马来西亚英语的特征分析
马来西亚知识点总结
马来西亚知识点总结马来西亚是东南亚的一个多元文化国家,位于亚洲的马来半岛和婆罗洲北部。
它是一个多元种族、宗教、语言和文化的国家,拥有独特的历史和风土人情。
本文将从马来西亚的地理、历史、政治、经济、文化和旅游等方面对其进行全面介绍。
地理马来西亚位于东南亚,与泰国、文莱、新加坡、印度尼西亚和菲律宾等国相邻。
它由两个主要部分组成:马来半岛位于东南部,与邻国泰国相连;婆罗洲则位于东北部,与印尼相连。
这两个地区之间由南中国海分隔。
此外,马来西亚还包括沙巴和砂拉越两个东马来西亚邦的领土,这两个领土分别位于婆罗洲的北部和西部。
马来西亚地理环境多样,拥有茂密的雨林、雄伟的山脉和美丽的海岸线。
纳山(Mount Kinabalu)是马来西亚最高的山峰,高度为4095米。
此外,马来西亚还拥有丰富的矿产资源,其中包括石油、天然气、锡、橡胶和棕榈油等。
历史马来西亚的历史可以追溯到古代,当时这片土地上有许多不同的王国和帝国。
马来半岛最早见于历史的是古代王国马六甲,而婆罗洲则曾是古代的斯里维查亚王国的一部分。
在欧洲殖民时期,马来西亚被葡萄牙、荷兰和英国殖民统治。
西方探险家最初于15世纪抵达这片土地。
随后,英国于18世纪开始在马来半岛定居,并于19世纪中叶将其纳入殖民地。
而婆罗洲部分则在19世纪末被英国殖民。
第二次世界大战期间,日本占领了马来西亚,随后于战后被英国统治。
1957年8月31日,马来亚半岛获得了独立,成立了马来亚联邦。
1963年,马来亚联邦与沙巴、砂拉越和新加坡合并,共同组成了马来西亚。
政治马来西亚是一个联邦制的君主立宪制国家,政体由英国式议会制度直接继承。
国家元首是最高元首,同时也是各州苏丹的主席,其每五年轮值一次。
首相是联邦政府的最高行政长官。
国会议员分为上议院和下议院。
上议院是由志愿者任命的成员组成,而下议院则由选举产生。
马来西亚的政治体系可以分为国家政府和州政府两部分。
国家政府负责国家级问题,而州政府则负责地区内的事务。
东南亚国家外语教育发展状况及趋势
东南亚国家外语教育发展状况及趋势作者:冯军来源:《考试周刊》2013年第88期摘要:文章对东南亚中地区外语教育状况作总结,对东南亚具有代表性的菲律宾、马来西亚、新加坡、印尼及泰国五个国家的教育进行研究,进而分析和总结出东南亚国家的外语教育发展状况及对我国外语教育的启示。
关键词:东南亚外语教育发展状况趋势随着经济的全球化,英语逐渐成为当前全球内交流所使用的主要语言。
语言教育与各国的文化发展有重要联系,因此国家一般会将本国所有的特色和理念融入其中。
文章对东南亚中的10国联盟的菲律宾、马来西亚、新加坡、印尼及泰国这五个国家的教育进行研究,进而分析和总结出东南亚国家内的语言教育发展历史和相关政策。
一、东南亚国家外语教育历史发展现状分析自上世纪80年代以来,处于东南亚地区的国家借助自身优越的地理条件语言文化得到了飞速发展,再加上全球化的趋势已经使得该地区单一的语言不能满足国家经济增长的需要。
因此面对全球化趋势的逐渐,必须对外语交流教育加以改革。
首先是对英语语言的重视,菲律宾、印尼及泰国内都已经将英语作为学校教育推广开来;实施新政策,即双语教育政策。
东南亚地区的国家都开始以英语和国语双交作为本国内语言教育的形式。
其中该政策实施最好的国家是新加坡,其在上世纪50年代就开始形成双语教育政策的模型,到60年代开始实施,到70年代末开始对新形式的教育体制实施和推广,然后逐渐让全国人民开展讲英语的活动等,到90年代后新加坡的高校所使用的教材都为英语,并以英语形式进行授课,21世纪后则形成了标准英语的比赛活动等。
如此快的发展全部得益于国家政府对英语的普及。
最后是东南亚国家的教育中还加入了亚洲区域内其他国家语言的学习等,如重视日语和东南亚地区其他主要语言在科技、商务、文化及地区交流等领域的重要作用。
二、东南亚国家外语教育政策发展的特征及趋势1.重视本民族语言每个国家基本上将本国的语言教育作为发展的首要内容,都力图将本国语言发展成为能够与国际层次上的交易、贸易、科技交流等接轨的通用语言。
英语语音社会语言学
英语语音社会语言学本文从网络收集而来,上传到平台为了帮到更多的人,如果您需要使用本文档,请点击下载按钮下载本文档(有偿下载),另外祝您生活愉快,工作顺利,万事如意!英语在成为日益普及的世界语言的同时,也在各地域进行着本土化,从而衍生出不同类型的英语地域变体。
本文旨在运用社会语言学的方法,从民族、语言认同两个方面,对英语语音国别变体特征及其成因进行共时和历时分析,便于中国学生了解英语教学的多样性及英语语音不同的国别变体,方便与不同地区的英语使用者进行交流。
1.研究背景由于英语母语国家的移民殖民、经济崛起、文化科技优势,以及全球化过程中世界对于国际语言的需要,英语从民族性语言逐步发展成为国际通用语言。
不同国家和地区产生的语言变异,凸显带有地方特色的英语变体,尤其是口音的改变,从而形成了各类英语语音的国别变体。
拉波夫提出,语言无论是以共时还是历时的角度进行观察,都是有规律分布的充满变异形式的结构,即“有序异质说”。
语言的共时状态可以从历时层面找出演化的途径和成因。
根据赫德森的变体理论,语言由于其变异性特点的差异,可分为地域变体、社会变体及功能变体。
传统的语音变异研究把重点放在地域差异上,而忽视了社会对于语言的影响。
由于语言是一种社会现象,而社会在被语言影响的同时必然对语言造成影响,人们的社会身份、民族、文化认同等方面的差别会造成使用语言的差别,因此运用社会语言学分析地域变体十分必要。
语言学家William Bright认为,社会语言学的任务在于描述“语言和社会结构的共变”。
作为语言学的重要分支,社会语言学不仅研究语言变异,而且探索影响语言变异的社会因素。
英语语音国别变体作为英语地域变体的表现,是在语音上反映具有区别性特征的子系统和分支。
根据美国语言学家Kachru关于世界英语的三个同心圆理论(Three concentric circles of English),英语可分为三个不同的圈,分别是将英语作为本族语的内圈英语,如英国、美国、加拿大等国家;将英语作为第二语言的外圈英语,如印度、新加坡、马来西亚等国家;将英语作为第一外语的扩展圈英语,如中国、日本、法国等国家。
Unit1Wheredidyougoonvacation_SectionB(2a2e)教学设计人教版
课时教学设计首页第页教学流程学生活动Step 1. Leadin.Ss: Play volleyball / ride bikes/ climb mountains / goparagliding /...Step 2. Prereading.Watch a video and learnabout what Malaysia is like.Step 3. Whilereading.1. Skimming.Read quickly first for generalidea:●Did Jane have a good timeon Monday?●What about on Tuesday?2.Scanning.Read again for more details,like the things Jane did or saw,whether she likes it or not andthe reasons.Finish the mindmap in threeminutes. They should writesome key words.Sa: Who did Jane go with?Sb: Her family.Sa: How was the weather?Sb: Sunny and hot.Sa: Where did they go in themorning?Sb: ...3.Careful reading.Read the first diary entry carefully and answer the questions.Sa: Yes, she did. Because she thought it was exciting.Sb: Yes, they did. Because they thought the noodles were delicious.Sc: They saw the houses of the Chinese traders from 100 year ago.Sd: ...Step 4. Postreading.1.Time for imagination.Watch a video about Penang hill and fill in the blanks with the correct forms of the verbs in brackets in 2e.2.Retelling.Three minutes later, invite several pairs of Ss to make short conversations to check the answers.Ask some questions about more detailed information. T: Did Jane like paragliding? Why or why not?T: Did they love Malaysian yellow noodles? Why or why not?T: What did they see in Weld Quay?T: What does she want to know here?T: Did she enjoy walking around the town?T: Did Jane have a good trip on Tuesday?Deal with the second diary entry in the same way.T: If Jane and his father had a good trip on Tuesday, what happened to them?3.Making a conversation. plete the conversation about Jane’s trip to Penang using the information in the diary entries.4.Talking.Make a conversation with their partners. Then show their work in class.Sa: Where did you go on vacation?Sb: I went to... .Sa: Who did you go with? Sb: ...Step 5. Summary.After finishing 2e, invite a S to read the diary and check the answers.Guide Ss to have a summary about Jane’s trip to Malaysia.Then ask Ss to retell the passage according to the mindmap.T: When Jane came back to school, she talked with Anna about her trip. Now please plete their conversation.T: If we have a trip and we want to share stories with our friends, what parts can we talk about?T: Do you like traveling? Why or why not?课时达标检测课时教学设计尾页Unit 1 Where did you go on vacation? Section B (2a2e)第页。
马来西亚语言政策与英语传播
马来西亚语言政策与英语传播作者:韩雅婷杨敏来源:《国际公关》2023年第21期摘要:马来西亚是一个典型多语言、多民族、多元文化国家,英语作为通用语使用广泛。
马来西亚政府高度重视国家语言政策的规划,其语言政策具有鲜明的时代特征,而语言政策的发展和转变造就了多元语言使用的现状,也对马来西亚英语教育有着直接的影响。
本文将马来西亚语言政策分为四个时期,探讨各个时期的语言政策下英语的传播与教育,进而探索对我国英语教育的启示和借鉴点。
关键词:马来西亚;语言政策;马来西亚英语;英语教育中国与东盟各国地缘相近,文化相通。
马来西亚作为东盟成员国之一,与中国联系密切,是21世纪“海上丝绸之路”的重要节点国家。
素有“东南亚教育之王”称号的马来西亚大力倡导发展教育,其教育素质在全球排名第14位,在东南亚国家中排名第2位,仅次于新加坡。
马来西亚的英语教育随着语言政策的变化走了一条曲折发展的道路。
从马来西亚的殖民历史开始到现在,英语在马来西亚一直享有很高的地位,很大程度上归功于其殖民历史和灵活的语言政策。
英语在马来西亚的地位随着时间的推移而变化,从英殖民时期的英语至上到新经济政策的降低英语地位再到国家发展政策时期的强调英语、提升英语地位。
在全球化趋势下,马来西亚通过行政手段来提升英语地位,最终使英语在就业、医疗、教育等多个领域发挥重要作用,提升国家竞争力。
这是马来西亚对英语地位新的认识与思考。
随着“一带一路”的高质量发展下,马来西亚作为沿途重要国家与我国在经济贸易、教育、文化交流等方面合作频繁,成果丰硕,对马来西亚语言政策下英语传播与教育的分析研究将有助于我国吸取经验教训,促进英语传播与教育的发展。
一、不同时期马来西亚的语言政策与英语传播马来西亚语言政策的变化反映了本国语言与英语及少数民族语言地位和发展的变化。
英语的传播和发展在马来西亚经历了一个U形/V形的变化过程。
[1](一)英国殖民时期由于马来西亚绝佳的地理位置以及丰富的自然资源,从16世纪开始就成为欧洲国家争抢的一块“宝地”,马来西亚先后成为葡萄牙、荷兰、英国等国家的殖民地。
英语 unit1 where did you go on vacation
课文标题:Jane’s diary entries单元名称:Unit 1 where did you on vacation 教材版本:Go for it!授课年级:Grade 8教材分析本节课是一堂阅读课,选自人教版八年级上册第一单元,单元话题是假期旅行,单元任务是学会使用一般过去时谈论假期活动等过去的事情。
学情分析本话题的内容在七年级下册第2单元和第11单元出现过,本单元在上两个单元内容的基础上增加了谈论对度假的看法和感受的表达,重点语法一般过去时,学生也在七年级有所接触,本单元着力将学生的注意力引向一般过去时的疑问结构,让学生注意观察谓语动词在问句中的特征。
教学目标By the end of the lesson, students will be able to:●Grasp some information of the passage and retell the story of Jane’s trip●Use the target language to talk about their own travel experience.●Master the basic structure of a travel entry教学重难点Teaching focus1.重点词汇和短语decide, building, trader, umbrella, difference,hungry,feel like等2.重点句型:Where did you go on vacation? What did you do on vacation?3.重点语法:一般过去时Teaching difficulty●Master the basic format and elements of writing a travel diary, and be able to write a travel diary on your own, including the activities, feelings and reasons for the trip.教学方法任务型教学法,交际教学法,PWP阅读教学法教学工具多媒体,PPT,videosTeaching proceduresStep1 warming up头脑风暴思考自己喜欢或知道的假期活动回答问题,在图片的帮助下学习新词。
东南亚英语语音变体特征及原因探究
Jiangsu Foreign Language Teaching and Research2020.3东南亚英语语音变体特征及原因探究”刘昊罗递敏(云南农业大学外国语学院)摘要:该研究以我校东南亚留学生为研究对象,探究东南亚英语语音变体具体特征及原因。
结果表明,东南亚英语语音同标准英语语音相比存在较大差异,主要表现辅分、长分和等;和本族语深了变体原因。
在此基础上,本合当今“一带一路”时代背景对英语教学给予启示。
关键词:英语;语音变体$•背景介绍随着国家“一带一路”政策的深入,我国与东南亚国家经 往#英语国用语,要性,然由于的地理和历留问题,英语在形成了 的变体,尤在语方面,的语音变体给中国与周边国家的了一定#2.英语变体概述英语变体指的是由于某一国语言和文化背景的人遍使用,带有其语言和文但能语言用目的,语和文化背景的英语使用者接和认同的英语变体(,2016)#英语的发展文融的#英语变体大体可分域性变体和集团性变体。
区域性变体,如英国英语、美国英语、大英语和澳大英语,但随着英语全球化又继出现了英语、英语和中国英语等;集团性变体,如白肤色人英语,黑人英语,拉英语和英语等。
英语变体各有其自己所在的国家和地区的语性,具体表现在语音、词汇和语法等上。
本文主要研究的英语属地域性英语变体,主要对象来自我校马来西亚、越南和的留学生。
3.研究设计3.1问题英语语音变体同标准英语有哪些差异?哪致了异?3.2对象及流程本次具包和问卷调查。
根据设计,随机选取10名国家留学生英语访,中包括国测试雅语测评。
,整理,与雅思官方的高分口语本反复比对其语#随,对30名东南亚留学生问卷调查,在变体#4.研究结果分析4.1英语语音变体特征(1)辅分现象包括/s/,/z/(rice二rise)不分;/p/,/b/(hop二hob)不分;/I/,/t/(time二dime)不分及把/艮/音发成/g/音,如cew/T=/读起来很像/g=/;把/p/音b/,女口pay/pec/读起来很像/bec/;把//发成/d/,由此的结果是,talk让听成dog,把car说成/ar;/的/"/或/$音,,很音/或/t/;/S和音/的弱化,女口wine词既指wine 也指vine o(2)长分现在/reentea的“tea'中,//:/读成///,pool中的/ pu:/或读u/,组中,长与短的音。
特指疑问句
疑问句是现代汉语中重要的语法项目之一,它与祈使句、陈述句和感叹句共同构成汉语的四大句类。
特指疑问句又是疑问句的重要组成部分。
特指疑问句作为我们日常生活的重要句式,应用非常广泛,同时特指疑问句在对外汉语教学中也占据着重要的地位。
在对外汉语课堂上,学生能够听懂老师的提问,并根据自己不懂的地方提出问题,以及师生之间或学习者之间的对话练习,这些都需要特指疑问句来进行沟通。
因此,准确掌握汉语特指疑问句对汉语学习者有着重要的意义。
本文以马来西亚彭亨大学学习汉语的马来语母语者为研究对象,对其特指疑问句的学习情况进行问卷调查,通过问卷结果探究马来语母语者学习特指疑问句的偏误情况并就其进行分析,本文主要分为5个部分:第一章介绍了本文的选题缘由、研究现状、研究方法、研究意义以及语料来源。
第二章主要阐述了汉语特指疑问句的构成要素、与其他疑问句的区别以及当前马来西亚彭亨大学汉语教学采用的教材《华语》以及特指疑问句的教学现状。
第三章采用问卷调查的形式对马来西亚彭亨大学汉语课堂上的学生进行了特指疑问句的测验,并对调查结果进行统计分析,将学生出现的偏误情况分为:疑问代词误用、疑问代词漏用、疑问句语序错误、疑问句混淆以及其他偏误五种类型。
并据调查结果得出的偏误类型以及与学生、老师的交流,并结合前人的研究结果,将学生产生偏误的主要原因概括为:母语的负迁移、目的语知识泛化以及教学不足三点,其中教学不足又细分为教学环境不足、教材不足以及师资不足三点。
第四章根据上述对于偏误类型的总结以及对偏误原因的分析,分别就教材和教师提出了针对性的建议,其中对教材的建议分为调整特指疑问句的编排、完善特指疑问句的注释以及丰富特指疑问句的练习类型三点;对教师的建议则分为精讲多练、注重对比教学以及灵活制定教学计划三点。
第五章总结了上述章节的主体内容,同时指出了本文存在的不足,并表达了作者对于对外汉语教学的展望。
作者是2018年汉办赴马来西亚普通志愿者,在马来西亚彭亨大学进行了为期一年的汉语教学,担任初级汉语教师。
东盟诸国英语语音变体的特点及异同分析
进入 2 O世纪 以来 , 言学 家逐渐 把 目光转 向英 语 语 与不 同文化 相 融合 所 产生 的“ 异 ” 变 现象 , 为 变 认 异 产 生 的 “ 英 语 ” 对 标 准 英 语 ( P 的 一 种 偏 新 是 R ) 离 。 因此对 “ 新英 语 ” 的研 究 逐 渐 成 为 热 门话 题 。
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英语起源
英语是印欧 (1ndo-European)语系。
印欧语系是世界上最大的语系,包括欧洲、美洲和亚洲的大部分语言。
讲印欧诸种语言的总人数约有十八亿七千五百万,占世界总人口的一半左右。
早在1786年,英国梵文(Sanskrit)学者威廉·琼斯爵士 (Sir William Jones) 就指出:欧洲、印度、波斯等地的大多数语言,包括古希腊语、古拉丁语及古印度语属于同一“家族”。
原始印欧人是什么样的人? 他们居住在何方? 对这些问题,我们今天仍缺乏文献的考证。
但是通过长时期的研究,语言学家们得出了探索性的结论他们发现:属于印欧语系的许多语种都有表示“冬天”、“雪”和“寒冷”等意义的词,这说明原始印欧语最初是在气候比较冷的地一带使用的。
另一方面,某些热带地区动植物名称的词,如“狮子”、“大象”、“稻米”、“竹”、“棕榈树”等,在原始印欧语中是不存在的;而印欧语系各语种中却都有表示“白杨”、“栎树”、“柳树”、“白桦”、“熊”、“狼”、“羊”、“鹰”、“蜜蜂”等动植物名称的相似词。
通过这样的探索和研究,许多人认为,当人类进入新石器时代,欧洲中东部曾居隹着一些游牧部落,他们饲养着象羊、狗、奶牛和马这样的家畜,会使用马和简陋的马车,并能够驰骋于一望无际的原野上。
这些游牧部落就是原始印欧人,他们用于交际的语言就是原始印欧语。
大约在公元前3500年至公元前2500年间,这些原始印欧人开始迁徒。
有些向西移动,有些向东移动,而有些则向南移动,到达今天的南亚次大陆。
这些部落的大迁徒导致印欧语系的逐步形成。
古印度语与古代欧洲语言之所以非常相近,其历史根源即在于此。
印欧语系包括:(一)印度语族(Indic);(二).伊朗语族(Iranian);(三)斯拉夫语族(Slavic),(四)波罗的话族(Baltic),(五)日耳曼语族(Germanic),(六)拉丁语族(亦称罗曼语族[Romance]), (七)凯尔特语族(Celtic),(八)希腊语族;(九)阿尔巴尼亚语(Albanian),(十)亚美尼亚语族(Armenian), (十一)吐火罗语族(Tocharian;Tokharian)(十二)赫梯语族(Hittite)。
英语发展历史
英语的发展历史极其特征内容提要:通过对1500年英语历史的分析,提出了英国英语、世界英语和美国英语三个时期的划分。
在英语走向世界的进程中,呈现出明显的三级跳:问鼎欧洲,冲向世界以及美国跃起第三跳。
21世纪英语的命运取决于中国和印度,中国英语将是英语最大的变体。
英语是第一国际语言,母语为非英语国家的人学习外语时首选英语。
根据谱系分类法,语言可分成八大语系,即汉藏语系,印欧语系,闪含语系等。
英语属印欧语系日尔曼语族西日尔曼语支。
以英语为母语的国家有美国、加拿大、英国、爱尔兰、澳大利亚、新西兰、南非、加勒比海诸国(巴哈马、牙买加、巴巴多斯、格林纳达、特立尼加和多巴哥)以及南美的圭亚那。
还有一些国家如印度、马来西亚、新加坡、尼日利亚、加纳、塞拉利昂、喀麦隆等英语也被作为官方语言。
全世界大约有3亿人在讲英语,另外有20亿人在一定程度上懂英语。
英语是如何崛起的,值得我们认真研究。
一、英国英语时期(British English age)1.古代英语是从公元449年日耳曼的首领Jitish人在不列颠的肯特郡登陆时开始的。
公元前,大不列颠岛上住着克尔特人等,公元五到六世纪盎格鲁撒克逊人开始移入。
公元7世纪先后出现了7个Angle—Saxon王国,English一词就是从Angle演变而来的。
有三种语言对古代英语产生过较大影响,他们是凯尔特语,遗迹有Avon, Kennet, Dover和London;拉丁语,幸存的词语有:ancor (anchor), flasce (flask), mil(mile),altar (altare), papa, plante (plant),dihtan (dictate);1013年后一个时期,丹麦人统治了全英格兰,所以,古北欧语是对古英语有影响的第三种语言。
它们的影子多带/sk/音,如:sky, skin, skull, scare, skill。
最早的英语文学作品只能追溯到750年,即刻在石碑上的“Dream of the Rood”(十字架之梦)。
基于CiteSpace的马来西亚华文文学研究现状可视化分析
基于CiteSpace的马来西亚华文文学研究现状可视化分析张金凤;张炼【期刊名称】《艺术科技》【年(卷),期】2024(37)3【摘要】目的:梳理马来西亚华文文学研究的历程,为今后马来西亚华文文学研究提供参考。
方法:文章以1986-2023年CNKI数据库收录的799篇与马来西亚华文文学相关的文献为数据来源,采用文献计量法和可视化分析软件CiteSpace,从文献的外部特征(发文量、发文机构、发文作者)和内部特征(关键词的共现、聚类、突现)这两个维度,结合数据和知识图谱进行可视化分析,系统考察马来西亚华文文学的研究现状、热点主题与演进趋势。
结果:通过可视化分析发现,我国学术界对马来西亚华文文学的研究开展较早,大致可以划分为萌芽期、发展期、蓬勃发展期这三个阶段,发文量整体上呈波动上升趋势;发文机构以高等院校为主,包括暨南大学、中山大学、马来西亚拉曼大学等;聚焦以朱崇科、黄万华、许文荣、朱文斌、刘小新等为核心的学者群体;研究主题主要有马华文学、马来西亚、黄锦树、华文文学、黎紫书、马华作家、新加坡、中国性等,四大热点主题可以归纳为马华文学史、马华文学特征、马华文学现象、马华作家作品。
结论:国内马来西亚华文文学研究内容呈现出多元化特点,未来国内马华文学研究在研究队伍建设上有待进一步加强。
【总页数】5页(P91-94)【作者】张金凤;张炼【作者单位】贵州大学外国语学院【正文语种】中文【中图分类】G353.1【相关文献】1.国内学者关于马来西亚华文教育研究现状分析——基于CiteSpace的可视化分析2.中华文化融入外语教学研究的进展与趋势——基于CiteSpace的可视化分析3.近60年来华文教育研究现状与热点分析——基于Citespace可视化图谱分析4.中国STEM教育的研究现状、热点与前沿的可视化研究——基于CiteSpace的文献计量可视化分析5.我国党建融入科研研究现状及前沿热点可视化分析--基于CiteSpace知识图谱的可视化分析因版权原因,仅展示原文概要,查看原文内容请购买。
2013―2025年马来西亚教育蓝图(学前教育至中学后教育)摘编[Word文档]
2013―2025年马来西亚教育蓝图(学前教育至中学后教育)摘编关键字:2013―2025年马来西亚教育蓝图(学前教育至中学后教育)摘编本文为Word文档,感谢你的关注!一、教育蓝图的背景和发展路径(一)背景2011年,马来西亚教育部对自身的教育系统进行了整体回顾,旨在制定新的国家教育蓝图,进一步发展马来西亚的教育国际化标准,为21世纪的马来西亚学生提供更好的教育,并增加公众和家长对教育政策影响的力度。
因此,通过15个月的努力,马来西亚教育部汇集了各方资源,包括来自联合国教科文组织、世界银行、经济合作与发展组织的代表,以及六所当地大学的专家共同参与完成了《2013-2025年马来西亚教育蓝图(学前教育至中学后教育)》(Malaysia Education Blueprint 2013-2025(Preschool to Post-Secondary Education),以下简称教育蓝图)的制定。
因此,马来西亚教育蓝图是建立在对当下马来西亚教育系统的评价基础上,在充分考虑了马来西亚自身的历史背景以及所要达到的国际化标准后所颁布的国家层面教育指导文件。
出于经济增长和国际化发展的需求,马来西亚意识到教育在社会与经济发展中所扮演的重要角色。
如果想要在当今世界获得成功,有所发展,就要注重对人才的知识、技能和竞争能力的培养。
教育是国家统一和建设的基石,教育可以为个体提供改善自己生活的机会,让他们能够成为成功者、国家发展的贡献者。
让个体学会理解、接受和包容不同的价值观,形成一种以经验分享为基础的教育理念。
通过经验分享和共同的愿景,促进国家认同感和团结。
近年来,马来西亚教育体系受到广泛讨论,来自学生父母的期待以及就业市场的需求让教育系统意识到,应该更多地培养马来西亚年轻人的相关能力与技能,以应对21世纪的国际竞争,这是当务之急。
然而,就现有的教育体系而言,也许要通过数年的努力才能让人才培养的思路发生实质改变,例如培养创造性思维和创新能力、批判性思维等。
外国人姓名的结构与称呼
姓氏地称呼,是一种民族地历史现象.随着人类地进步,姓名结构和称呼含义也必然会发生新地变化.一般说,人名称呼地结构形式,是根据语言系统地不同而区别地.一、英、美语系人名姓名结构一般为“教名·自取名(中名)·姓”.如 (中译:乔治·沃克·布什).另外还有“名字·姓”,例如,威廉·莎土比亚;“名字·父名·姓”,例如,乔治·戈登·拜伦.教名:按照英语民族地习俗,一般在婴儿接受洗礼地时候,由其牧师或父母亲朋为其取地名字,有点像中国地小名(乳名,昵称),但它是要叫一辈子地.中名:即本人在以后另取地一个名字,排在教名后.姓:说明其家族渊源,这跟中国相似.英国人在很长地一段时间里只有名而没有姓.直到世纪姓氏地使用才广泛流行开来.姓地词源主要有:借用教名,反映地名、地貌或环境特征地,反映身份或职业地,借用动植物名地,由双姓合并而来地等.英语中地教名和中间名又称个人名,一般采用圣经、希腊罗马神话、古代名人或文学名着中地人名,以及祖先地籍贯、山川河流、鸟兽鱼虫、花卉树木等地名称.常用地男子名有:(詹姆士)、(约翰)、、、(麦克)、杰克、威廉、乔治、大卫,常见地女子名为:、(玛丽)、(伊莉莎白)、、(莎拉)、(凯萨琳)、露西等.在英美地风俗习惯中,女人出嫁前跟从父姓,出嫁后改用丈夫姓,去掉父姓.在口头称呼时一般称姓,如“布朗”先生、“撒彻尔”夫人.汉译一般简称他地姓.除了正式地教名和姓外,英语中还常使用呢称来相互称呼,特别是在一些非正式场合,人们更喜欢用昵称.书写时,在很多场合往往缩写,如缩成首次母.,或者干脆略去不写.英国人习惯上将教名和中间名全部缩写,如 . . ;美国人则习惯于只缩写中间名,如 . .但姓不能缩写.西方有些国家地人名中,在姓前带有一个表示贵族身份地标记,英国人姓前用“劳特”或“恰尔德”.“恰尔德”是“贵公子”地称号,现已废除.“劳特”是爵士称号,也泛指—般贵族.另有冠于名前或全姓之前地“舍”.“舍”与“劳特”含义略同,但不单独冠于姓前.二、法语人名姓名结构地一般顺序为“名字·姓”,有地中间加上“特”或译作“德”表示贵族身份.例如,居伊·德·莫泊桑;奥瑙利·德·巴尔扎克.三、德语人名姓名结构地一般顺序为“名字·父名·姓”.例如:卡尔·亨利希·马克思.德国人习惯不用父名,通常只写卡尔·马克思;又例如,亨利希·海涅.德语系中,也有表示身份标志地.如:约翰·沃尔弗干格·封·歌德,其中“封”是贵族出身地标志.四、西班牙语人名姓名结构地一般顺序为“名字·父姓·母姓”,有地在父姓前用“德”(或翻译“台”)表示贵族出身.例如,米盖尔(名)·德塞万提斯(父姓)·萨阿维德拉(母姓).西班牙人还有用“堂”(或“唐”)冠在全姓名之前作为贵族地特殊尊号.例如,堂·吉诃德地全称为:堂(表示贵族地特殊尊号)·古诃德(名)·台(贵族标记)·拉·曼却(地名).这里地“拉·曼却”是作姓用,是以地名为姓地特殊形式.五、俄罗斯语人名在俄罗斯语系中,姓名结构地一般顺序为“名字·父称·姓”.例如,阿列克赛·马克西姆维奇·彼什柯夫(笔名高尔基);亚历山大·谢尔盖耶维奇·普希金;安东·巴甫洛维奇·契诃夫;尼克拉·阿列克赛维奇·奥斯特洛夫斯基;亚历山大·亚历山大洛维奇·法捷耶夫.俄罗斯人地名字,父称和姓都有区别性地词尾作标志,从姓名上就可区别出男女来.男性地父称词尾多译为“维奇”,与之相对应地女性地父称地词尾多译为“夫娜”.至于俄罗斯人地姓,男性地姓地词尾多为“夫”、“斯基”之类,与之相对应地女性地姓地词尾则为“娃”、“卡雅”之类.例如:巴维尔是男性,姓是“符拉索夫”,母亲则姓“符拉索娃”,其实是一个姓,只有词尾性地区别.俄罗斯人地名字,除了正名外,还有小名、爱称、卑称.一般简称他地姓.按俄国旧例,每人都有两个名称,平常相称,必用本名连父称,否则便是失礼.六、阿拉伯语人名只有名字,无姓,常见地姓名结构是“本人名·父名·祖父名”.例如“穆罕默德·阿里巴·艾哈迈德”,表示自己名字是“穆罕默德”,父亲名叫“阿里巴”,祖父名叫“艾哈迈德”.一般只用自己地名字,如“山鲁佐德或敦亚佐德”.伊斯兰教信徒地名字富有宗教色彩.他们往往用伊斯兰教创始人“穆罕默德”以及历史上地圣贤和先知易卜拉欣、阿里、伊斯梅尔、欧麦尔等人地名字作为自己地名字.有些人为了崇敬真主,愿作安拉地奴仆,就把自己地名字称为“安拉地奴仆”.“阿卜杜勒”表示信仰伊斯兰教,意为“真主地仆人”.有些人在其名字前还加上“哈吉”,那是表示该人曾去过麦加圣地朝拜过.更有趣地,还有称为“某某人地父亲”,“某某人地儿子”这样地阿拉伯人名字.“阿布”阿拉伯文意思为父亲,“本”、“伊本”表示某某人地儿子.如“阿布·纳赛尔”,这个名字即为“纳赛尔地父亲”.七、印度、尼泊尔人名姓名结构一般为“名·姓”,中间有时加上一个称号.例如潘迪特·辛格,前为名,后为姓,卡特利(名字)·巴尔杜尔(表示英雄地意思)·夏尔马(姓).男人通常只称呼姓,不称呼名;如特里帕蒂·辛格,只称辛格;妇女通常称呼名,如妮摩拉·西尔玛,只叫妮摩拉.八、缅甸人名只有名,没有姓.例如,波东.一般在波东前面加上表示辈份地称号,例如,儿波东,即“波东兄弟”;吴波东,即“波东伯伯”或“波东叔叔”;郭波东,即“波东大哥”.也有在前面加地是表示信仰、意志地词语,如:德钦波东,表示“为了独立”地人.“塞雅”是对教师或者有学问或者有地位地人地称呼.缅甸地女子,多在名字前面加上“玛”,表示姑娘,加上“社”,则表示姑姑、姨、婶.九、泰国人名与缅甸人一样有名无姓.在名字前面,男地加上“乃”,表示“先生”;女地加上“娘”,表示“女士”.例如,乃·巴威·帕他诺实,一般简称只用名字.十、马来西亚人名没有固定地姓,通常只有本身地名字,儿子以父亲地名字作姓,父亲则以祖父地名字作姓,所以一家几代都有不同地姓氏,马来西亚人地姓名顺序则是名排在前,姓排在后,男地在姓与名之间用一个“宾”字隔开,女地则用“宾蒂”一词隔开.十一、日语人名从前日本仅贵族有姓,平民无姓,明治之后,人口普查才规定人人有姓.日本现在有十二万姓,常见者四百姓,如田中、山本、中村、渡边等.男名往往带“郎”字,有地略去“郎”字,只用太、一、二(次、治)、三(造、藏)等字.青年女子中,约有百分之七十地人用“子”字命名.日本人—般姓名结构为“姓名”.例如,藤野(姓)严九郎(名)、武者小路(姓)实笃(名)、原(姓)敬(名).现代日本人名,比较多地是双字姓,双字名.例如,夏目(姓)漱石(名);厨川(姓)白村(名).日本人地姓名还有一种简称形式,就是将姓和名地第一个字连在一起所构成地.例如,费政,就是“费也(姓)政之辅(名)”地简称.十二、匈牙利人名姓名结构为“姓·名”.例如:匈牙利著名诗人裴多菲,他地名字全称为:裴多菲·山陀尔,—般简称他地姓.这种现象是和匈牙利民族地历史相关联地,因为匈牙利民族是从亚洲迁至欧洲地,至今仍保留民族习惯地特色.再如“西多·维尔斯”,“西多”是姓.匈牙利妇女结婚后使用丈夫地名字,在其名字后加上(妮)字,表示夫人地意思.十三、朝鲜、越南、新加坡等一些亚洲国家人名与我国汉人相似,姓名结构为“姓名”,而且多是单姓双名.例如,朝鲜地赵基天、越南地阮基石.上述种种,是外国人名结构地一般情况.我们在识别外国人名时,不能以人名结构地基本形式任意框套,具体情况应具体分析.另外,在识别外国作家和外国人物地姓名时,还有几点要注意地:首先是关于习惯称呼,外国人名在习惯称呼上,随着环境和对象地不同而有不同地称法.一般地说,比较严肃庄重地场合用姓名全称,家人之间,长辈对幼辈,平辈对平辈,只呼名,不叫姓,在社交场合,比较亲密地朋友、同学和同事之间,一般都直呼其名或爱称.在俄罗斯一般友人或客人之间,为了表示客气或尊敬,多用名与父称连呼,或单用父称,否则便是失礼.在外国文学作品中,作者对人物地称呼,要看具体情况而定,对人物中地中老年,一般用姓;对青少年,一般用名.有时作家随他对作品中地人物地感情、态度地变化采用不同地称呼.再就是关于汉文译本地一些情况,外国人名中地名字,姓氏、父称和附带地称呼标记,在原文中各为一个单词,构成姓名全称时,词与词之间没有间隔号,只有缩写形式才在字母之间用区别音界地间隔号“· ”隔开.汉译中地外国人名,除东方少数国家外,一般都在名字、姓氏和附带地称呼之间加有间隔号“· ”.但也有极少数例外,如《堂吉诃德》,有地汉译本没有在“堂”与“吉诃德”之间加“· ”.另外,就是译文中将外国人名中国化了,以致改变了原来地结构形式和字音.例如:英国著名作家肖伯纳,他地姓名顺序为:乔治·伯纳·肖,按汉译惯例简称姓应译作“肖”.鲁迅地文章中出现这位作家地名字就是这样译地.但当时也有人译为“肖伯纳”地,以后约定俗成,一直沿用至今,也就成定型了.又如法国十九世纪地女作家乔治·桑,原名:阿尔芒狄娜·露西·奥洛尔·杜帮,婚后改姓杜德望,乔治桑是她地笔名,本应译为桑,或乔治·桑,目前中译按习惯译为乔治桑.还有一种情况,外国人地姓或名相同地较多,而汉译一般都简称姓,因而有时难免混淆不清,这就需要注意他们地姓名合称和特殊标记地区别.例如,俄国文学史上较著名地作家中托尔斯泰.一个是叫阿历克塞·康斯坦丁诺维奇·托尔斯泰.另一个叫阿列克塞·尼古拉耶维奇·托尔斯泰.他们均是贵族,彼此地名字、父称有异,而姓均同.又如,俄罗斯文学中有两个奥斯特洛夫斯基,一个是旧俄时代地阿列克塞·尼古拉耶维奇·奥斯特洛夫斯基,另一个是尼古拉·阿列克赛维奇·奥斯特洛夫斯基,着有《钢铁是怎样练成地》.又如,法国有两个仲马,一个是亚历山大·仲马,着有《基督山伯爵》,是父亲,一个是亚历山大·仲马,着有《茶花女》,是儿子,这种同名同姓,实为罕见.为了区别,前者称大仲马,后者称小仲马。
东南亚英语语音特征及其对学习口译的启示
东南亚英语语音特征及其对学习口译的启示摘要研究东南亚英语语音特征及其对学习口译的启示是为了找到更佳的口译学习方法。
方法是收集、归类东南亚领导人典型英语语音错误及调查学生对东南亚英语语音特征的态度。
结果表明:东南亚英语在发音方面有显著特征;口译学习者有提高英语语音知识的愿望:口译学习者可以采取多样方式了解语音特征。
英语是世界性语言,各国区域元素融入后加快了学者对它的研究。
如Braj Kachru 于1985年提出三个同心圆理论,而格里菲斯大学教授Andy Kirkpatrick 关注英语作为国际通用语的地位、特征。
东南亚英语语音特征引起研究兴趣的原因包括:(1)这是经济发展的结果。
东南亚国家选择英语作为中国一东盟自由贸易区的共同语,提高了英语的地位,为频繁的多边交流奠定坚实语言基础,大规模使用令人不容忽视。
(2)从语言角度看,东南亚英语在发音上具有地方特色,增加了口译困难。
总而言之,广泛使用性和语音独特性使该研究魅力无限。
东南亚英语语音特征别具一格,研究它会使英语世界多姿多彩。
又因东南亚英语口译与语音特征密切相关,若口译者能掌握东南亚英语语音特征,采取相应措施减少其对口译水平的影响,必能推动国际活动更顺利进行。
发音语言学是对声音产生的研究。
因此语音特征的研究可为语言学增光,使口译者了解英语变体及其口译困难,语丰富教学法。
1 相关研究英语一直处在动态变化中,从标准英语衍生出英语变体,形成继承与发展的关系,后者“既保持了标准英语的特点,又增添了有别于标准英语的某些特征”,马来西亚英语变体、越南英语变体等就是如此。
由于全球化发展迅猛,英语逐渐超越国家、民族、种族界限,成为通用语,即“主要用于操不同的语言的人之间进行交际的媒介,它是由于各种原因不同语言背景的人进行交际所接受的一种共同语”,便利各种不同目的的交流,加速信息传播,成为世人的共同文化财产。
用‘无数’来形容参与新英语变体显著特征的研究是极其公平的,尤其在外圈或扩展圈上,英语作为国际和国家内部语言被传播而引起各种讨论,讨论的各种议题范围包括语言学、文化、意识、教学。
全球化背景下的“世界英语”
2018年40期总第428期ENGLISH ON CAMPUS全球化背景下的“世界英语”文/张茜引言世界英语研究范式为社会语言学者提供了新的视角。
英语的通用语功能解决了来自不同国家的人之间的交流障碍。
持不同语言变体的人能否实现相互理解也一直是世界英语学者最关心的问题。
此外,我国英语的学习和使用以本族语变体为标准,而世界英语理论对此发出挑战。
一、世界英语1.世界英语理论框架。
世界英语理论的概念化开始于20世纪60年代(Jenkins,2015),用复数的世界英语来描绘英语已经成为多种变体的集合体的社会语言学现象(祝畹瑾,2013)。
面对英语多样性和多元化的现象,自20世纪80年代早期,关于后殖民英语或是New Englishes地位的合法化开始出现在学者的讨论中(Jenkins,2015)。
随后多元文化视角下的“世界英语 ”概念更广为接受,1978年的两次国际会议重点讨论了英语在不同的社会语言学背景下的全球化使用的国际功能。
在Urbana会议上,来自不同地方通过英语进行交流的人第一次被整体地视为一个英语使用团体。
以跨文化视角来理解全球语境下的英语,语言变异,语言习得及双语或多语者的语言使用等语言学现象。
在Honolulu 会议上呼吁寻求与世界英语功能和身份相一致的新方向,确定了英语所具有的多文化身份性。
国际期刊《世界英语》(World Englishes)(1985)和《今日英语》(English Today)(1985)及世界英语国际协会的成立更是为世界英语的发展提供了学术平台和方向。
Bolton (2006)总结了目前关于世界英语的三种含义。
首先,世界英语作为一个涵盖性术语,包含研究世界英语所使用的所有描述和分析的方法。
其次,狭义地指代在加勒比,非洲和亚洲使用的新兴英语变体,比如尼日利亚英语和印度英语等。
此类的研究集中在国家和地区的英语变体的语言学特征的描述。
最后,世界英语专指Kachru(1992)的世界英语研究范式,也称卡式路径。
最新 英语语音社会语言学-精品
英语语音社会语言学在成为日益普及的世界语言的同时,也在各地域进行着本土化,从而衍生出不同类型的英语地域变体。
本文旨在运用社会语言学的方法,从民族、语言认同两个方面,对英语语音国别变体特征及其成因进行共时和历时分析,便于中国学生了解的多样性及英语语音不同的国别变体,方便与不同地区的英语使用者进行交流。
1.研究背景由于英语母语国家的移民殖民、经济崛起、科技优势,以及全球化过程中世界对于国际语言的需要,英语从民族性语言逐步发展成为国际通用语言。
不同国家和地区产生的语言变异,凸显带有地方特色的英语变体,尤其是口音的改变,从而形成了各类英语语音的国别变体。
拉波夫提出,语言无论是以共时还是历时的角度进行观察,都是有规律分布的充满变异形式的结构,即“有序异质说”。
语言的共时状态可以从历时层面找出演化的途径和成因。
根据赫德森的变体理论,语言由于其变异性特点的差异,可分为地域变体、社会变体及功能变体。
传统的语音变异研究把重点放在地域差异上,而忽视了社会对于语言的影响。
由于语言是一种社会现象,而社会在被语言影响的同时必然对语言造成影响,人们的社会身份、民族、文化认同等方面的差别会造成使用语言的差别,因此运用社会语言学分析地域变体十分必要。
语言学家William Bright认为,社会语言学的任务在于描述“语言和社会结构的共变”。
作为语言学的重要分支,社会语言学不仅研究语言变异,而且探索影响语言变异的社会因素。
英语语音国别变体作为英语地域变体的表现,是在语音上反映具有区别性特征的子系统和分支。
根据美国语言学家Kachru关于世界英语的三个同心圆理论(Three concentric circles of English),英语可分为三个不同的圈,分别是将英语作为本族语的内圈英语,如英国、美国、加拿大等国家;将英语作为第二语言的外圈英语,如印度、新加坡、马来西亚等国家;将英语作为第一外语的扩展圈英语,如中国、日本、法国等国家。
从通话实录解析马来西亚与印度尼西亚陆空通话特点
12 Journal of Civil Aviation Flight University of China Vol.30No.3从通话实录解析马来西亚与印度尼西亚陆空通话特点石兰黄娟申卫华(中国民航飞行学院四川广汉 618307)摘要:驾驶舱通话实录能够为执飞国际航线的飞行从业人员提供一手的、真实的学习资料,具有宝贵的参考价值。
不同国家不同地区往往语音差异明显、用语习惯各异,加上无线电通话背景噪音的影响,极易给飞行员造成听力理解障碍和误差。
本文根据马来西亚和印度尼西亚两地驾驶舱通话实录,总结出两地通话在语音及用语方面的特点,以期对执飞该地区的国际航线飞行从业人员提供学习与参考资料,有助于保障飞行安全。
关键词:通话实录语音特点用语特点The Analysis of Malaysia and Indonesia RTF Characteristics Based on Real RTF RecordingShi Lan Huang Juan Shen Weihua(Civil Aviation Flight University of China, Guanghan 618307 Sichuan China)Abstract:Real RTF recording can provide first-hand and practicable study materials for inter-national flight pilots. Since different countries or regions usually obviously differ in phonetics and wordings, and RTF environment is full of background noises, misunderstanding and comprehension difficulties of pilots could be easily caused. Based on the real cockpit RTF recordings of Malaysia and Indonesia flights, this article generalizes phonetics and wording characteristics of these two countries, so as to provide study and reference materials for international flight pilots flying these two countries and improve flight safety.Keywords: Real RTF Phonetic characteristics Wording characteristics1 引言英语无线电陆空通话是飞行员,尤其是国际航线飞行员及管制员的工作语言,因此,一直是民航教学课程体系中的一门核心课程。
外语,指外国语(Foreign Language),即非本国人使用的语言
外语,指外国语(Foreign Language),即非本国人使用的语言。
指某一地区的本土居民不使用的语言:例如,英语在中国就是一种外语。
它也指某人所属国家不使用的语言,也即,对一名生活在中国的英语使用者来说,中文也是一门外语。
编辑本段举例有的孩子自出生或自幼就学习一种以上的语言:他们是双语人。
这些孩子可以有两种母语,其中任何一种对他来说都不是外语,即使在他的出生国对大多数人来说是外语。
例如,一个出生在日本向他英国人母亲学习英语的孩子既会说日语也会说英语,但其中任何一种对他来说都不是外语。
编辑本段常用的外语英语因在国际上的通用性,尤其在欧美等国家被广泛使用。
在大多数国家,尤其是东亚多国都必须学习外语,其中以英语为主要课程。
当地人学习英语主要是为了能与外国人交流,不过大多数人都不能使用流利的外语与外国人交谈。
在推广程度上,以新加坡、马来西亚、印尼、中国等在各大中小学上,均设有英语课程,因此当地学生基本能使用一些最基本的英语生活语句,而他们在生活中大多所指的外语是英语。
如非在特殊场合,一般人民都会把外语理解为英语,并把它作为一项主要技能。
而在媒体传播下,韩语、日语等均是兴趣学习中比较常用的外语。
汉语对于非汉语国家,则汉语也是一种外语。
汉语,又称中文、汉文,其他名称有国文、国语、华文、华语、唐文、中国语,还有唐话、中国话等俗称。
汉语属于汉藏语系分析语,有声调。
汉语的文字系统汉字是一种意音文字,表意的同时也具一定的表音功能。
汉语包含书面语以及口语两部分。
古代书面汉语称为文言文,现代书面汉语一般指现代标准汉语。
现代汉语方言众多,某些方言的口语之间差异较大,而书面语相对统一。
英语英语(English)是联合国的工作语言之一,也是事实上的国际交流语言。
英语属于印欧语系中日耳曼语族下的西日耳曼语支,并通过英国的殖民活动传播到世界各地。
由于在历史上曾和多种民族语言接触,它的词汇从一元变为多元,语法从“多屈折”变为“少屈折”,语音也发生了规律性的变化。
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摘要在当今经济全球化的趋势下,国际间交流和合作十分频繁。
英语作为一门全球性语言,发挥着极其重要的作用。
而随着英语在世界各地的传播,形成了各种具有浓厚地域特色的新英语,即英语的区域性变体。
马来西亚英语作为其中的一种变体,它的产生有其自身的历史背景,同时有其独特的政治、经济、民族文化特色。
本文从马来西亚自身的政治、经济、文化历史背景出发,以标准英语为参照,研究马来西亚英语在语音、句法及词汇方面的特征;归纳从而阐明马来西亚英语对本国的作用;在清晰马来西亚英语与世界英语之间的关系后,说明其在世界英语的全球化过程中占有重要的地位,并具有现实意义和作用。
关键词:马来西亚英语;特征;英语全球化ABSTRACTIn the current trend of economic globalization, there are frequent international exchanges and cooperation between nations. As a global language, English plays an extremely important role. With the spread of English around the world, it has formed many different Englishes of strong geographic features, that is, varieties of English. Malaysian English is one of the varieties, which has its own historical background of causes, and has its own unique political, economic, and culture characteristics. This paper will research the differences between Standard English and Malaysian English on the sound, syntax and the vocabulary from Malaysia's own political, economic, cultural and historical background; clarify the role of English on their own country; after clearing the relationship between Malaysian English and World English, illustrates Malaysian English has a place in the promotion of the globalization of English and has practical significance and function.Keywords:Malaysian English; characteristics; English globalizationContents1.Introduction (5)2. Background of Malaysian English (6)2.1 The History of Malaysian English (6)2.2 The Influencing Factors on Malaysian English (7)2.2.1 The Economical Factor (7)2.2.2 The Ethnic Cultural Factor (7)2.2.3 The Education and Language Policy Factor (8)3. The Characteristics of Malaysian English (10)3.1 Pronunciation (10)3.1.1 Final Consonants (10)3.1.2 V owels (11)3.2 Syntax (12)3.2.1 Features Connected with the Verb (12)3.2.2 The Noun Phrase (12)3.2.3 Lexical Items (13)3.3 V ocabulary (14)3.3.1 The “Lah” Word (14)3.3.2 The other Words of Malaysian English (15)4. The Status and Influence of Malaysian English (16)Acknowledgements (20)References (21)1.IntroductionWith the development of economic globalization, English has become one of the most important and useful language in the world, and we should not ignore the importance of it.In this global context, English is widely used in different country and some countries have formed its unique English with its local color. Malaysian English is one of established world Englishes and shows its significant role in the globalization of English language. But the study at home or abroad still hasn‟t done much rearch on it, therefore, My degree paper makes an analysis of Malaysia English with an aim of promoting understand of varieties of English. The paper consists of three parts. The first one is about the background of the Malaysian English, and the influence factors on ME. The second part is to compare the differences between Standard English and Malaysian English on the pronunciation, syntax and vocabulary, and get the characteristics of Malaysian English. The third is to sum up the influence and functions of Malaysian English the hope of offering the readers a correct attitude towards the globalizaition of English.2. Background of Malaysian EnglishIn theory, English as spoken in Malaysia called Malaysian English (ME) and is based on British English. Malaysian English generally followed British spelling, but it influenced by American English (AE), for instance, the expression and slang of American English is strong, especially among Malaysian youth. While Malaysian English is strongly influenced by Mandarin, Cantonese, Hokkien and Tamil, which are other major dialects and languages spoken in Malaysia.2.1 The History of Malaysian EnglishMalaysia is a multinational country with about thirty ethic groups. So Malaysian government acknowledges this multilingualism through such things as television news broadcasts in Malay, English, Mandarin, and Tamil.Among many languages, Malay is its official language and English is a widely-used language due to the history of Malayisa and the importance of English language itself.Malaysia once was colonized by Britain in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. The British wanted spread English languge in its colonies in order to serve Britain‟s strategic and commercial interests. After its independence in 1957, the Federation of Malaya retained English as one of two official languages, along with the major indigenous language, Malay, which was also selected as the sole national language. English continued to serve as the dominant language of education, government and law, and large-scale banking and commerce (Le Page, 1962). The second half of the 1960s brought implementation of a policy to increase the use of Malay in the expanded nation of Malaysia. In 1969 the Ministry of Education initiated a policy whereby all English-medium schools were to become Malay-medium. By 1983 this process had been completed nationwide at the primary through tertiary levels of education. [11] One result of this language policy has been a dramatic increase in Malaysians‟ use of Malay, renamed Bahasa Malaysia, and a corresponding decrease in their use of English, particularly outside the cities (Lowenberg, 1988). However, such mind of the decline in English proficiency among Malaysians overlook the fact that English is still widely used by the current Malaysian elites, who were educated in English-medium schools during the colonial or initial postcolonial periods and are still quite proficient in English. They still set the standards for English usage as leading journalists for the most prestigiousEnglish-language newspapers, and as writers and editors of the government-authorized English language textbooks (Lowenberg, 1991).2.2 The Influencing Factors on Malaysian EnglishMalaysian English as a variety of world Englishes, it has been affected by various factors and has formed its unique characteristics which differ from British English and other Englishes in the world.2.2.1 The Economical FactorBusiness in the company field is dealt with more in English than in Malay, in both local and multinational concerns. Banks and insurance companies use only English. Only recently have banks come to use bilingual Malay-English texts in their prospectus. Agreements, contracts, policies, and regulations are still in English.The importance of English is also seen in making Malaysia an industrial country. Until a few years ago Malaysia was basically an exporter of agricultural products, e.g. palm oil, rubber, timber, cocoa, etc. In the 1970s an intensive program for the diversification of industry was implemented, and Malaysia has now evolved into an exporter of manufactured goods. In 1993, 71 per cent of Malaysia‟s exports comprised such goods, the bulk of which were electrical and electronic goods. [5]Business and industry is traditionally a non-Malay area. It has been dominated by the Chinese and the Europeans. The was only in the 1970s that the Malays started to venture into big business, gaining access through government assistance with the implementation of the New Economic Policy (1970), which has sought to ensure that there is at least 30 per cent participation by the indigenous people in business and industry. Pragmatism has made Malay-owned companies retain English as the main, if not the sole, language of communication. This is because they have to join the mainstream business and industry in the country as well as participate in international networks in order to succeed. (Asmah Haji Omar, 1996)2.2.2 The Ethnic Cultural FactorThere are twenty-three million people in Malaysia‟s population, 60 per cent are classified as Malay, 25 per cent as of Chinese descent, 10 per cent of Indian descent, and5 per cent as others.Malaysia's ethnic diversity is both a blessing and a source of stress. The melange makes Malaysia one of the most cosmopolitan places on earth, as it helps sustain international relationships with the many societies represented in Malaysia: the Indonesian archipelago, the Islamic world, India, China, and Europe. Malaysians easily exchange ideas and techniques with the rest of the world, and have an influence in global affairs. The same diversity presents seemingly intractable problems of social cohesion, and the threat of ethnic violence adds considerable tension to Malaysian politics. (/Ja-Ma/Malaysia.html)On the whole, there had been significant increases in the ability to speak English among the various groups in the decade 1970-80. The rise in the per cent ages was due to the second language status given English by the New Education Policy. Based on the rigor which had gone into 1980s, it can be predicted that the increase in the number of speakers of English since 1980 should be as significant, if not more so than the increase between 1970 and 1980.There has hardly been any research on the attitude of Malaysians toward the use of English in social communication. Asmah Haji Omar‟s research on language choice among 45 Malaysian academics shows that English is the main language in their day-to-day communication with family members and friends and in the pursuit of entertainment and hobbies. (Asmah Haji Omar, Post-imperial English in Malaysia) English and Malay are educational languages in schools. The latter language is used only in interaction with those who do not know English or in work places where Malay is the official language.So that English comes more readily to them when want to communicate compared to Malay or their own mother tongues. This could have been due to their school background from the colonial and post-Independence days when English was the medium of education in the English schools.2.2.3 The Education and Language Policy FactorSince the British colonial status of the nineteenth and twentieth century came an ever-increasing demand for English in Malaysia. English-medium schools were established, beginning early in the nineteenth century in the Straits Settlement but gradually spreading to the Malay states as well. The goal of these institutions was strictly utilitarian, serving the interests of the British: to train local elite for administrative andservice functions. Essentially, formal access to English was a privilege to those of higher status amongst the indigenous population. Education at the institutions was served for the nobility and the rich implied complete immersion into English. This educational policy had long-lasting effects that went beyond what the British had had in mind: English-medium education in this interethnic bonds and established a value system that soon thereafter paved the way to a desire for independence. [6]With the constitution of 1957, the role of English began being curtailed. English was retained as a co-official language in addition to Malay, but the pronounced intention was to develop Malay into a national language and to remove this special status of English after a ten-year transition period. Due to regional differences caused by the union with part of Borneo this period was somewhat extended: the official status of English ceased in peninsular Malaysia in 1967. Formally, “National Language Act of 1967 disestablished English as the joint official language, giving sole status to Malay”. (Edgar Werner Schneider, 2007)The national Language Acts of 1963 and 1967 and a consolidation act of 1971 modified this somewhat. Thus, all proceedings in the court were to be in the national language or English or partly in one and partly in the other. Thus it can be seen that English was retained for some time for the courts and parliament. Languages of education has also been generally true in Malaysia, although it would not be appropriate to consider the policy of allowing primary education in Mandarin or Tamil, with Bahasa Malaysia as second language as merely …expediency‟.At present, the policy of implementing Bahasa Malaysia as the national language, there has obviously been a change in the relative statuses of Bahasa Malaysia and English. For the Malays, there is obviously a sentimental attachment to Bahasa Malaysia. Many of those now able to receive higher education and higher status positions are not from a background in which English had any great relevance. For the rural population, there would have been a degree of awareness that English was the language of the British administration and a language of power but as they had little or no opportunity to learn it they had neither sentimental nor instrumental attachment to it.For some English-medium educated Malaysians, English has been on the borderline of being a Second Language and a First Language, but the number of such people will diminish. For many, especially those who do not go on to higher education and have little or no contact with the English-speaking would, English, although it is taught as a …second language‟ will be more a …foreign language‟.3. The Characteristics of Malaysian EnglishMalaysian English can be divided into two: ①Malaysian English I can be standard ME—with the exception of a minority of Malaysian speakers who have been educated abroad and have achieved near-native speaker proficiency generally speaking. ②Malaysian English II can be sub-standard ME or local dialect—it has all the features of the first variety of Malaysian English. Besides, at the lexical level, limited lexis is used and consequently, a number of words serve a variety of functions, giving extended meanings not normally accepted in Standard British English.(On the other hand,people in Malaysia are divided into two equal groups: Group I consists of those who are born and have lived either in Kuala Lumpur, Penang, or Malacca and therefore have all have more exposure to English speaking situations, when communicating either with tourists or English-educated Malaysians. Group II consists of those Malays with a more rural background, some of whom come from the Eastern States of Malaysia. Speakers of different educational background are about equally divides between the two groups.The standard used will be Standard British English (SBrE) and for pronunciation Standard British English …Received Pronunciation‟(RP), but, where relevant, a comparison will be made between the ME II data and the SE data.3.1 PronunciationOfficially, Malaysian English uses the same pronunciation system as British English. However, most Malaysians speak with a distinctive accent. The accent has recently evolved to become more American, due to the influx of American TV programmers and the large number of Malaysians pursuing higher education in the United States.Of course, there are differences between Malaysian English and British English in many aspects.3.1.1 Final ConsonantsIn Malaysia people usually delete the final consonants of words. Where there was a cluster of two final consonants at the end of a word, there was not much difference between the Groups. Both Groups pronounced both consonants in only about 10 per cent of all the occurrences of such words, e.g. …They jus(t) like de small agen(t).‟, They act just like small agents.Clusters such as ns as in science, suspense, were sometimes realized but not at other times. The final stop of a two consonant cluster, e.g. t or d, was deleted in most cases, e.g. second(d), dialec(t), difficult(t).There were deleted no matter whether the word occurred sentence final or whether the following word started in a vowel or a consonant, e.g. Some are very fluen(t); Ya, I understan(d) it; You wan(t) five?When words ended in a single consonant, there was a slight, but not very significant, difference between the Groups (John Platt and Heidi Weber, 1980).The final consonants which were most frequently replaced by a glottal stop were t and k, irrespective of whether the word ending in t or k was at the end of a phrase or sentence or whether it was followed by another word, e.g. …Hokkien? I spea‟a bi.‟, Hokkien? I can speak a bit of it.The tendency to replace a consonant by a glottal stop is more pronounced when the consonant is a t, k or p rather than d, g or b. The final consonants that were always, or nearly always, pronounced were nasal consonants such as n, m and ŋ (written ng as in ring) and also l, v and f, m, for instance, was not pronounced in only 5 per cent of all中国最大的论文知识平台occurrences. S and z were deleted in only 15 per cent of all cases and there were all plural words. The final consonant [ʃ] written sh as in English appeared frequently as [s], e.g. I forge‟ this Englis wor(d). The final consonant [ð] written th as in the word with was invariably changed to something approaching a [d] sound. (John Platt and Heidi Weber, 1980)3.1.2 V owelsLike the speakers of Standard English (and ME I), speakers of Malaysian English II have the tendency to shorten long vowels and also to keep them …pure‟. This means that, unlike speakers of many varieties of English—including SBrE, the speaker of ME II does not move his tongue slightly to introduce a second vowel element but keeps his tongue more or less steady. An example is the sound in the word so. In several varieties of English the vowel quality changes from an …o‟quality to something approaching a …u‟ quality. In SE, ME I and ME II there is no or little change in the vowel quality and the sound appears as in RP in words like hawk, caught—but shorter. Even when the sound was lengthened, because of a heavy stress on it, e.g. The óld Chinese, they read Chines. Is a long róa(d)? The vowel quality described above did not change. (John Platt and Heidi Weber, 1980)A similar phenomenon can be observed with the diphthong [e I] as in take, made. In SE (and ME I), this sound varies from [e I] via [ɛI] to [ɛ:] and [ɛ] is according to the speaker‟s background. With both groups of ME II speakers, the most common form of the vowel was [ɛ] (an open short vowel as in RP bed). Occasionally it had some length, i.e. [ɛ:] but rarely did it change in quality to a sound approaching a short i [ı], except in a few words such as Malay.Most of the contrasts in vowel sounds of British English are lost in Malaysian English (ME). For instance, ME does not maintain the contrast between tense and lax vowel sounds, so that the pairs seat and sit, pool and pull are pronounced in the same way. Similarly, the following pairs, distinct in BrE and AmE, are pronounced identically: met and mat [e]; cat and caught [o], cut and cart [ɑ]. The second vowel sound in words such as forward and the vowel in bird are both pronounced with [ə]. The diphthongs are simplified so that make is pronounced with [e] and coat with [o]. V owel reduction in unstressed syllables is absent, and nouns and verbs are not distinguished by the placement of stress, as in BrE or AmE e.g. import vs. im‟port. Inpolysyllabic words the initial syllable is stressed, e.g. develop, tradition, etc. (Yamuna Kachru and Cecil L. Nelson, 2006)3.2 SyntaxMany syntactical features of Malaysian English are found in other forms of English, e.g. Scottish English, British English and North American English. We shall generally concentrate here on some linguistic features where a certain amount of pattern could be seen in the degree to which they were realized by the speakers.3.2.1 Features connected with the verbFirst of all, it‟s about the Past Tense Marking. One a primary school teacher at a Malay-medium primary school and the other one a waitress in a small coffee house, did not mark any of the verbs for Past Tense at all; others meticulously marked when answering slowly and carefully in short phrases, e.g. I taught in J.B. (Johore Bahru, capital of the state of Johore), but then the same speaker would, when speaking more quickly in sentence or semi-sentence constructions, switch from marked to unmarked forms in rapid succession, e.g. I go to Malay primary school. I took no English—was only Malay. The most frequently unmarked forms were those where the stem of the verb ended in a consonant (other than t or d), e.g. such verbs as pass, look, learn. They formed 47 per cent of all those verb forms which were unmarked for Past Tense. It is obvious, for SE, that the non-marking of this verb group is related to pronunciation patterns, that is, the reduction of final consonant clusters to only one consonant, e.g. I work(ed), I learn(ed). (John Platt and Heidi Weber, 1980)In addition, there is something important about the Verb …to be‟ as a copula and as an auxiliary before V-ing constructions. As in SE (and ME I), the verb to be is not always used in ME II before adjectives, predicate nominals, in adverbial constructions referring to location, and in auxiliary constructions such as …He is working‟, e.g.(a) Pre-Predicate Nominal:Standard English: The house is a two-storey building.Malaysian English: The house—two-storeys building.(b) Pre-Locative:Standard English: And my brother is also in Kedah.Malaysian English: An(d) my brother—also in Kedah.(c) Pre-V-ing:Standard English: Some of them are working.Malaysian English: Some of them—working.So we can see that there is a percentage of difference among a definite system from a lower to a higher degree of use according to the syntactic environment. And the influence of the background languages can explain this phenomenon to some extent. In the Chinese dialects which had a strong influence on ME, there are locational verbs such as tīin Hokkien, e.g.Standard English: My house is on the slope of a hill.Hokkien: Góa chù tī soan —pho téng.Malaysian English: My house is(at) hill slope on(top).Thirdly, the paper shows something about Aspectual Markers. The use of the Aspectual Markers use(d) to and already has been mentioned. Occurrences of use(d) to were more frequent in Group I than Group II and always referred to a habitual action in the present tense, e.g. Now I use(d) to read English book; Now my mother very sick, my sister use(d) to cook (meaning …my sister is doing the cooking now‟).Therefore, we can know there are so many differences between BE and ME, and we cannot say that ME is wrong, it‟s its own characteristic, then we can separate them from each other well. (John Platt and Heidi Weber, 1980)3.2.2 The noun phraseIn many cases on the Noun Plural, speakers of ME II did not mark nouns for plural, irrespective of whether the noun was preceded by a numeral or not, e.g. Ya, I li(ke) these thing(s); No—two girl(s) work(ed) here las(t) nigh(t).Standard English: All the Hindi films have sub-titles in Bahasa Malaysia.Malaysian English: All Hindi fílém(s) they have Bahasa sub-títél(s).In general, percentages for noun plural marking after numerals were higher than if no numeral preceded the noun.On the other hand, with the Articles and Demonstratives, definite and indefinite articles do not always occur in ME II in positions where they would always occur in SBrE, e.g.Standard English: Sometimes, if you come from a rural area,the way youspeak is different.Malaysian English: Sometime you come from rural place, —way you spea‟differen(t).(The speaker was referring here to Malay not toEnglish)With regard to the Subject Pronouns, speakers of ME II omitted subject pronoun forms in positions where they would occur in SBrE, e.g. (I) wan(t) to study, ah; (He) often come(s)here. The second person pronoun you,whether singular or plural, was always used, and the first person plural we was always used by speakers of Group I and in 95 per cent of all cases by speakers of Group II. The lowest degree of use with both groups was the pronoun it, e.g. (It) is close to my house; You go there, (it) is very cheap (referring to a restaurant). Then we can find the differences between the two groups in degree of use of first and third person subject pronouns.In addition, the Object Pronouns were often omitted in positions where they are obligatory in SBrE. With Group I speakers, the pronoun omitted was always it, e.g. You like (it)?, I know how to say (it). With speakers of Group II, the pronoun omitted was usually it or them but at times it was also him or her,e.g. They give (it) (to) another person. (John Platt and Heidi Weber, 1980)3.2.3 Lexical itemsThere are some words of Malay origin such as kacang, kampong, makan, ulu, wayang were used frequently and were obviously part of the speakers‟ English. These often refer to concepts which have no real English equivalent. It would be wrong to use SBrE village or settlement for kampong. A kampong in Malaysia is neither a traditional village in the European sense nor a settlement, e.g. a mining settlement, in the Australian and American sense, but it is a concept full of traditional Malay culture, i.e. it refers originally to a group of people living together in a small rural community in wooden houses, often built on stilts near the sea or waterways with atop roofs. Life in the kampong was organized on strong family and communal lines and often under the direction of a headman.There are a few words and expressions in ME II, which differ from SBrE and which are used regularly and with the same or a similar meaning to that discussed for SE, e.g. coffeehouse, over, schooling, sometimes, stay and the existential-locative verbgot, e.g.Standard English: (You see) because I live in a kampong, (my neighbours) are allMalay.Malaysian English: Cause I stay in kampong so—all Malay.Most of the speakers of ME II rarely used English in writing, all their personal correspondence was in Malay. Students and ex-students used Malay to make lecture notes and write essays, except in the case of two students who had to use English in assignments and essays. For both Groups, some rarely read English-language magazines and newspapers. Of those who did read English material, quite a few admitted that they had to use a dictionary frequently, particularly when trying to read editorials in the New Straits Times and similar articles of a more advanced standard of English or University textbooks. (John Platt and Heidi Weber, 1980)3.3 V ocabularyLowenberg discusses how …Malay elites are institutionalizing their dominance through English, which is the native language of very few Malaysians but is still the principal code for communication among Malaysia‟s multi-ethnic elites‟ by utilizing the linguistic device of replacing …English words with denotatively equivalent terms from Malay, resulting in what one linguist has termed the “covert” expression of racism and the institutionalization of inequality‟. The following items will make it clear.[7]3.3.1 The “Lah” wordIn Malaysian English the word lah [lá] or [lâ] is very common, used at the end of a sentence, can also be described as a particle that simultaneously asserts a position and entices solidarity. The word lah is often written after a comma for clarity, but there is never a pause before it. This is because in the original Malay, lah is appended to the end of the word and is not a separate word by itself.In Malay, lah is used to change a verb into a command or to soften its tone, particularly when usage of the verb may seem impolite. For example, "to drink" is "minum", but "Here, drink!" is "minumlah". Similarly, lah is frequently used with imperatives in Singapore English, such as the command, "Drink, lah!" means “Comeon, drink!”. Lah also occurs frequently with "Yah" and "No", hence "Yah lah" and "No lah", resulting in a less brusque sound, thus facilitating the flow of conversation. This form is more used by Chinese in Malaysia.Lah is often used with brusque, short, negative responses: “Don't have, lah!”, which is a brusque response to "Lend me some money, can?";“Don't know already, lah!” also is a brusque response to someone fumbling with an explanation, mostly by Chinese. Lah is also used for reassurance: “Don't worry, he can do it one lah” means “Don't worry, he can (do it)”; “It's okay lah” is “I t's all right”.Lah can also be used to emphasize items in a spoken list, appearing after each item in the list. Although lah can appear nearly anywhere, it cannot appear with a yes-no question. Another particle should be used instead. For example: Where are you ar? (This is especially of Chinese origin). Most of the Malaysian English grammar described here is of Chinese origin since Malays do not converse in English daily, while the Indians use a different form of Malaysian English. The Chinese influence in Malaysian English, however, can be seen among other races in Malaysia, especially when conversing with Chinese-speaking people. This principle can be generally applied to all forms of non-standard English spoken in Malaysia. (/wiki/Manglish, Manglish)3.3.2 The other words of Malaysian EnglishThe particle what, also spelled wat or wot, is used to remind or contradict the listener, especially when strengthening another assertion that follows from the current one: But he's very good at sports what (Shouldn't you know this already, having known him for years?). You never give me what! (Or else I would have gotten it, right?) "There is" or "there are" and "has" or "have" are both expressed using got, so that sentences can be translated in either way back into British / American English. This is equivalent to the Chinese word you (to have): …Got question?‟, Is there any questions?.Can is used extensively as both a question particle and an answer particle. The negative is cannot: “Gimme lah, ok or not?” that is“Give it to me, OK?”. In another case, “Can!” equals “Sure!”, as “Cannot.” means “No way.”.Meh/Ke is the unique word of Malaysian English, there is no meanings in British English. It is an optional suffix usually used to donate a question mark to yes, as in "yeah meh?" or "ye ke?" i.e. "Are you sure?", with the former being more commonly。