast,substantive audits investigate the effectiveness of policy imple- mentation in relation to core activities and the quality of service experienced by users against externally-derived criteria(Pollitt et al.,1999).They involve a degree of scepticism and some understanding of human nature and a willingness to independently recalculate benchmarks.They include some systems-based elements to provide low-level assurance about adherence to internally-mandated steering mechanisms.However,substantive audits move beyond checking the effectiveness of adherence to internal control systems or audit-mandated performance frameworks.They disclose the ramifications of poorly implemented procedures supported by quantitative and qualitative explanations and examples, providing a richer understanding of reasons for performance failure,and the basis for conclusions and recommendations.Also,they may challenge the boundary between investigating the effectiveness of policies per se and the effectiveness of policy implementation(Guthrie,1989;Hamburger,1989;and Pollitt et al.,1999),explaining the political sensitivity of performance audits.Substantive audits are costly both politically and in terms of time and labour(forexample,they frequently involve the use of consultants)(Pollitt et al.,1999).Pollitt et al.’s(1999)study found that most reviewed performance audits were systems-based.The exception was UK performance audits from 1993 to 1995,6which were categorised as substantive.However,Gendron et al.(2001),previous Australian studies and PFI literature challenge these findings.UK literature argues that the substantive issue for performance audits in a PFI context is providing assurance about the achievement of anticipated risk transfer and VFM.This is accomplished by investigating whether the spending of publicmoney(in the PFI operating stage)is in accordance with contractual agreements (Edwards et al.,2004;and Pollock and Price,2004);or concluding that no changes in contracted payment streams to government have occurred.Broadbent et al. (2004)call for PFI performance audits to broaden their investigation of VFM achievement to include a broad range of ex post non-financial outcomes at the government,agency and project levels.REFLECTION AND CONCLUSIONThe objective of this research was to understand the extent,focus an characteristics of Australian performance audit of PPPs. It provides evidence that only a few performance audits of these complex,long term and controversial arrangements have taken place in Australia,and that auditing has mostly concentrated on investigating the pre-contracting stage. Nevertheless,auditors-general have provided welcome disclosures about aspects of these arrangements that would otherwise have remained hidden from parliaments and the public.Only two Australian auditors-general have investigated the achievemen anticipated risk transfer and VFM in the operating stage.Both audit pre-2000 PPPs that includethe delivery of core services by consortia.PA9 analyses the financial and non-financial ramifications of unabated payments for substandard service delivery and of poorly constructe quantitative performance indicators in private prison contracts.PA8 also focuses on payments and performance in a privately owned and operated hospital.This research indicates that the auditors-general whose reports were classified as substantive were also more likely to question government policy and/or implementation strategies as well as consider the audited transactions within a wider public-sector policy context.It seems that Australia’s parliaments are now providing more substantive dependent external review of PPP projects than auditors-general.VPAEC 006),instance,examined PPP governance arrangements;risk allocationsnd transfers;economic benefits;their accountability and public interest mifications;and the impact of changes iinternational accounting standards.xaminations undertaken bythe Committee on the achievement of risk llocation and VFM in a number of projects led it to conclude that the Victorian overnment has been paying a high premium for the transfer of risk to the private sector,significant amounts of which had reverted back to the Government in the operating stage of a sample of different PPP types.This conclusion is at odds with that offered in PA6,the only PPP performance audit conducted inVictoria since 2000.The VPAEC was also highly critical of the Government’s refusal to provide it with access to the infor mation it required to undertake the inquiry.In the end,it had to rely on publicly available information to conclude its investigations.The refusal of the Victorian Government to provide information to a parliamentary committee of inquiry echoes an earlier government’s refusal to permit the then Auditor-General to disclose financial information about Victoria’s private prisons(see PA9).It suggests Victorian auditors-general may have difficulties in undertaking and reporting substantively on PPPs.Also,in NSW,the Public Accounts Committee(NSWPAC,2006),which has a long history of active investigation into PPPs,12 and a joint committee(New South Wales Joint Select Committee on the Cross City Tunnel(NSWJSCCCT, 2006a and 2006b))reported on Cross City Tunnel negotiations and outcomes.The NSWPAC inquiry framed its terms of reference as an investigation of models to evaluate and monitor PPPs to determine how risks were assessed and allocated between public and private partners.The Joint Committee investigated the implementation of mechanisms mandated within the NSW Government sector to steer and coordinate the delivery of PPPs,including disclosure and accountability arrangements.The NSW committees were highly critical of the NSW PPP steering mechanisms13 and their impl ementation at agency level,the Government’s handling of communityconsultation and negotiations with bidders in the pre-contracting stage.They concluded that the Cross City Tunnel contract is not in the public interest.The NSW Auditor-General’s report into the Cross City Tunnel(PA5),by contrast,was more limited in scope.PA5 indicates that audit’s purpose was to investigate whether the upfront payment(by the winning consortium to the government)was a legitimate reimbursement of expenditure;whether the variations tothe contract were reasonable and handled appropriately;and whether the changes to the surface roads(to funnel motorists into the tunnel) were based on a robust assessment against stated objectives.This audit was also critical of steering mechanism implementation,and provided recommendations as to how identified implementation failures at agency level could be avoided in the future.This paper has implications for auditors-general.It confirms that audit reports are the‘window’(Gendron et al.,2001)through which external parties understand PPPs:their operation and risks;the costs assumed by the state(or passed on to the public);and the achievement of program objectives.Audit reports are also the‘window’through which the public and parliament judge t he performance of auditors-general.Perceptions that audit reports are systems- based and that auditors-general may have compromised their independence through their attempts to foster‘good management practice’in the public sector are reinforced when the performance accountability frameworks they use are devised by them to aid steering mechanism implementation.While systems-based audits may smooth the way for acceptance by governments of auditrecommendations,they can also damage the reputation of auditors-general in the eyes of the public,who rely on auditors to ensure that executive governments are accountable to parliaments.This research suggests that Australian auditors-general may need to engage more robustly with the operating stage of PPPs.This conclusion is confirmed by a finding of the VPAEC(2006)that‘[t]here has been limited independent external scrutiny of PPP projects undertaken to date’.14 Inadequate independent oversight(in quality and quantity)means that it is impossible to conclude that Australian PPPs deliver anticipated risk transfer,VFM savings,and other program objectives.The extent of systems-based audit of the pre-contracting stage suggests that contemporary PPP performance audit in Australia may have more to do with legitimising government policies than with providing independent oversight.Source:Linda M. Performance Audit of Australian Public Private Partnerships:Legitimising Government Policies or Providing Independent Oversight?[J]. Financial Accountability & Management,2007,(23):313-333.二、翻译文章译文:澳大利亚公私伙伴关系的绩效审计:使政府的政策合法化或提供独立的监督?政府绩效审计是指国家审计机关对政府及其部门和其他组织所发生的经济活动,进行经济性、效率性和效果性的审查和评价。

澳大利亚政府预算和绩效评价体系介绍

澳大利亚政府预算和绩效评价体系介绍

澳大利亚政府预算和绩效评价体系介绍财政部国际司一、预算绩效管理的主要内容实行预算绩效管理是澳大利亚行政管理的核心内容之一。

预算绩效管理是以结果为导向,通过制定公共支出的绩效目标,把预算资金的分配、政府部门的战略目标和绩效紧密联系起来的预算管理方式。

其主要内容体现在以下几个方面:(一)健全的法律法规体系为保证财政资金使用的合法性、安全性和有效性,澳大利亚建立起较为健全法律法规体系。

1992年的《基于绩效的支付协议法案》将公共财政支付协议的出发点确定为项目可能达到的绩效,关注公共财政项目支出的成果。

1997年的《联邦机构和联邦企业法》主要对澳大利亚联邦机构和联邦政府企业的财务报告和财务责任进行了明确而细致的规定;重新修订的《审计长法》明确规定了审计署的绩效审计职责和内容。

1998年的《预算报表诚信法》确定了合理财政的原则,规定了政府财政和经济展望报告的形式和内容,正式将权责发生制作为政府会计制度基本准则。

1999年的《财政管理及问责法》,从财务管理方面对部门和政府公务人员的绩效职责进行了规定;《公共服务法》明确规定了公共服务人员责任和权力之间的关系,以提高公共服务的效率和实现服务效果的最大化。

逐步建立起财政信息公开制度、绩效责任制和规范的政府财务会计核算体系,为全面开展绩效管理工作奠定了良好的法律基础。

(二)强调部门的预算管理权责澳大利亚预算绩效管理确定部门战略计划、绩效目标、评价指标、预算规模,赋予部门预算管理自主权,以绩效目标为约束手段,强化部门绩效责任。

也就是说,财政部门对部门预算规模进行总量控制,赋予部门预算资金的使用权,重点督促部门注重结果和目标,部门可以灵活地选择实现绩效目标的途径和方法,进而实现政策(目标和结果)与管理(产出和激励)的有机融合。

(三)明确的绩效目标框架澳大利亚预算根据政府未来三年(部分州和地方政府为四年或五年)战略规划编制。

如《联邦预算战略展望(2010-2011)》不仅全面反映了2010-2011年度预算编制情况,而且对未来两年预算进行了预测。

站在“羊背”上的思考——澳大利亚政府绩效审计带来的启示和借鉴

站在“羊背”上的思考——澳大利亚政府绩效审计带来的启示和借鉴

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对 多 个 部 门 或 单 位 的 相 同 或 相 似 职 责 的 履 行 情 况 的 评 价 。 我 们 应 该 在绩效审计 实践 中开阔思路 , 增 强 信心 , 选好项 目, 然 后 根 据 工 作 重 点 和物 质 、 人力 资 源 , 确定 目 标 、 范围 、 方法 , 有 条 不 紊 地 进 行
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性 方 面 最 大 程 度 地 增 加 其 价 值 的 行为; 二 是 在 可 获 得 的 审 计 资 源 限 制 下 保 证 适 当 的覆 盖 面 。 结合我 国 当前 开 展 绩 效 审 计 的 实 际 , 在 选 题
充 分 的讨 论 , 并 与相 关 部 委 沟 通 、 反 馈 。 澳 大 利 亚 政 府 绩 效 审 计 的 发 展值 得 我们 思考 和 借 鉴 。
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澳大利亚绩效审计的经验及借鉴

澳大利亚绩效审计的经验及借鉴

澳大利亚绩效审计的经验及借鉴【摘要】本文旨在探讨澳大利亚绩效审计的经验及借鉴。

在介绍了澳大利亚绩效审计的重要性和研究目的后,文章详细分析了澳大利亚绩效审计制度的建立与发展,操作模式以及审计实践经验。

重点讨论了澳大利亚绩效审计的借鉴意义,并探讨了其他国家对澳大利亚绩效审计的学习与应用情况。

结尾部分总结了澳大利亚绩效审计的成功经验,并提出了提升我国绩效审计水平的建议。

通过本文的研究,旨在为我国绩效审计的发展和实践提供借鉴和参考,推动绩效审计工作的健康发展。

【关键词】澳大利亚,绩效审计,经验,借鉴,制度建立,操作模式,审计实践,成功经验,建议,其他国家学习与应用1. 引言1.1 澳大利亚绩效审计的重要性澳大利亚绩效审计的重要性在于其能够对政府绩效进行全面评估和监督,从而保障公共资源的有效利用。

绩效审计不仅可以帮助政府机构发现和解决管理问题,提高工作效率,还能够促进政府透明度和问责制度的建立。

通过绩效审计,政府可以更好地实现预算资源的有效管理和分配,提升公共服务质量,增强政府机构的执行力和责任感。

绩效审计还可以帮助政府与公民建立更加亲近和信任的关系,提升政府的形象和公信力。

澳大利亚的绩效审计在政府治理和社会发展中发挥着重要的作用,对于提高政府绩效和公共管理水平具有积极的促进作用。

1.2 研究目的与意义本研究的目的在于深入探讨澳大利亚绩效审计的经验及借鉴,并从中总结出对我国绩效审计工作的启示和借鉴意义。

通过对澳大利亚绩效审计制度的建立与发展、操作模式、审计实践经验等方面进行分析,希望可以帮助我国更好地建立和完善绩效审计制度,提升绩效审计的效率和质量,推动政府机构及公共部门的绩效管理工作,实现更加透明、高效和有效的治理。

通过研究其他国家对澳大利亚绩效审计的学习与应用情况,探讨如何借鉴国外先进经验,促进我国绩效审计水平的提升,推动政府部门的绩效管理改革,实现社会治理的现代化和提升。

本研究的意义在于为我国绩效审计工作的改革和发展提供有益的借鉴和启示,推动政府部门绩效管理的现代化和规范化进程。

政府代建制度的英文文献翻译

政府代建制度的英文文献翻译

The Regulatory FrameworkMost countries that rely on general contract law regulate public procurement by internal rules that prescribe the formal process of bidding,the evaluation of bids, the award and conclusion of contracts, and contract management (Box 9.3). The rules also mandate procedures for dealing with possible court challenges from unsuccessful bidders, and procedures for contract interpretation, breach of contract, and dispute resolution and arbitration. The intention is to provide a self-contained regime for contract award and management, which would avoid recourse to external arbitrators.The procurement regulations and audit rules place great reliance on competition and objective decision making (except in specified emergencies such as natural disasters). This approach often results in extensive regulatory control and oversight by external agencies, and heavy bureaucratic reviewand approval processes. Many government entities feel that the procurement324T O S ERVE AND T O P RESERVEthe contract in question. The criteria for the award should not consist of price alone, but should also consider other factors like whole-life cost, quality, and delivery. Whole-life cost is relevant in complex procurements, including large supply and service contracts and construction projects, and in offsetting higher expenditure for better quality against the lower maintenance costs over the asset’s life.New Zealand has published Government Purchasing: A Guide for Suppliersto help suppliers understand and operate in the government purchasing environment. It is intended to improve communication between public sectorbuyers and industry to their mutual benefit. Canada provides an integratedelectronic public tendering service, which supports open, cost-effectiveprocurement for all levels of government, and all sizes of suppliers in the privatesector.____________Source: UK Government and World Trade Organization web sites.process has become an end in itself, stressing compliance with rules to the neglect of economy or efficiency. In 1993, the US had 889 laws thatcontrolled every aspect of defense procurement alone, making a product50 percent by estimate more costly simply because it was being purchasedby the government. Federal regulations filled 1,600 pages, supplementedby 2,900 pages of agency-specific regulations, supplemented in turn by instructions and case law (US Government 1993). Some of these additional regulations are important in public procurement because of its special natureAcquiring Goods and Services: Public Procurement325and risks. In many countries, however, procurement rules would besubstantially simplified without compromising the integrity of the process.After the award of contracts, additional regulations to deal with breach of contract and unsatisfactory contractor performance can be reduced inthe first instance through clear and complete specifications, well-defined performance standards, and the inclusion of incentives and penalties in the contract. However, these measures inevitably add costs and delays to theinitial phases of contract execution. Formal legal remedies, such as financial penalties or exclusion from future contracts, are costly and dilatory incountries with inadequate judicial systems.Many countries are consequently moving to streamline andconsolidate existing laws and regulations, or writing simpler laws and regulations to govern procurement transactions. In the US, as recommendedby the National Performance Review, the Federal Acquisition StreamliningAct of 1994 repealed or modified 225 provisions, and raised the thresholdsabove which the agencies needed to follow the regulations, thus exempting95 percent of transactions.Model CodesThe stress in recent years has also been on a uniform procurementcode to set the basic framework for procurement, supplemented by themore detailed rules by implementing ministries. For example, in Australia,the procurement framework is contained in the 93-page Commonwealth Procurement Guidelines issued in December 1997. In the UK, the procurement function is exercised under Treasury guidance (Box 9.4). Atthe subnational level one of the earliest efforts at a uniform procurementcode was the Model Procurement Code for State and Local Governments in the US. This was the most comprehensive and consistent attempt to applythe elements of good practice, and was meant to be adapted to particularstate and local circumstances. The EU insists on enforcing a model procurement code (Box 9.4) as a condition for membership of countries inthe Union. The People’s Republic of China, for its part, has drafted procurement legislation with Asian Development Bank support.326T O S ERVE AND T O P RESERVEthe integration of the myriad procurement entities throughout the public sector into a functional and coherent network with high professional standards, and that is consistent with international obligations. Such a framework would define the financial and legal responsibilities of all participants in the procurement process, including suppliers and procurement entities in central and local government.Slovakia and Latvia have already passed a national procurement law consistent with international standards. Poland has set up a central organizationto draft and disseminate procurement regulations and rules for decentralized operation. The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Developmentand the International Labour Organisation have collaborated in preparing a public procurement manual for central and eastern Europe.____________Source: OECD (1999a).The most widely used model public procurement law is the one adopted by the UN Commission on International Trade Law (UNCITRAL) in 1994,5 consolidating previous model laws. A detailed guide was later issued. The model law was intended to be a model for developing and transitional economies in modernizing their procurement regulations or in establishing such regulations. It is expected to address the inefficiencies and the potential for abuse in the laws of many countries, and to make these laws more compatible with international trade practices. The law has formed the basis for national procurement legislation in many developing countries, with support from international donor agencies. Annex V lists the provisions of the model law. The model law does not supersedeAcquiring Goods and Services: Public Procurement327international obligations or the applicable national laws for contract,criminal, and judicial procedures. Although as a framework law theUNCITRAL model law does not itself set forth all the necessary regulations,it mandates open tendering as the method of procurement that is generallymost effective in promoting competition, economy, and efficiency inprocurement. For circumstances in which tendering is not feasible, the modellaw suggests alternative methods of procurement.采购规定管理的构架大多数国家依赖于一般合同法规定的政府采购的正式投标过程中的内部规定,投标的价格,奖励和签订合同,和合同的管理(在专栏9。

注册会计师审计独立性英文文献中英对照

注册会计师审计独立性英文文献中英对照

变化中的会计师审计独立性——与当前环境与时俱进,理查德·贝克2005年8月——具《注册会计师专刊》的主编罗伯特科尔森在他2004年3月的专栏里的研究表明,“会计师审计的独立性”的概念,在过去的150多年中,是不断变化的。

从一般意义上说,会计师审计的独立性与当前的商业环境是存在着密切的关联的。

但是,不同的“会计师审计的独立性”的概念之间,并没有明显的过渡。

通常情况下,许多审计的独立性的不同概念的提出,都是围绕着专业的会计师、审计师、监管机构和一般公众之间的独立性,所展开讨论的。

会计师审计的独立性的最初概念,出现在19世纪。

它的出现,是基于这样一个前提的,即主要是英国本土的专业会计师和审计师,对整个大英帝国以前的和现有的殖民资本承担监督的责任。

在此期间,数量上相对来说较少的会计师事务所,却要对相对来说大数量的群体执行审计的任务。

这些专业的会计师和审计师就有可能同时对不同的实体出具财务报告、为不同的投资群体工作。

在这个时代,会计师审计独立性的概念,并没有把审计设想为一个独立存在的审计实体;英国投资者明确禁止审计者在其审计的企业工作或参与投资。

与此同时,只要会计师保持对主要投资者的审计服务,他们的专业会计服务的范围,是可以合理地扩大的。

例如,审计师被允许可以帮他们所审计的企业编制财务报表。

会计师审计的独立性这一初步的概念在19世纪末到20世纪初发生了改变。

在这段时期,经济上有了一个大的变化,那就是资本的主要来源由国内市场转向到外国资本市场。

这一变化的出现是与美国的大型工业公司,如采矿,铁路,能源,电力和电信,的出现相关联的。

伴随着这些美国大公司的出现的,也包括着对公司商业性的理解的改变。

在上世纪30年代,经济学家阿道夫贝尔和伽尔迪纳指出,推进对这一变化的理解的,是大型企业所有权的分离,以及会计和审计对于公司的财产权益的重要性。

在这一新思路下,审计的主要职责,就是为集体的所有权益的需要而服务,而不是某个具体的无所有权的利益。

浅谈澳大利亚绩效审计及其借鉴意义

浅谈澳大利亚绩效审计及其借鉴意义
要包 括 计 划 管理 、人 员 管理 、成 本 管理 和 质 量控 制 等 四 方 面 内 容 。首 先 谈 谈 澳 大 利 亚 国 家审 计 署 的 计 划 管理 。

澳大利 亚绩效 审计 的特点
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澳大利亚发展公私合作伙伴关系的经验与启示

澳大利亚发展公私合作伙伴关系的经验与启示
CHINA STAT经验与启示
□调研组 澳大利亚是资源型国家, 经济发达, 也是世界上公共福利最好的国家之一, 其良好的基础设施和发达的公益事业得 益于公私合作伙伴关系模式 (Public— Private—Partnership, 简称 PPP 模式) 的 助力。 PPP 模式是指公共部门通过与私 人部门建立合作伙伴关系提供公共产品 或服务的一种方式,广义上包括外包、 特许经营和私有化三大类。 它是政府部 门与私人部门通过正式协议建立起来的 一种长期的、 广度的合作伙伴关系, 公 共部门通过私人部门融资和转移风险来 获取基础设施或公共服务。实践证明, PPP 模式广泛应用于公共项目建设, 涵 盖交通、 教育、 卫生保健服务、 公用事业 (水、 污水、 电信、 电力等) 等, 使政府在 公共服务方面降低了投入成本, 提高了 产出效率, 保证了项目质量。 澳大利亚 在运用 PPP 模式实施大型基础设施项目 方面处于世界领先地位, 其经验受到各 国关注, 对我国实施基础设施建设、 推 进城乡一体化发展、 落实各项民生政策 等具有重要的借鉴和参考意义。 在澳大利亚, PPP 项目主要集中在 基础设施建设与公益事业领域, 政府通 过法制化和规范化管理, 与私营部门确 权分利, 分担风险, 形成双方共赢的局 面。 因而正确认识政府在项目主导中的 作用与定位, 是推动公私合营发展的关 键所在。 1. 建立专业管理部门或机构。 澳大 利亚联邦政府与州政府都设有专门的 PPP 管理机构。 澳大利亚基础设施管理 局作为联邦政府的 PPP 管理机构, 负责 对全国 PPP 项目进行管理, 定期发布政 府拟实施的重大基础设施建设项目信 息, 并审批所有 PPP 建设项目。 PPP 具体 政策由各州分别制定, 部分州政府设立 了自己的基础设施管理局, 也有一些州 分设机构, 一般包括具体政策制定部门 和 PPP 项目执行机构。 以维多利亚州为 例, 由财政部门负责 PPP 的管理, 并在项 目管理过程中与其他部门和私人企业进 行沟通。 州政府还设立了 PPP 项目指导 委员会, 由财政、 交通、 医疗、 教育等相 关部门人员及多名专家担任委员, 对PPP 政策、 项目管理、 私营机构选择、 工程技 术等进行调查研究并提出意见建议。 2. 确 定 项 目 标 准。政 府 投 资 不 是 无偿的, 政府会对每个项目进行社会效 益、 经济效益及生态效益分析。 澳大利 亚对基础设施领域采用 PPP 模式建设的 项目有明确的条件 : 一是项目具有一定 的价值和规模 ; 二是技术具有复杂性和 新颖性 ; 三是能够帮助政府实现一定的 风险分散和转移 ; 四是项目具有很大的 设计和技术创新空间 ; 五是项目所有者 具有较高的 PPP 项目实施能力 ; 六是能 够平衡私营部门的利益和公共部门的需 求关系 ; 七是配套设施及副业经营等辅 助项目可使私营部门从中获益, 充分调 动私营部门的积极性。 政府拥有部分城 区和大部分农村土地, 于是利用土地收 入补偿基础设施建设支出 ;私人则利 用多余的土地进行商业开发, 以收回投 资成本。 项目伊始, 政府开出参与项目 的优惠条件以吸引投资, 项目最终完成 后再行兑现。如墨尔本皇家儿童医院, 州政府与私人投资者在开始时即谈好 条件, 新医院建好运行后, 将原址的旧 医院交由私人投资者自行改造利用, 如 建超市或旅馆等, 所得收入归私人投资 者所有, 涉及税收项目将享受一定的优 惠, 但最终这块土地及所有不动产仍归 政府所有。 3. 明确公私部门的角色和责任。 在 每个 PPP 项目合约签订前, 公共部门和 私营部门会进行反复、 深入的讨论, 根 据各方从项目中获得的利益, 明确双方 的责任和应承担的风险。 一般来说, 公 共部门主要承担土地风险,私营部门

新闻、公共关系与权力

新闻、公共关系与权力

《新闻、公共关系与权力》摘要[澳]科特(Simon Cottle)主编,《新闻、公共关系与权力》(News, Public Relations and Power),上海:复旦大学出版社,2007该书选录了英国、澳大利亚、以色列等国学者发表的一些探讨公共关系视野中的媒介与民主问题,以期理解权力在媒介消息来源和新闻界之间扮演的复杂关系。

译者认为,“纯粹的政治报刊从来不是自由意义上的报刊,只有获得经济自由的报刊并且恰恰是为着相对纯粹的利润目标,才能大致达成‘意见市场’。

”(译者序:P002)“民主在当今世界的发展主流中无疑获得了空前的政治价值,以至于在当今世界没有一个政治人物敢表达对‘民主’这个词汇的不敬。

尽管民主并非是一种十全十美的治理方式,但它是目前所能找到的最好方式。

”(译者序:P003)一.新闻、公共关系与权力:领域图绘1、对媒介—消息来源互动、公共关系策略以及媒介接近使用权和参与形式的研究,是当前有关今天社会中的媒介及其消息来源相对权力问题争论的核心。

P0332、传统自由民主理论、媒介自由结成神圣同盟,以便不同的观点能够被传播,舆论形成能够被促进,以及“代议制的”民主程序能够得到维续,而批判理论着力提出并挑战新闻媒介是为特权精英服务的观点,认为其强化了社会不平等和/或妨碍了向参与式民主的迈进,这两个方面的观点共同承担对于媒介消息来源参与和再现问题的基本关注。

P0333、当前三大主要范式构建了有关媒介-消息来源互动、再现和参与的媒介传播研究领域。

社会学范式一般关切消息来源是如何策略性地诉求媒介影响力和保障“解释优势”的目标。

文化研究范式关注的是媒介叙述的再现本质和接近使用权问一个新兴的“传播”范式聚焦在“传播权力”的形式以及题,检视了“符号权力”问题。

这些在媒介形式和碰撞的不确定性规范内是如何表现的。

P0334、当今,媒介-消息来源互动及关系研究必须密切关注:(a)不同的消息来源场域的复杂性以及策略性利益集团在与新闻媒介的关系中是如何被动员的;(b)斗争的政治偶然性以及演进中的临时过程;(c)媒介的中介文化形式和逻辑;(d)媒介内的传播行为的生成。

澳大利亚的审计

澳大利亚的审计

3澳大利亚的审计国外审计一、澳大利亚的审计机构澳大利亚有完整的审计体系,包括政府审计、内部审计和社会审计三部分。

政府最高级别的审计机关是澳大利亚联邦政府审计署,各州有审计局,还有若干州以下地方审计局。

政府审计包括联邦政府、州和地方三个层次,各级审计机关分别对各自议会负责,国家审计署与州和地方的审计局之间没有行政和业务领导关系,各自从事自己业务范围内的审计工作。

政府审计不对内部审计和社会审计进行业务指导。

二、审计职权范围澳大利亚联邦审计工作独立性强,审计覆盖面大、范围广、内容新。

澳大利亚国家审计署审计长由总督任命,任命后不随政府的更替而变换。

审计长对议会负责,依照审计法独立行使职权,直接向议会报告审计情况。

澳大利亚政府审计范围包括政府机关、事业单位和国有企业。

联邦政府审计署、州审计局和地方审计局分别对其直属系统进行审计。

无论是国家审计署,还是州审计局,每年均对其管辖范围内的全部审计对象进省厅外资处吴家山○2、对省、区机构的审计情况;3、对社会保险、保障、慈善事业的审计情况。

4、对公营企、事业单位的审计情况。

摘编的内容也包括了审计法院对因违反法律给予当事人的制裁情况。

审计法院完成上述内容摘编后,召开新闻发布会,参加的人员主要是大的报刊、电台、电视台负责人或主编。

这种向新闻界、向社会发布审计结果的形式,就像我国有关部门查处各种违法、违纪案件的公开处理一样。

这种新闻发布会的内容,社会舆论界往往十分关注,有时成为舆论界的焦点,在各大报刊、电台、电视台上公开批评,形成巨大的社会压力。

尤其在政府换界前夕,更加使人关注。

这种舆论压力,有时导致政府某部长、或某要员乃至政府名誉扫地甚至倒台。

这样做,可以监督政府行政机构及公务人员等依法照章办事,从而杜绝不合理事情的发生。

审计法院向新闻、社会上公开的材料要严格把关,在事实上不能有任何差错,要准确无误。

既不能隐瞒什么,又不能欺骗公众舆论。

但对一些问题的揭露必须谨慎从事。

绩效审计与公共管理改革外文翻译

绩效审计与公共管理改革外文翻译

外文文献翻译译文原文Performance Audit and Public Management Reform Audit is one of the oldest and most venerable state functions. The French Cour des Comptes traces its origins back to 1318; the UK National Audit Office cites 1314 as the date of its first manifestation; the Dutch Algemene Rekenkamer finds ancestors as running back to 1386.State audit thus long preceded the emergence of modern forms of democratic government. However state audit offices have made many adaptations in the course of their long history and during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries they fashioned a crucial role for themselves within the machinery of democratic accountability.On this kind of historical scale, performance audit is a very recent activity. Although more or less plausible claims can be made for the existence of performance audit-like activities back to the 1960s—or even considerably earlier—performance audit as a large-scale, self-considerably distinct practice dates mainly since the late 1970s.Performance audit represents a modern variant of audit—not the only one but, as well shall demonstrate, a challenging and fascinating one. It is distinctive to state audit and does not have a close counterpart in private-sector, commercial audit.Over almost exactly the same period as performance audit has emerged as a distinct form of audit, the government of Western Europe, North America, and Australasia have embarked upon extensive programs of public management reform. These have aimed at modernizing, streamlining, and in some cases minimizing the whole of the state apparatus. Although the details of these reform programs have varied considerably between one country and another, most of them have given a central place to the themes of decentralization and performance management. This has entailed a widespread rethinking of the balance between the autonomy and the control of public organizations. It has generated a search for mechanism and incentives will help realize these new management ideas in practice.Prima facie, it appears highly probable that there is a connection between thesetwo phenomena: on the hand the growth of performance audit and on the other the search for a new solution to the ancient governmental problem of giving autonomy yet retaining control. Y et there seems to have been little systematic investigation of what the nature of this interaction might be. One of our ambitions is to fill this gap. We begin, in the next chapter, by looking at the boundaries and definitions of performance audit, and they move directly to describe the patterns of management reform in the five countries that form the basis for our comparisons: France, Finland, the Netherlands, Sweden, and the UK. This provides the context against which later chapters and tease out the connections between the development of performance audit and the forces of management change.If the official descriptions are anything to go by, performance audit is not just a technical tool. It does not at all correspond to the traditional image of auditing as a process cent ered on ‘checking the books’ in order to see that they have been accurately and properly kept. Performance audit has a more ambitious manifesto. Its practitioners declare that they are seeking to establish whether public policies or programs or projects or organizations have been conducted with due regard to economy, efficiency, effectiveness, and good management practice. It thus brings together, in a potent new combination, the older tradition of’’ audit’ with a much more recent focus on ‘performance ‘. T he exact terms within which audit bodies undertake this activity vary from country to country and over time. So we should not rush to say exactly what ‘it’ is or isn’t, but rather should problematize and explore the concept.In that chapter we will also take a brief look at some of the many other uses to which the term ‘audit’ has recently been put, a diversification of meaning and practice that recently led one academic to write an ambitious text entitled The Audit Society. For the moment, however, it will suffice to say that sets of practices termed ‘performance audit’ or value-for-money studies’ have become central activities for an increasingly powerful group of organizations-Supreme Audit Institutions. In most democratic countries, the SAI is located near the heart of the apparatus of the state. Potentially, therefore, performance audit should be of considerable political and democratic significance. It is practiced by powerful, independent institutions and ispresented as a mode of investigation aimed at establishing whether, at what cost, and to what degree the policies, programs, and projects of government are working.Given these general characteristics, one might expect that the considerable community of scholars working in subjects such as political science, public administration, public management, and public finance and accountancy would have generated a large literature about performance audit. Surprisingly, this is not the case. One may speculate on the reasons why SAIs and, within them, performance audit have suffered relative neglect as compared with, say, various aspects of public management reform.Several reasons for the apparent disparity of interest in performance audit and public management reform suggest themselves. To begin with, public management reform has been led—or at least fronted—by politicians, for whom it is natural to make public claims that what they are doing is innovative, valuable, and successful. Furthermore, such change has generated its own supporting ‘industry’, includi ng various kinds of consultant who have taken every opportunity to propel such reform even higher up political and administrative agendas. By contrast, SAIs are single institutions—and generally rather sober ones. The bulk of their work appears to be technical and detailed and they take some pains to stand clear of party political controversy. Typically, supreme audit institutions are mentioned briefly in general textbooks which describe the institutions of government in a given country, but few books or articles have been written specifically about them. The USA, though not part of the present study, was perhaps something of an exception to this general neglect, with a certain amount of analytical literature focusing upon the General Accounting Office. Only in the last few years has the trickle of journal articles and booklets begun to gather some momentum. In the past, SAIs seldom went out of their way to publicize themselves—it is only in the last decade that most of them have begun to produce booklets and brochures for popular consumption, or to deal proactively with the mass media. Some are still cautious in these respects.Finally, there is, of course, a difference of scale. Public management reform has swept across entire public sectors, affecting ministries, executive agencies, quangos,local authorities, and other kinds of public body. SAIs, by contrast, are single organizations, seldom employing more than a few hundred staff. Thus, changes in what auditors do simply do not appear to be as important or newsworthy as changes that affect the work of tens or hundreds of thousands of public officials, and which may impact directly on citizens’ use of public services.Even if the above considerations go some way towards explaining the relative lack of media and scholarly attention given to the development of performance audit, that does not mean that such activities are insignificant. On the contrary—and as we shall show--performance audit has become the largest single activity for some SAIs and an important part of the work of all the SAIs in this study. This is a relatively recent development. Although the definition of performance audit is less than straightforward, it is probably accurate to say that, allowing for some earlier, partial precedents, its emergence as a distinct and mainstream activity dates mainly from the late 1970s and 1980s. Thus, over the last two decades, a number of SAIs have invested a considerable proportion of their resources in developing a relatively new area of activity, one that is directly focused on those issues of performance that have themselves become such a central focus of concern for modern governments.While governments have declared themselves to be intensely concerned with the ‘three Es’ (economy, efficiency, and effec tiveness) at the same time as SAIs have been developing performance audit as a way of investigating those same three Es, the connection between these two lines of activity has not been as straightforward as might at first appear. Of course, some impacts are fairly obvious. For example, a recent UK National Audit Office handbook acknowledges that performance audit has had to respond to the fact that: ‘Two thirds of government business is now carried out by agencies, outputs and delivery are more important than inputs, and there is much greater involvement of the private sector in the delivery of publicly funded programs’. This is an example of a direct influence, running from public management reform to performance audit. However, the whole picture is considerably more complicated, with direct and indirect influences running in both directions.Our aim has therefore been to study the practice of performance audit and relateit to contemporary developments in public management. We have investigated the ‘state of the art’ of performance audit and explored its links wi th the processes of management reform. In empirical terms, we have had twin foci. First, we have gathered material about public management reform in each country—this describes the context in which SAIs have developed performance audit. Much of this has necessarily been secondary data, though some of it derives from other recent work by members of our team. Second, in relation to the performance audit side of the relationship, we have conducted extensive primary research. Our main focus has been on the performance audit report and on the process that leads up to that report. Some other recent work, though conceptually sophisticated, has been limited by its reliance on a more general type of evidence. We would contend that the acid test of what performance audit ’is’ ,or is capable of, may lie more in the bedrock of individual audits than in the superstructure of what SAIs say about performance audit in general, although both types of evidence are, of course, useful in their own right.We have therefore counted, categorized, and read a large number of audit reports. In practical terms, these seemed the least unsatisfactory unit for comparative analysis. They had the advantage of being concrete, discrete, and the basis for a number of recording systems within SAIs themselves. Unfortunately, however, they also carried some disadvantages. First, not all SAIs distinguish between performance audit reports and other types of report. Second, not all performance audit reports are in the public domain. Third, there are other important performance audit ‘products’ apart from individual reports. For example, some performance audit work by the NAO takes the form of unpublished reports to departments rather than reports to the Parliamentary Public Accounts Committee. The bulk of the Cour’s work on bonne gestion takes place in the form of unpublished communications with the audited bodies and the ministries, often at ministerial level. Fourth, there is very considerable variation both between and within performance audit reports. They come in different shapes and sizes in different countries, and even within the corpus of a single SAI such reports may be long or short, expensive or cheap, very broad or quite narrow in scope, etc. Indeed, these variations are one of the features we describe and comment upon.Finally, it should be pointed out that choosing a different unit of analysis would likely have yielded different insights, but at the same time, and by the same token, would probably have concealed or obscured some of the features that our focus on reports has illuminated. For example, we have encountered some difficulty in analyzing the methods used in performance audit, partly because some reports use a variety of methods within a single study while others say virtually nothing about which methods may have been adopted.In conclusion, we should say that, although this work is certainly not intended to be prescriptive, we have nevertheless thought it appropriate in the final chapter, to set out an agenda for discussion. Drawing from our descriptions and analyses, we have identified a number of issues likely to shape the future development of performance audit. In effect, these constitute a set of strategic choices, with significant implications for the roles of SAIs. Some of these issues could be clarified by further research. All of them could benefit from wider and deeper debate. Just as politics is too important to be left to the politicians, the activities of our Supreme Audit Institutions are too important to be left exclusively to auditors.Source: Christopher Pollott, Hikka Summa. Performance Audit and Public Management Reform[M], Performance or Compliance, 2009.译文绩效审计与公共管理改革审计是最古老且最庄严的国家职责之一,法国审计院的历史可以追溯到1318年。

澳大利亚政府审计

澳大利亚政府审计

澳大利亚政府审计澳大利亚政府审计概况审计计划的制定和管理澳大利亚属英联邦国家,国家建立仅二百二十多年,但其国家审计的发展相对较快,迄今已有近百年的历史。

1901年,澳大利亚联邦议会通过了第一部审计法。

同年,澳大利亚国家审计署成立。

审计署成立伊始,审计法就确立了审计长的独立地位。

审计署既独立于政府,也独立于议会,但其负有向议会报告的责任。

审计署依据审计法对澳大利亚政府部门财务管理进行审计监督。

国家审计署的工作包括两个主要方面:财务合规性、合法性审计和绩效审计。

财务合规、合法性审计是通过对联邦政府各部门和其它实体的财务报表的审查、行政指令遵守情况的审查、法规和行政管理适当性的审查、内部审计功能发挥情况的的审查和其它重要情况的检查,作出对这些单位内部会计控制系统的评价,属于验证性质的审计。

绩效审计是对联邦政府部门和机构在使用财务、人力和其它资源时,管理和经营绩效以及这些单位的信息系统和绩效衡量与监督制度的审计。

被审计单位对已经发现的问题所采取的改正措施也在绩效审计的范围之内。

澳大利亚的六个州和两个地区都设有独立的审计机关,均称为审计署,并任有审计长。

澳大利亚国家审计署与各州审计署之间是相互独立的没有隶属关系。

国家审计署在个别州和地区设有派出机构,负责对国家驻各州和地区行政机关或其它实体进行审计监督。

澳大利亚审计署内部机构设置一般由五个部门组成,即,财务审计部门、绩效审计部门、计算机审计部门、指导金融体系机构的部门和综合部门。

其中财务审计部门人员约占总人数的70%,其工作量与绩效审计相比,约占80%以上。

澳大利亚审计机关的经费来源为预算拨款。

其对行政部门的审计不收审计费用,但澳大利亚审计法规定国家审计署对一些审计项目收取一定审计费用。

据此,财政部长负责规定哪些单位需要向国家审计署缴纳审计费。

一般来讲,缴纳审计费的是完全或部分的与国家预算相分离的法定机构、政府商业企业、法定市场当局和联邦政府控股的公司。

只限于对上述单位的财务报表审计收取审计费,在进行绩效审计时不收审计费,所有向国家审计署缴纳的审计费都进入统一收入账户。

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原文:Performance Audit of Australian Public Private Partnerships:Legitimising Government Policies or Providing IndependentOversight?PERFORMANCE AUDIT OVERSIGHT OF PPPs: INSIGHTS FROM THELITERATUREIn performance audits, audit criteria are the benchmarks against which the activities of audited bodies are compared, and upon which audit conclusions and recommendations rely. These criteria are a largely uncodified set of standards about what constitutes ‘good practice’ (Pollitt et al., 1999; and Gendron et al.,2001). Consequently, the criteria, and their use in performance audit, are crucial to its perceived ability to provide independent oversight of the effectiveness and management of program implementation.Confirming findings in Australia (Hamburger, 1989; Guthrie, 1989; and Guthrie and Parker, 1999) and international literature (Normanton, 1966; Gendron et al., 2001; and Cooper, 2003), Pollitt et al.’s (1999) longitudinal study into performance audit practice found evidence of a fundamental link between NPM implementation and changing performance audit practice. Although there is general agreement about the origins and distinctive characteristics of NPM and performance audits, their development and outworking are intertwined, contested, context-dependent and change over time (Guthrie and Parker, 1999; and Pollitt et al., 1999). Performance audit practice both influences, and is influenced by, NPM implementation (Broadbent and Laughlin, 2003; and Pollitt et al., 1999).Like NPM, performance audits are concern ed with ‘effectiveness’ and ‘good management’ and raise questions about the use of ‘best practice’ performance accountability frameworks as audit criteria (Pollitt et al., 1999; Gendron et al., 2001; Broadbent and Laughlin, 2003; and Skærbæk, 2006). Some auditors general are actively engaged in developing these frameworks, and also appear to use them asaudit criteria (often as a consequence of a desire to foster ‘modernisation’ in the public sector (Skærbæk, 2006)). However, these activities also appear to legitimise government policy and have been criticised as potentially compromising the ability of auditors-general to provide independent and effective oversight of the implementation of those policies (Gendron et al., 2001; Broadbent and Laughlin, 2003; and Skærbæk, 2006).Pollitt et al. (1999) classifies performance audits into two types: systemsbased and substantive. Systems-based audits essentially check adherence to procedures mandated by audited bodies (Pollitt et al., 1999) or to ‘best practice frame works’ promulgated by the auditors-general themselves (Gendron et al., 2001). They are, therefore, conducted on the premise that steering mechanisms represent ‘good management practice’ criteria. Performance audit objectives have been considered to have been achieved when it is concluded that standards are conformed with (Pollitt et al., 1999).By contrast, substantive audits investigate the effectiveness of policy implementation in relation to core activities and the quality of service experienced by users against externally-derived criteria (Pollitt et al., 1999). They involve a degree of scepticism and some understanding of human nature and a willingness to independently recalculate benchmarks. They include some systems-based elements to provide low-level assurance about adherence to internally-mandated steering mechanisms. However, substantive audits move beyond checking the effectiveness of adherence to internal control systems or audit-mandated performance frameworks. They disclose the ramifications of poorly implemented procedures supported by quantitative and qualitative explanations and examples, providing a richer understanding of reasons for performance failure, and the basis for conclusions and recommendations. Also, they may challenge the boundary between investigating the effectiveness of policies per se and the effectiveness of policy implementation (Guthrie, 1989; Hamburger, 1989; and Pollitt et al., 1999), explaining the political sensitivity of performance audits. Substantive audits are costly both politically and in terms of time and labour (for example, they frequently involve the use of consultants)(Pollitt et al., 1999).Pollitt et al.’s (1999) study found that most reviewed performance audits were systems-based. The exception was UK performance audits from 1993 to 1995,6 which were categorised as substantive. However, Gendron et al. (2001), previous Australian studies and PFI literature challenge these findings.UK literature argues that the substantive issue for performance audits in a PFI context is providing assurance about the achievement of anticipated risk transfer and VFM. This is accomplished by investigating whether the spending of public money (in the PFI operating stage) is in accordance with contractual agreements (Edwards et al., 2004; and Pollock and Price, 2004); or concluding that no changes in contracted payment streams to government have occurred. Broadbent et al. (2004) call for PFI performance audits to broaden their investigation of VFM achievement to include a broad range of ex post non-financial outcomes at the government, agency and project levels.The Australian performance audit literature finds that individual auditorsgeneral have adopted strikingly different interpretations of what performance audits are and how they should be conducted, resulting in observable differences in their conduct (Hamburger, 1989). Early Australian studies conclude that investigated performance audits tend to concentrate on economy and efficiency as opposed to effectiveness (Hatherly and Parker, 1988), confirming that auditing for effectiveness is a contentious and technically demanding activity (Pollitt et al., 1999).In summary, the literature suggests that PPP performance audits most frequently investigate systems-based adherence to steering mechanisms, rather than the substantive effectiveness of steering mechanism implementation in achieving stated objectives.RESEARCH METHODSThis research is based on a historically-informed documentary study of PPP steering mechanisms and performance audit reports (identified by Gendron et al., 2001, as a ‘window’ through which researchers can understand how auditors-general socially construct performance auditing at particular points in time). The first PPPperformance audit report was published in 1994 and the most recent in May 2006. Initially, all reports were read independently by two researchers to identify the presence (or absence) of reference to the eleven items that constitute the PPP performance audit framework. A small number of categorisation differences were settled consultatively. A code was allocated to each report to facilitate discussion of results.Finally, as revealed in Table 3, the reports were investigated to ascertain the primary impetus of the audit to determine whether substantive audits shared any discernable context-bound elements that may influence the conduct of performance audit, such as type of PPP project, auditor-general and controversy surrounding the project/audit. Three broad triggers were identified: ‘parliament’,indicating that the audit had been formally requested by a parliamentary resolution; ‘public concern’, indicating that the PPP project had attracted an unusual level of controversy, which was either acknowledged in the audit report or confirmed independently; and ‘new project’, indicating that the audit office had initiated the audit to review the implementation of a new PPP project.PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS OF RESULTSResults related to each of the paper’s three objectives are addressed sequentially Objective 1: Document the Extent and Focus of Australian PPP Performance Audits Interestingly, Table 3 reveals that audits which pre-date the development of Partnerships Victoria steering mechanisms (PA1, PA2, PA3, PA4 and PA5), nevertheless engage with those stee ring mechanisms’ key procedures. This indicates that there was broad auditor-general awareness and understanding of the key elements of PPP arrangements prior to 2000. Table 3 demonstrates that the PPP steering mechanism framework (as set out in Table 2) accurately captures the extent and focus of Australian PPP performance audit. This confirms the use by auditors-general of steering mechanisms to provide guidance as to appropriate ‘best practice’ criteria in systems-based audits and in the systems-based elements of substantive audits.It appears, however, that no Australian audit office strategically audits PPPs on an ongoing basis. New projects are the most frequent trigger for audit. The ad hocnature of PPP auditing may be explained by a lack of resources and expertise in state audit offices. The focus of audits on the pre-contracting stage could be explained by the long gestation of PPP projects, and the complexity and importance of key decision making processes in the pre-contracting stage to achievement of VFM and other objectives in the operating stage. The evidence indicates the apparent unwillingness of most auditors-general to actively engage with PPP performance and VFM achievement.Objective 2: Determine Whether Audits are Substantive or Systems-Based Analysis of one of the audits classified as systems-based8 (PA6) and the four classified as substantive is framed around a number of variables identified as differentiators between the two audit categories. These variables are: the context in which the audit was conducted; its purpose; quotations from the reports to support classification; other notable features, including audit findings/ recommendations; and an indication of systems-based aspects of substantive audits.Objective 3: Investigate the Influence of Contextual Elements on Substantive Audits The literature poses a link between the decision to undertake a performance audit and the controversy surrounding the audited program or project. It also suggests that individual auditors-general may be associated with substantive audits. The results presented in Table 3 confirm these findings. The impetus variables ‘public concern’ and ‘parliament’ are proxies for controversy. Six of the ten audits were associated with a high level of public debate that may have triggered performance audit. Of those audits, four have been classified as substantive. The four substantive audits were undertaken by two auditors general in two jurisdictions, and all took place prior to 2000, confirming the predicted connection between individual auditors-general, substantive audit and controversy.REFLECTION AND CONCLUSIONThe objective of this research was to understand the extent, focus and characteristics of Australian performance audit of PPPs. It provides evidence that only a few performance audits of these complex, long term and controversial arrangements have taken place in Australia, and that auditing has mostly concentrated oninvestigating the pre-contracting stage. Nevertheless, auditors general have provided welcome disclosures about aspects of these arrangements that would otherwise have remained hidden from parliaments and the public.Only two Australian auditors-general have investigated the achievement of anticipated risk transfer and VFM in the operating stage. Both audit pre-2000 PPPs that include the delivery of core services by consortia. PA9 analyses the financial and non-financial ramifications of unabated payments for substandard service delivery and of poorly-constructed quantitative performance indicators in private prison contracts. PA8 also focuses on payments and performance in a privately owned and operated hospital.This research indicates that the auditors-general whose reports were classified as substantive were also more likely to question government policy and/or implementation strategies as well as consider the audited transactions within a wider public-sector policy context.The evidence presented in this paper indicates that since 2000 Australia’saudit offices have largely failed to provide adequate independent external scrutiny of PPP projects. Systems-based audits of the pre-contracting stage provide assurance that steering mechanisms have been implemented adequately, or recommendations as to how program objectives can be more effectively achieved. The evidence suggests that Australia’s auditors-general have no strategic plan to audit PPPs substantively on a regular basis. It appears that they have not established an audit methodology to facilitate substantive evaluation of PPP arrangements from the perspective of the achievement of program effectiveness or cost-benefit analysis. English and Guthrie (2003) raised the question of who provides independent assessment of PPPs in Australia. They concluded that departments of treasury are the major PPP agenda-setters and evaluators, implying that little independent external examination is taking place. This conclusion is confirmed by a recent Victorian Parliamentary Accounts and Estimates Committee (VPAEC) investigation into that state’s post-2000 PPPs (Tomazin, 2006).It seems that Australia’s parliaments are now providing more substantiveindependent external review of PPP projects than auditors-general. VPAEC (2006), for instance, examined PPP governance arrangements; risk allocations and transfers; economic benefits; their accountability and public interest ramifications; and the impact of changes in international accounting standards. Examinations undertaken by the Committee on the achievement of risk allocation and VFM in a number of projects led it to conclude that the Victorian Government has been paying a high premium for the transfer of risk to the private sector, significant amounts of which had reverted back to the Government in the operating stage of a sample of different PPP types. This conclusion is at odds with that offered in PA6, the only PPP performance audit conducted in Victoria since 2000. The VPAEC was also highly critical of the Government’s refusal to provide it with access to the information it required to undertake the inquiry. In the end, it had to rely on publicly available information to conclude its investigations. The refusal of the Victorian Government to provide information to a parliamentary committee of inquiry echoes an earlier government’s refusal to permit the then Auditor-General to disclose financial information about Victoria’s private prisons (see PA9). It suggests Victorian auditors-general may have difficulties in undertaking and reporting substantively on PPPs.The NSW Auditor-General’s report into the Cross City Tunnel (PA5), by contrast, was more limited in scope. PA5 indicates that audit’s purpose was to investigate whether the upfront payment (by the winning consortium to the government) was a legitimate reimbursement of expenditure; whether the variations to the contract were reasonable and handled appropriately; and whether the changes to the surface roads (to funnel motorists into the tunnel) were based on a robust assessment against stated objectives. This audit was also critical of steering mechanism implementation, and provided recommendations as to how identified implementation failures at agency level could be avoided in the future.This research suggests that Australian auditors-general may need to engage more robustly with the operating stage of PPPs. This conclusion is confirmed by a finding of the VPAEC (2006) that there has been limited independent external scrutiny of PPP projects undertaken to date’.14 Inadequate independent oversight (in quality andquantity) means that it is impossible to conclude that Australian PPPs deliver anticipated risk transfer, VFM savings, and other program objectives. The extent of systems-based audit of the pre-contracting stage suggests that contemporary PPP performance audit in Australia may have more to do with legitimising government policies than with providing independent oversight.Source:Linda M. Performance Audit of Australian Public Private Partnerships:Legitimising Government Policies or Providing Independent Oversight[J].Financial Accountability &Management,2007,23(3):313-333.译文:澳大利亚公私伙伴关系的绩效审计:使政府的政策合法化或提供独立的监督?公私伙伴关系的绩效审计监督:文献综述的视角在澳大利亚绩效审计中,审计准则是审计机构开展审计活动的基准,可以作为审计机构提出审计结论和建议的依据。

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