国际经济学Microsoft Word 文档 (4)
国际经济学(高等教育出版社) 4
工资反映生产率吗? 工资反映生产率吗?
• 其他证据表明,工资提高随着生产率而 其他证据表明, 提高. 提高
♦在
2000年, 南韩的劳动生产率是美国 年 平均工资率是美国的38%. 的 35% ,平均工资率是美国的 南韩是最穷的国家之一, 南韩是最穷的国家之一, 生产率也处于最低水平. 生产率也处于最低水平 1975年, 南韩 年 的平均工资 是美国的 5%.
• 设想 PC = $12/kg ; PW = $12/L • 贸易后国内专业生产奶酪 小时工资率: 贸易后国内专业生产奶酪, 小时工资率: (1/aLC)PC = (1/1)$12 = $12 • 外国专业生产酒 贸易后小时工资率 外国专业生产酒, (1/a*LW)PW = (1/3)$12 = $4 • 国内工人相对工资: 国内工人相对工资: $12/$4 = 3
相对工资
• 相对工资是国内工资比国外工资 国外工资. • 尽管李嘉图模型预测贸易后产品比价均等 尽管李嘉图模型预测贸易后产品比价均等, 但没预测工资均等 • 在李嘉图模型里,生产率(技术不同)决 在李嘉图模型里,生产率(技术不同) 定工资的不同. 定工资的不同
♦ 一国某产品有绝对优势,则贸易后工资较高 一国某产品有绝对优势,则贸易后工资较高.
• 外国工人的工资率只有本国工人的 1/3, 他们能在酒的生产上获得低成本优势 尽管生产率较低) (尽管生产率较低) • 本国工人的生产率是外国的六倍 (in cheese production), 他们能获得成本 优势(即使工资高) 优势(即使工资高)
• 李嘉图模型里,相对工资反映了相 李嘉图模型里, 对生产率. 对生产率 • 精确吗 精确吗? • 有人说,尽管生产率提高,低工资国 有人说,尽管生产率提高 低工资国 家依然是工资较低 ,使高工资国处 于成本劣势. 于成本劣势 • 实证表明,低工资与低生产率相关. 实证表明,低工资与低生产率相关
国际经济学第1章-文档资料38页
生产可能性边界的推导:
2× 2模型;基本假设:(1)所有商品市场和要素市场都 是完全竞争的;(2)所有商品的生产技术条件都是既定的, 且规模收益不变;(3)所有生产要素的总供给都是固定不 变的;(4)生产要素可在各部门间自由流动;(5)所有 要素都充分利用;(6)经济活动中不存在外部性
微观经济学原理是研究国际贸易相关问题的理论基础
实证分析与规范分析
(positive analysis)实证分析解决——是什么 (normative analysis)规范分析解决——应该是什么 国际经济学中,较多采用实证分析而较少采用规范分析
20.09.2019
6
国际贸易理论的研究内容
Y
X的相对价格线
Y1
E
O X1
完全竞争市场上 商品价格等于边际成本
以Y衡量 X价格为Px/Py X边际成本就是X的
机会成本
X的相对价格等于X的机会成本
X
20.09.2019
17
国际贸易主要分析工具(二)
社会无差异曲线与需求
(个体)无差异曲线:用来表示两种商品或两组商品的不同数量 的组合对消费者所提供的效用是相同的曲线。代表消费者偏好与 福利
(实际含义)
20.09.2019
9
国际贸易研究方法的特点
第二、两个国家、两种商品且生产要素不超过 两个。2*2*1,2*2*2
几何形式模型
第三、国际贸易理论多采用一般均衡分析方法 第四、大多数贸易理论都是一种静态或比较静
(完整word版)国际经济学(第四版)
国际经济学名词:1、国际经济学:是经济的一般理论在国际经济范围中的延伸和应用,是以经济学的一般理论为基础来研究国际经济活动与国际经济关系的经济学分支学科,是整个经济学体系的有机组成部分.主要研究对象有国际贸易理论与政策、国际收支、外汇理论、生产要素的国际流动、跨国公司、经济发展、经济一体化、开放经济的宏观调节、经济全球化与国际经济秩序研究等.2、绝对利益:在某一种商品上,一个经济在劳动生产率上占有绝对优势,或其生产所耗费的劳动成本绝对低于另一经济,若各个经济都从事自己占有绝对优势商品的生产,继而进行交换,那么双方都可以通过交换得到绝对的利益,从而整个世界也可以获得分工的好处.3、比较利益:甲国在生产任何产品时成本均低于乙国,劳动生产率均高于乙国,处于绝对优势,两个国家间进行贸易的可能性依然存在,因为两国劳动生产率之间的差距,并不是在任何产品上都一样。
这样,处于绝对优势的国家集中生产本国国内具有最大优势的产品,处于绝对劣势的国家停止生产在本国国内处于最大劣势的产品,通过自由交换,双方都可节约社会劳动,增加产品的消费。
世界也因而增加产量,提高劳动生产率。
4、国际分工:即各国之间的劳动分工,生产的国际专业化.它是国际贸易的基础,是社会分工从国内向国外延伸的结果。
各国对于分工方式的选择以及分工的变化,反映了彼此之间经济发展水平的差异及各国经济联系的程度。
主要有产业间、产业内、垂直、水平以及不同要素密集度之间的分工等类型.5、贸易乘数:在开放的条件下,对外贸易的增长可以使国民经济成倍增加,对外贸易乘数研究一国对外贸易与国民收入、就业之间的互相影响,描述了在开放经济体系内部出口促进经济增长的动态过程。
公式为:dY=[l/(dM/dY)] dX。
(2003)6、一价定律:在完全竞争的市场上,相同的交易产品或金融资产经过汇率调整后,在世界范围内其交易成本一定是相等的。
这个定律在经济中是通过诸如购买力平价、利息平价、远期汇率等经济关系表现出来的.7、贸易创造与贸易转移:关税同盟成员国产品从生产成本较高的国内生产转向成本较低的关税同盟中贸易对象国生产,本国从贸易对象国进口的一种过程和现象。
经济学中的国际经济学基础知识点
经济学中的国际经济学基础知识点国际经济学是经济学中一个重要的分支,研究国家与国家之间的经济关系及其影响因素。
在这篇文章中,我们将介绍一些国际经济学的基础知识点,帮助读者更好地理解和应用这一领域的知识。
一、贸易理论1. 绝对优势理论:由亚当·斯密提出,认为一个国家在某种商品的生产上拥有绝对优势时,应专门从事该商品的生产和出口。
2. 比较优势理论:由大卫·李嘉图提出,认为即使一个国家在所有商品的生产上都不如另一个国家优势,但仍然可以通过比较优势实现贸易。
3. 因子禀赋理论:根据不同国家拥有的生产要素(如劳动力、资本等)禀赋差异,来解释贸易模式和国际分工。
二、国际货币体系1. 固定汇率制度:国家内外货币汇率固定不变,如金本位制和可兑换货币制度。
2. 浮动汇率制度:国家内外货币汇率由市场供求决定,如汇率市场的自由浮动。
3. 货币联盟:多个国家将各自的货币与某种特定比例锁定的货币挂钩,如欧元区。
三、国际投资与跨国公司1. 直接投资:投资者在境外购买或建立企业,并参与该企业的经营和管理。
2. 跨国公司:在两个或多个国家设有子公司或分支机构,进行跨国经营活动,实现资源配置和市场扩张等战略目标。
四、国际金融市场1. 外汇市场:全球性市场,涉及不同国家的货币交易,主要包括跨境支付、外汇买卖和外汇衍生品交易等。
2. 国际债券市场:指不同国家的政府和企业发行的跨境债券,如美国国债和国际公司债券等。
3. 外国直接投资市场:涉及投资者直接购买外国企业的股权或设立合资企业等。
五、国际贸易政策1. 关税:国家为保护本国产业或调节进口品与国内商品的竞争,对进口商品征收的税费。
2. 非关税壁垒:关税以外的限制进口商品的措施,如进口配额、进口许可证和技术壁垒等。
3. 自由贸易区:多个国家之间签署协定,在特定区域内实现零关税或优惠关税的贸易安排。
4. 关税同盟:多个国家签署协定,在关税方面实现一体化管理,而对非成员国保持共同关税政策。
国际经济学 (4)
C H A P T E R 4Resources and Trade: The Heckscher-Ohlin Model资源和贸易:赫克歇尔模型I f labor were the only factor of production, as the Ricardian model assumes, comparative advantage could arise only because of international differences in labor productivity. In the real world, however, while trade is partly explained by differences in labor productivity, it also reflects differences in countries' resources. Canada exports forest products to the United States not because its lumberjacks are more productive relative to their U.S. counterparts than other Canadians but because sparsely populated Canada has more forested land per capita than the United States. A realistic view of trade must allow for the importance not just of labor, but of other factors of production such as land, capital, and mineral resources.To explain the role of resource differences in trade, this chapter examines a model in which resource differences are the only source of trade. This model shows that comparative advantage is influenced by the interaction between nations' resources (the relative abundance of factorsof production) and the technology of production (which influences the relative intensity with which different factors of production are used in the production of different goods). The same idea was present in the specific factors model of Chapter 3, but the model we study in this chapter puts the interaction between abundance and intensity in sharper relief.That international trade is largely driven by differences in countries' resources is one of the most influential theories in international economics. Developed by two Swedish economists,Eli Heckscher and Bertil Ohlin (Ohlin received the Nobel Prize in economics in 1977), the theory is often referred to as the Heckscher-Ohlin theory. Because the theory emphasizes the interplay between the proportions in which different factors of production are available in different countries and the proportions in which they are used in producing different goods, itis also referred to as the factor-proportions theory.To develop the factor-proportions theory we begin by describing an economy that does not trade, then ask what happens when two such economies trade with each other. Since thefactor-proportions theory is both an important theory and a controversial one, the chapter concludes with a discussion of the empirical evidence for and against the theory.Model of a Two-Factor EconomyThe simplest factor-proportions model is in many ways very similar to the specific factors model developed in Chapter 3. As in that model, it is assumed that each economy is able to produce two goods and that production of each good requires the use of two factors of production. In this case, however, we no longer assume that one of the factors used in each industry is specific to that industry. Instead, the same two factors are used in both sectors. This leads to a somewhat more difficult model, but also to some important new insights.Assumptions of the ModelThe economy we are analyzing can produce two goods: cloth (measured in yards) and food (measured in calories). Production of these goods requires two inputs that are in limited supply: labor, which we measure in hours, and land, which we measure in acres. Let us define the following expressions:a TC= acres of land used to produce one yard of clotha LC = hours of labor used to produce one yard of clotha TF — acres of land used to produce one calorie of fooda LF= hours of labor used to produce one calorie of foodL= economy's supply of laborT = economy's supply of landNotice that we speak in these definitions of the quantity of land or labor used to produce a given amount of food or cloth, rather than the amount required to produce that amount. The reason for this change from the Ricardian model is that in a two-factor economy there may be some room for choice in the use of inputs. A farmer, for example, may be able to grow more food per acre if he or she is willing to use more labor input to prepare the soil, weed, and so on. Thus the farmer may be able to choose to use less land and more labor per unit of output. In each sector, then, producers will face not fixed input requirements (as in the Ricardian model) but trade-offs like the one illustrated by curve II in Figure 4-1, which shows alternative input combinations that can be used to produce one calorie of food.Figure 4-1: Input Possibilities in Food ProductionIn the production of eachunit of food, unit factorrequirements of land andlabor are not constant in theHeckscher-Ohlin modelWhat input choice will producers actually make? It depends on the relative cost of land and labor. If land rents are high and wages low, farmers will choose to produce using relatively little land and a lot of labor; if rents are low and wages high, they will save on labor and use a lot of land. If w is the wage rate per hour of labor and r the cost of one acre of land, then the input choice will depend on the ratio of these two factor prices, w/r. The relationship between factor prices and the ratio of land to labor use in production of food is shown in Figure 4-2 as the curve FF.Figure 4-2: Factor Prices and Input ChoicesThere is a corresponding relationship between w/r and the land-labor ratio in cloth production. This relationship is shown in Figure 4-2 as the curve CC. As drawn, CC lies to the left of FF indicating that at any given factor prices production of food will always use a higher ratio of land to labor than production of cloth. When this is true, we say that production of food is land- intensive, while production of cloth is labor-intensive. Notice that the definition of intensity depends on the ratio of land to labor used in production, not the ratio of land or labor to output. Thus a good cannot be both land- and labor-intensive.Factor Prices and Goods PricesSuppose for a moment that the economy produces both cloth and food. (This need not be the case if the economy engages in international trade, because it might specialize completely in producing one good or the other; but let us temporarily ignore this possibility.) Then competition among producers in each sector will ensure that the price of each good equals its cost of production. The cost of producing a good depends on factor prices: If the rental rate on land is higher, then other things equal the price of any good whose production involves land input will also have to be higher.The importance of a particular factor price to the cost of producing a good depends, however, on how much of that factor the good's production involves. If cloth production makes use ofvery little land, then a rise in the price of land will not have much effect on the price of cloth; whereas if food production uses a great deal of land, a rise in land prices will have a largeeffect on its price. We can therefore conclude that there is a one-to-one relationship betweenthe ratio of the wage rate to the rental rate,w/r, and the ratio of the price of cloth to that of food, P C/P F. This relationship is illustrated by the upward-sloping curve SS in Figure 4-3.Figure 4-3: Factor Prices and Goods PricesFigure 4-4It is possible to put Figures 4-2 and 4-3 together. In Figure 4-4, the left panel is Figure 4-3 (of the SS curve) turned on its side, while the right panel reproduces Figure 4-2. By putting these two diagrams together, we see what may seem at first to be a surprisinglinkage of the prices of goods to the ratio of land to labor used in the production of eachgood. Suppose that the relative price of cloth is (P C /P F )1 (left panel of Figure 4-4); if the economy produces both goods, the ratio of the wage rate to the rental rate on land must equal (w/r)1. This ratio then implies that the ratios of land to labor employed in theproduction of cloth and food must be (T C /L C )1 and (T F /L F )1 respectively (right pane the relative price of cloth were to rise to the level indicated by (P l). If on from this diagram. The left panel already tells us eases, the ratio of land to labor rises in both clo relative prices havestr e Resources and Outputscription of a two-factor economy by describing the relationship s given. We know from Figure 4-4 that this de f e allocation of resources in a two-factor economy is to use a "b e C /P F )2, the ratio of the wage rate to the rental rate on land would rise to (w/r)2. Because land is now relatively cheaper the ratios of land to labor employed in the production of cloth and food would therefore rise to (T C /L C )2 and (T F /L F )2.We can learn one more important less that an increase in the price of cloth relative to that of food will raise the income of workers relative to that of landowners. But it is possible to make a stronger statement: Such a change in relative prices will unambiguously raise the purchasing power ofworkers and lower the purchasing power of landowners, by raising real wages andlowering real rents in terms of both goods.How do we know this? When P C /P F incr th and food production. But as we saw in Chapter 3, in a competitive economy factors of production are paid their marginal product—the real wage of workers in terms of cloth is equal to the marginal productivity of labor in cloth production, and so on. When the ratio of land to labor rises in producing either good, the marginal product of labor in terms of that good increases—so workers find their real wage higher in terms of both goods. On the other hand, the marginal product of land falls in both industries, solandowners find their real income lower in terms of both goods.In this model, then, as in the specific factors model, changes in ong effects on income distribution. Not only does a change in goods prices change th distribution of income; it always changes it so much that owners of one factor ofproduction gain while owners of the other are made worse off.e can now complete the de W between goods prices, factor supplies, and output.Suppose that we take the relative price of cloth a termines the wage-rental ratio w/r, and thus the ratio of land to labor used in the production o both cloth and food. But the economy must fully employ its supplies of labor and land. It is this last condition that determines the allocation of resources between the two industries and, therefore, the economy's output.A convenient way to analyze th ox diagram" like Figure 4-8. The width of the box represents the economy's total supply of labor; the height of the box its total supply of land. The allocation of resources between two industries can be represented by a single point within the box, such as point 1. We measure th use of labor and land in the cloth sector as the horizontal and vertical distances of such a point from O C ; thus at point 1 O C L C is the labor used in cloth production and O C T C is the land used in cloth production. We measure inputs into the food sector starting from the opposite corner: O F L F is the labor, O F T F the land used in food production.How can we determine the location of this resource allocation point? From Figure 4-4 we know that given goods prices, we can determine the ratio of land to labor in cloth production, T C/L C. Draw a straight line from O C whose slope equals that land-labor ratio, such as the line O C C; point 1 must lie on this line. Similarly, the known land-labor ratio in food production determines the slope of another line, O F F; point 1 must also lie on this line. (O F F is steeper than O C C, because, as we saw earlier, the ratio of land to labor is higher in food than in cloth production.) Thus the economy's resource allocation is identified by the point at which the two lines representing land-labor ratios cross—here, at point 1.Given the prices of cloth and food and the supplies of land and labor, then, it is possible to determine how much of each resource the economy devotes to the production of each good; and thus also to determine the economy's output of each good. The next question is how these outputs change when the economy's resources change.The initially surprising answer is shown in Figure 4-9, which shows what happens when the economy's supply of land is increased, holding both goods prices and the labor supply fixed. With the increased supply of land the box is taller. This means that inputs into food production can no longer be measured from O F(now labeled O F1), but must be measured from the corner of the new, enlarged box, O F2., and the original line O F1F1 must be replaced with O F2F2. The resource allocation point must therefore move from 1 to 2.What is surprising about this result? Notice that the quantities of labor and land used in cloth production actually fall, from L C1and T C1to L C2, and T C2. Thus an increase in the economy's supply of land will, holding prices constant, lead to a fall in the output of the labor-intensive good. What happens to the land and labor no longer used in cloth production? It is now used in the food sector, whose output must have risen more than proportionately to the increase in land supply; for example, if land supply were to rise by 10 percent, food output might rise by 15 or 20 percent.The best way to think about this result is in terms of how resources affect the economy's production possibilities. In Figure 4-10 the curve TT1 represents the economy's production possibilities before the increase in land supply. Output is at point 1, where the slope of the production possibility frontier equals minus the relative price of cloth, -P C/P F, and the economy produces Q C1and Q F1of cloth and food. The curve TT2 shows the production possibility frontier after an increase in land supply. The production possibility frontier shifts out to TT2, that is, the economy could produce more of both cloth and food than before. The outward shift of the frontier is, however, much larger in the direction of food than of clothing, that is, there is a biased expansion of production possibilities which occurs when the production possibility frontier shifts out much more in one direction than in the other. In this case, the expansion is so strongly biased toward food production that at unchanged relative prices production moves from point 1 to point 2, which involves an actual fall in cloth output from Q C1to Q C2and a large increase infood output from Q F1, to Q F2.The biased effect of increases in resources on production possibilities is the key to understanding how differences in resources give rise to international trade. An increase in the supply of land expands production possibilities disproportionately in the direction of food production, while an increase in the supply of labor expands them disproportionately in the direction of cloth production. Thus an economy with a high ratio of land to labor will be relatively better at producing food than an economy with a low ratio of land to labor. Generally, an economy will tend to be relatively effective at producing goods that are intensive in the factors with which the country is relativelywell-endowed.Effects of International Trade Between Two-Factor Economies Having outlined the production structure of a two-factor economy, we can now look at what happens when two such economies, Home and Foreign, trade. As always, Home and Foreign are similar along many dimensions. They have the same tastes and therefore have identical relative demands for food and cloth when faced with the same relative price of the two goods. They also have the same technology: A given amount of land and labor yields the same output of either cloth or food in the two countries. The only difference between the countries is in their resources: Home has a higher ratio of labor to land than Foreign does.Relative Prices and the Pattern of TradeSince Home has a higher ratio of labor to land than Foreign, Home is labor-abundant and Foreign is land-abundant. Note that abundance is defined in terms of a ratio and not in absolute quantities. If America has 80 million workers and 200 million acres (alabor-to-land ratio of one-to-two-and-a-half), while Britain has 20 million workers and 20 million acres (a labor-to-land ratio of one-to-one) we consider Britain to belabor-abundant even though it has less total labor than America. "Abundance" is always defined in relative terms, by comparing the ratio of labor to land in the two countries, so that no country is abundant in everything.Since cloth is the labor-intensive good, Home's production possibility frontier relative to Foreign's is shifted out more in the direction of cloth than in the direction of food. Thus, other things equal, Home tends to produce a higher ratio of cloth to food. Because trade leads to a convergence of relative prices, one of the other things that will be equal is the price of cloth relative to food. Because the countries differ in their factor abundances, however, for any given ratio of the price of cloth to that of food Home will produce a higher ratio of cloth to food than Foreign will: Home will have a larger relative supply of cloth. Home's relative supply curve, then, lies to the right of Foreign's.The relative supply schedules of Home (RS)and Foreign (RS*)are illustrated in Figure 4-11. The relative demand curve, which we have assumed to be the same for both countries, is shown as RD. If there were no international trade, the equilibrium for Home would be at point 1, the equilibrium for Foreign at point 3. That is, in the absence of trade the relative price of cloth would be lower in Home than in Foreign.When Home and Foreign trade with each other, their relative prices converge. The relative price of cloth rises in Home and declines in Foreign, and a new world relative price of cloth is established at a point somewhere between the pretrade relative prices, say at point 2. In Home, the rise in the relative price of cloth leads to a rise in the production of cloth and a decline in relative consumption, so Home becomes an exporter of cloth and an importer of food. Conversely, the decline in the relative price of cloth in Foreign leads it to become an importer of cloth and an exporter of food.To sum up what we have learned about the pattern of trade: Home has a higher ratio of labor to land than Foreign; that is, Home is abundant in labor and Foreign is abundant in land. Cloth production uses a higher ratio of labor to land in its production than food; that is, cloth is labor-intensive and food is land-intensive. Home, the labor-abundant country, exports cloth, the labor-intensive good; Foreign, the land-abundant country, exports food, the land-intensive good. The general statement of the result is: Countries tend to export goods whose production is intensive in factors with which they are abundantly endowed. Trade and the Distribution of IncomeTrade produces a convergence of relative prices. Changes in relative prices, in turn, have strong effects on the relative earnings of labor and land. A rise in the price of cloth raises the purchasing power of labor in terms of both goods while lowering the purchasing power of land in terms of both goods. A rise in the price of food has the reverse effect. Thus international trade has a powerful effect on income distribution. In Home, where the relative price of cloth rises, people who get their income from labor gain from trade but those who derive their income from land are made worse off. In Foreign, where the relative price of cloth falls, the opposite happens: Laborers are made worse off and landowners are made better off.The resource of which a country has a relatively large supply (labor in Home, land in Foreign) is the abundant factor in that country, and the resource of which it has a relatively small supply (land in Home, labor in Foreign) is the scarce factor. The general conclusion about the income distribution effects of international trade is: Owners of a country's abundant factors gain from trade, but owners of a country's scarce factors lose. This conclusion is similar to the one reached in our analysis of the case of specific factors. There we found that factors of production that are "stuck" in an import-competing industry lose from the opening of trade. Here we find that factors of production that are used intensively by the import-competing industry are hurt by the opening of trade. As a practical matter, however, there is an important difference between these two views. The specificity of factors to particular industries is often only a temporary problem: Garment makers cannot become computer manufacturers overnight, but given time the U.S. economy can shift its manufacturing employment from declining sectors to expanding ones. Thus income distribution effects that arise because labor and other factors of production are immobile represent a temporary, transitional problem (which is not to say that such effects are not painful to those who lose). In contrast, effects of trade on the distribution of income among land, labor, and capital are more or less permanent.We will see shortly that the trade pattern of the United States suggests that compared with the rest of the world the United States is abundantly endowed with highly skilled labor and that low-skilled labor is correspondingly scarce. This means that international trade tends to make low-skilled workers in the United States worse off—not justtemporarily, but on a sustained basis. The negative effect of trade on low-skilled workers poses a persistent political problem. Industries that use low-skilled labor intensively, such as apparel and shoes, consistently demand protection from foreign competition, and their demands attract considerable sympathy because low-skilled workers are relatively badly off to begin with.The distinction between income distribution effects due to immobility and those due to differences in factor intensity also reveals that there is frequently a conflict between short-term and long-term interests in trade. Consider a highly skilled U.S. worker who is employed in an industry that is intensive in low-skilled labor. Her short-term interest is to restrict international trade, because she cannot instantly shift jobs. Over the long term, however, she would be better off with free trade, which will raise the income of skilled workers generally.Factor Price EqualizationIn the absence of trade, labor would earn less in Home than in Foreign, and land would earn more. Without trade, labor-abundant Home would have a lower relative price of cloth than land-abundant Foreign, and the difference in relative prices of goods implies an even larger difference in the relative prices of factors.When Home and Foreign trade, the relative prices of goods converge. This convergence, in turn, causes convergence of the relative prices of land and labor. Thus there is clearly a tendency toward equalization of factor prices. How far does this tendency go?The surprising answer is that in the model the tendency goes all the way. International trade leads to complete equalization of factor prices. Although Home has a higher ratio of labor to land than Foreign, once they trade with each other the wage rate and the rent on land are the same in both countries. To see this, refer back to Figure 4-3, which shows that given the prices of cloth and food we can determine the wage rate and the rental rate without reference to the supplies of land and labor. If Home and Foreign face the same relative prices of cloth and food, they will also have the same factor prices.To understand how this equalization occurs, we have to realize that when Home and Foreign trade with each other more is happening than a simple exchange of goods. In an indirect way the two countries are in effect trading factors of production. Home lets Foreign have the use of some of its abundant labor, not by selling the labor directly but by trading goods produced with a high ratio of labor to land for goods produced with a low labor-land ratio. The goods that Home sells require more labor to produce than the goods it receives in return; that is, more labor is embodied in Home's exports than in its imports. Thus Home exports its labor, embodied in its labor-intensive exports. Conversely, Foreign's exports embody more land than its imports, thus Foreign is indirectly exporting its land. When viewed this way, it is not surprising that trade leads to equalization of the two countries' factor prices.Although this view of trade is simple and appealing, there is a major problem: In the real world factor prices are not equalized. For example, there is an extremely wide range of wage rates across countries (Table 4-1). While some of these differences may reflect differences in the quality of labor, they are too wide to be explained away on this basis alone.To understand why the model doesn't give us an accurate prediction, we need to lookat its assumptions. Three assumptions crucial to the prediction of factor price equalization are in reality certainly untrue. These are the assumptions that (1) both countries produce both goods; (2) technologies are the same; and (3) trade actually equalizes the prices of goods in the two countries.1. To derive the wage and rental rates from the prices of cloth and food in Figure 4-3, we assumed that the country produced both goods. This need not, however, be the case.A country with a very high ratio of labor to land might produce only cloth, while a country with a very high ratio of land to labor might produce only food. This implies that factor price equalization occurs only if the countries involved are sufficiently similar in their relative factor endowments. (A more thorough discussion of this point is given in the appendix to this chapter.) Thus, factor prices need not be equalized between countries with radically different ratios of capital to labor or of skilled to unskilled labor.2. The proposition that trade equalizes factor prices will not hold if countries have different technologies of production. For example, a country with superior technology might have both a higher wage rate and a higher rental rate than a country with an inferior technology. As described later in this chapter, recent work suggests that it is essential to allow for such differences in technology to reconcile the factor proportions model with actual data on world trade.3. Finally, the proposition of complete factor price equalization depends on complete convergence of the prices of goods. In the real world, prices of goods are not fully equalized by international trade. This lack of convergence is due to both natural barriers (such as transportation costs) and barriers to trade such as tariffs, import quotas, and other restrictions.CASE STUDYNorth-South Trade and Income InequalityBetween the late 1970s and the early 1990s there was a sharp increase in the inequality of wages in the United States. For example, while the real wage of male workers at the 90thpercentile (i.e., those earning more than the bottom 90 percent but less than the top 10 percent) rose 15 percent between 1970 and 1989, that of workers at the 10th percentile fell by 25 percent over the same period. The growing inequality of wages in the United States has arguably worsened the country's social problems: Falling wages at the bottom have made it more difficult for families to climb out of poverty, while the contrast between stagnating incomes for many families and rapidly rising incomes at the top may have contributed to a general social and political malaise.Why has wage inequality increased? Many observers attribute the change to the growth of world trade and in particular to the growing exports of manufactured goods from newly industrializing economies (NIEs), such as South Korea and China. Until the 1970s trade between advanced industrial nations and less-developed economies—often referred to as "North-South" trade because most advanced nations are still in the temperate zone of the Northern Hemisphere—consisted overwhelmingly of an exchange of Northern manufactures for Southern raw materials and agricultural goods, such as oil and coffee. From 1970 onward, however, former raw material exporters increasingly began to sell manufactured goods to high-wage countries like the United States. As Table 4-2 shows, between the early 1970s and the mid 1990s, developing countries dramatically changed the kinds of goods they exported, moving away from their traditional reliance on agricultural and mineral products to a focus on manufactured goods. While NIEs also provided a rapidly growing market for exports from the high-wage nations, the exports of the newly industrializing economies obviously differed greatly in factor intensity from their imports. Overwhelmingly, NIE exports to advanced nations consisted of clothing, shoes, and other relatively unsophisticated products whose production is intensive in unskilled labor, while advanced-country exports to the NIEs consisted of capital- orskill-intensive goods such as chemicals and aircraft.To many observers the conclusion seemed straightforward: What was happening was a move toward factor price equalization. Trade between advanced countries that are abundant in capital and skill and NIEs with their abundant supply of unskilled labor was raising the wages of highly skilled workers and lowering the wages of less-skilled workers in the skill- and capital-abundant countries, just as the factor proportions model predicts.This is an argument with much more than purely academic significance. If one regards the growing inequality of income in advanced nations as a serious problem, as many people do, and if one also believes that growing world trade is the main cause of that problem, it becomes difficult to maintain the traditional support of economists for free trade. (As we pointed out in Chapter 3, in principle taxes and government payments can offset the effect of trade on income distribution, but one may argue that this is unlikely to happen in practice.) Some influential commentators have argued that advanced nations will have to restrict their trade with low-wage countries if they want to remain basically。
国际经济学
进 口
Y
B2
国家2
出 口
D2
进口 C2
A2 PW
B1
D1 出口
X
X
16
图形说明(2)
小麦价格 小麦的市场 S
布的价格
布的市场 S
3 0.8
D
0.5
2D1.250.33DD
60 80
小麦的数量
60
135
布的数量
17
比较利益学说的评价
从国际贸易的实际出发,该学说的假设 前提过于苛刻,且认为比较利益差异越 大贸易发生的可能性越大,同时推崇自 由贸易政策,与现实不符。
0.4
均衡生产
70
均衡消费
70
世界生产
世界消费
40
25
2.5
2
12
15
12
15
(85, 32) (85, 32)
50 0.5 20 20
8
贸易后各国的情况
A国
B国
小麦 布
小麦 布
专业化生产 100
0
0
50
贸易价和数量
20:20
均衡消费
80
20
20
30
多消费
10
8
5
10
世界生产
(100,50) 多(15,18)
12
比较优势的分析
单位时间
小麦
所生产的 产品数量
(蒲士耳)
布 (码)
比较优势 的产品
A国
60
75
小麦
B国
20
60
布
13
贸易前各国的情况
A国
B国
小麦 布
小麦 布
国际经济学第一章
三、国际经济学的产生、对象及方法
(二)国际经济学的研究对象 外汇理论研究的重点是外汇及汇率的定义与确定, 这不仅是一个重要的理论问题,也是一个重要的 实践问题; 生产要素的国际流动研究的是生产要素,包括资 本、劳动力、服务、信息等的跨国流动; 跨国公司的研究主要集中于跨国公司产生的原因、 跨国公司运作的理政策等;
二、国际经济学中的几个基本概念
国际贸易:亦称世界贸易,泛指国际间的 商品及劳务的交换,它是世界各国对外易 的总和,对外贸易亦称进出口贸易,指一 个国家或地区与另一个国家或地区之间的 商品和劳务的交换,从一国而言是对外贸 易,从国际范围来看就是国际贸易。国际 贸易是世界经济运行的机制之一。
二、国际经济学中的几个基本概念
三、国际经济学的产生、对象及方法
(三)国际经济学的研究方法 定性与定量相结合。国际经济学的定性分 析主要强调的是结构性的联系,定量分析 主要是对事物数量关系的变换进行分析。 局部均衡与一般均衡相结合。国际经济学 的局部均衡分析是只对单个市场、单个商 品、单个要素的价格与供求进行分析,而 国际经济学的一般均衡分析强调的全部市 场、全部商品的价格与供求变化。
三、国际经济学的产生、对象及方法
(一)国际经济学的产生 国际资源配置、国际经济福利分配的研究是国际 经济学重要的出发点和归宿点。 在国际经济范围内,资源是通过贸易、投资、劳 动力流动、信息交流等各种经济活动进行的,资 源的替代、转换决定着世界的经济效率。 同时,世界范围内的贸易、投资、劳动力流动、 信息交流也决定着整个世界经济的福利水平与平 等程度。
三、国际经济学的产生、对象及方法
(二)国际经济学的研究对象 国际贸易纯理论在一系列假设条件下,如生产要 素国际间不流动,不存在政府干预,没有货币, 等等,研究国际贸易的模式、原因和利益分割, 基本的研究方法是比较静态分析和动态分析; 国际贸易政策研究的是各国为限制或促进贸易自 由而制定和施行的各种政策; 国际收支理论研究国际收支各个组成部分之间关 系以及恢复国际收支均衡的理论和措施等;
《国际经济学第四章》
大卫·李嘉图认为,国际贸易的根源在于各国之间生产成本的差异。即使一个国家在所有产品的生产上都不具备绝 对优势,它仍然可以通过生产并出口具有比较优势的产品来获得贸易利益。比较优势是指一个国家在生产某一产 品时的机会成本低于其他国家的情况。
资源禀赋理论
总结词
资源禀赋理论,也称为H-O理论,认为各国 应该出口那些密集使用其丰裕要素生产的产 品,并从那些密集使用其稀缺要素生产的商 品进口。
创造就业
贸易可以创造更多的就业机会,为 贫困人口提供更多的就业选择和收 入来源,帮助他们摆脱贫困。
04
全球化与世界贸易组织
全球化的定义与影响
定义
全球化是指世界各国在经济、政治、文化等各个领域相互联系、相互依存的趋 势。
影响
全球化促进了国际贸易和投资的发展,加速了技术、知识和文化的传播,提高 了生产效率和人民生活水平,但同时也加剧了全球经济的不平衡和不稳定。
贸易政策
关税政策
关税定义
关税是一种对进出口商品征收的税种,其目的是增 加国家财政收入或保护本国产业。
关税种类
关税可以根据征收方式、税率、征收对象等不同标 准进行分类,如普通关税、最惠国关税、反倾销关 税等。
关税影响
关税会对进出口商品的价格、贸易量、产业结构、 消费者福利等方面产生影响,进而影响一国的经济 发展。
产业结构优化
贸易促进了产业分工和专业化生产,使国家能够更加专注 于具有比较优势的产业,提高生产效率和产品质量,进一 步推动经济增长。
贸易与产业结构
产业结构调整
贸易可以促使国家调整产业结 构,发展具有比较优势的产业 ,优化资源配置,提高生产效 率和产品质量。
技术转移
贸易可以促使国家引进先进技 术和设备,提高生产技术水平 ,推动产业结构升级。
国际经济学第4章-精品
PW’
bc d e
M2
SH
P
SH+F+t
SH+F
t
DH
大国进口需求曲线
国外出口供给曲线
征税后出口供给曲线
A c b+d C ef
B
Q1 Q3 Q4 Q2
Q
M2
M1
Q
M1 (a)国内市场
(b)进口市场
图4-3 大国关税的局部均衡效应
17
(2)关税对大国消费量、产量、贸易 量和财政收入的影响
关税消费效应:Q2-Q4; 关税生产效应: Q3-Q1 ; 关税贸易效应:M1-M2; 关税收入效应:c+e。
关税生产效应:由关税导致的国内生产的增加,
即: Q3-Q1 ;
关税贸易效应:由关税导致的进口的减少,即:
M1-M2;
关税收入效应:由关税所导致的政府财政收入的
增加,即:c。
14
(3)关税对小国消费者剩余(Cs)和 生产者剩余(Ps)的影响
关税导致小国Cs减少-(a+b+c+d); 关税导致小国Ps增加:+a;
关税的概念 关税的种类 关税的征收方式
5
5.1.1 关税的概念
关税(tariff)是一国通过海关对进出口商 品所课征的一种税收。由于征收关税提高了 进出口商品的成本和价格,客观上限制了进 出口商品的数量,故又称关税壁垒。
征收关税的目的有二:其一,增加政府的财 政收入(财政关税);其二,保护本国的产 品和市场(保护关税)。
未曝光的窄长彩色胶卷
16元/平方米
232元/平方米
(1)每台完税价格低于或等于 (1)每台完税价格低于或等于
混 合 税
(完整word版)国际经济学名词解释汇总
1、出口倾销是大型出口垄断厂商为了利润最大化的需要,在垄断国内市场并取得垄断高价的前提下,以低于国内市场价格的方式大量出口,争夺国外市场的行为。
2、财政关税是以增加国家财政收入为目的而征收的关税。
其税率往往是根据国家的需要和对贸易量的影响制定的。
一般保持较低水平。
3、期汇交易指买卖双方成交后并不立即办理交割,而是按照所签订的远期合同规定,在未来的约定时间办理交割的外汇交易。
4、国际储备指一国官方现有的可以无条件地用来弥补国际收支赤字或干预外汇市场的国际间普遍接受的资产。
5、外直接投资是一国居民为了在国外直接从事生产经营活动而进行的对外投资,它可以是在国外建立自己的全资子公司或分公司从事对外直接投资,也可以通过收购兼并当地的公司企业从事对外直接投资,也可以与当地的企业联合投资建立合资企事业或合作企业。
6.生产者剩余是指生产者愿意接受的价格和实际接受的价格之间的差额。
7.罗伯津斯基定理是指在生产两种产品的情况下,如果商品的国际比价保持不变,一种生产要素增加所导致的密集使用该生产要素的产品产量增加,会同时减少另外一种产品的产量。
8.产品生命周期是指新产品经历发明、应用、推广到市场饱和、产品衰落,进而被其他产品所替代四个阶段。
9.购买力平价是指两种货币之间的汇率决定于它们单位货币购买力之间的比例。
市场内部化是指企业为减少交易成本,减少生产和投资风险,而将该跨国界的各交易过程变成企业内部的行为。
绝对优势:如果一国在某种产品生产上的劳动生产率高于另一国,或在劳动成本上低于另一国,则认为该国在该产品生产上具有绝对优势。
绝对优势主张以各国生产成本的绝对差异为基础进行国际专业化分工,并通过国际贸易获得利益的一种国际贸易理论。
比较优势:所谓比较优势是指一国在绝对优势基础上的相对较大的优势,在绝对劣势基础上的相对较少的劣势。
比较优势主张以各国生产成本或相对差异为基础进行专业化分工,并通过国家贸易获得利益的一种国际贸易理论。
国际经济学基础
国际经济学基础在当今的全球化时代,国际经济学成为了一个备受关注的学科。
国际经济学研究的对象是各国之间的经济联系、贸易和投资等经济现象。
它不仅对于国家经济的发展和政策制定具有重要意义,还对于全球经济的稳定和可持续发展起着至关重要的作用。
国际经济学的基本概念是国际贸易和国际金融。
国际贸易指的是各国之间的货物和服务的交换,通过国际贸易,各国可以根据各自的优势资源进行特化生产,并获得更大的经济效益。
国际金融则指的是各国之间的货币和资本的流动,包括外汇市场、国际支付和跨国投资等。
国际贸易和国际金融相互依存,共同构成了国际经济学的核心内容。
在国际经济学中,有一些基本原则和理论模型被广泛应用。
比如,绝对优势理论和比较优势理论是国际贸易理论的两大经典学说。
绝对优势理论是由亚当·斯密提出的,他认为各国应该专注于生产其相对成本较低的商品,然后通过贸易获得其他商品。
比较优势理论则是大卫·李嘉图于19世纪初提出的,他认为各国应该根据其生产的机会成本来确定贸易结构,从而实现国际贸易的互利。
此外,国际经济学还涉及到国际货币体系、国际收支平衡等重要问题。
国际货币体系是指各国货币之间的汇率关系以及相应的金融机构和规则。
例如,国际货币基金组织(IMF)就是负责监督和协调全球货币体系的国际组织之一。
国际收支平衡则是指一个国家的出口和进口之间的差额,如果一个国家的出口超过进口,则形成了贸易顺差,反之则形成了贸易逆差。
除了以上内容,国际经济学还与其他学科有着密切的关系,例如国际政治学、国际法学等。
在国际政治学中,国际经济关系被认为是国家实力和国际地位的重要体现,而国际法学则提供了保障国际经济交往的法律框架。
总结起来,国际经济学是研究国际贸易和国际金融等经济现象的学科。
它的基本概念包括国际贸易和国际金融,其中包含了绝对优势理论、比较优势理论等重要原则和模型。
此外,国际经济学还涉及到国际货币体系和国际收支平衡等问题,并与其他学科有着密切的联系。
国际经济学(黄卫平版)第4章-经济增长与国际贸易
(2)大国经济增长与贸易变动
① 出口大国的顺贸易型增长与贸易变动
如果甲国发生的是顺贸易型增长,即出口商品生产部门密集使用 的要素增长超过进口替代商品生产部门,出口商品的生产将扩大, 提高了出口能力。由于该国是出口大国,其出口能力的提高和出 口量的增加会造成国际市场供给的增加。在需求不变的情况下, 会造成出口商品国际市场价格的下跌。
O
XO
X
4.2 经济增长与贸易变动
4.2.1 经济增长的类型 4.2.2 不同类型国家的经济增长与贸易变动 4.2.3 两国的经济增长与贸易
4.2.1 经济增长的类型
一国对外贸易的发展趋势要受到不同 类型经济增长的影响。
中性贸易增长 顺贸易型经济增长 逆贸易型经济增长
(1)顺贸易型增长:在商品相对价格不变的条件下,一国 出口产品生产部门密集使用的要素增长或技术进步超过进口替 代产品生产部门,使出口产品生产能力的增长高于进口替代产 品生产能力的增长速度。
如果小国发生的是逆贸易型增长,则整个贸 易量会因此而减少,但福利水平会比以前有所提 高。
小国逆贸易型增长与贸易变动
Y PX/PY Ⅱ
Ⅰ E′
Y PX/PY
E C′ B′
1
1*
E E′
CB
PX/PY
O
XO
X
图2-1
图2-2
解释:
如图2-1所示,在经济增长前,甲国在B点生产,出口 BC单位的X商品,进口CE单位的Y商品,在E点消费;如果资 本要素增长超过劳动要素增长,甲国会在B′点生产,出口 B′C′单位的X商品,进口C′E′单位的Y商品。在E′点消费,福 利水平从无差异曲线Ⅰ提高到Ⅱ。图2-2所示甲国的提供曲 线由经济增长前的1移动至1*。贸易规模缩小了。
国际经济word版
国际经济学关键名词与思考题关键名词:1国际经济学p2国际经济学以西方经济学的一般理论为基础,研究国际经济活动和国际经济关系,是一般西方经济理论在国际经济活动范围中的应用与延伸,是经济学体系的有机组成部分。
研究的主要对象有:国际贸易理论与政策、国际收支理论、汇率理论、要素的国际流动、国际投资理论、开放的宏观经济均衡、国际经济一体化的过程以及国际经济秩序等。
2开放经济p6经济学意义上的开放是指一个经济体与国外经济体有着经济往来,如存在国际贸易、国际金融或劳动力的往来,也就是说对外有进出口和货币、资本、劳动力的交流往来,本国经济与外国经济之间存在着密切的联系,即为开放经济封闭经济经济学意义上的封闭是指一个经济体在经济活动中没有与国外经济体的经济往来,如没有国际贸易或国际金融、劳动力交流,仅仅存在国内的经济活动等,本国经济与外国经济之间不存在紧密的联系,则被称为封闭经济3国际分工p国际分工是国际经济学最基本的出发点,国际分工即各国之间的劳动分工、生产的国际专业化,它是经济发展到一定阶段的必然产物,是社会分工从一国国内向国外延伸的过程和结果。
4绝对利益p13绝对利益是古典国际贸易理论中的学说之一,由英国古典经济学家亚当斯密提出,其基本含义为:在某一种类商品的生产上,一个经济体在劳动生产率上占有绝对优势,或其生产所耗费的劳动成本绝对低于另一经济体,若各个经济体都从事自己占有绝对优势的商品的生产,继而进行交换,那么双方都可以通过交换得到绝对利益,从而整个世界也可以获得分工的好处,世界的整体福利水平可以得到提高。
5比较利益p17比较利益学说的基本思路实际上由英国经济学家托伦斯提出来,英国古典经济学集大成者大卫李嘉图极大地发展了这一学说。
若两个国家的生产力水平不相等,甲国在生产任何产品时成本均低于乙国,处于绝对优势,乙国的劳动生产率在任何产品上均低于甲国,处于绝对劣势,两国进行贸易的可能性依然存在,因为两国劳动生产率之间的差距,并不是在任何产品上都一样,这样处于绝对优势的国家不必生产全部产品,而应该集中本国具有最大优势的产品,处于绝对劣势的国家也不必停产全部产品,而只应停止生产本国处于最大劣势的产品,通过自由交换,参与交换的国家可以节约社会劳动,增加产品的消费。
- 1、下载文档前请自行甄别文档内容的完整性,平台不提供额外的编辑、内容补充、找答案等附加服务。
- 2、"仅部分预览"的文档,不可在线预览部分如存在完整性等问题,可反馈申请退款(可完整预览的文档不适用该条件!)。
- 3、如文档侵犯您的权益,请联系客服反馈,我们会尽快为您处理(人工客服工作时间:9:00-18:30)。
200905003792 张雅欣东财09—1班
以云南——东盟贸易数据为基础论述云南在东盟市场中的比较优势及形成原因。
随着中国——东盟自由贸易区(CAFTA)的正式建成,贸易壁垒的消失使得各类商品在贸易中的竞争更加激烈,因此使得互补性商品的贸易显著增长。
云南作为中国连接东南亚最便捷的陆上通道,地处澜沧江-湄公河次区域经济合作的中心,以其独特的区位优势扮演着中国与东盟各国之间开展经贸合作的重要角色。
中国一东盟自由贸易区建设把具有独特区位优势的云南推向了对外开放的前沿,这既是新时期云南加快发展的重大机遇,也使云南面临新的竞争和挑战。
为此,我认为云南的发展应该借助区域经济一体化的趋势,客观看待一体化效应。
同时利用区位优势积极发展多边贸易,正确对待云南与东盟商品贸易的互补性,认清云南在东盟市场中的比较优势,才能实现资源的优化配置和各国有序的共同发展。
一、云南在东盟市场中的比较优势
2010年1月1日中国东盟自由贸易区全面启动以来,云南与东盟贸易额增长迅速。
据昆明海关统计,2010年云南省与东盟外贸总额达45.8亿美元,同比增长45.2%,高于全国平均水平7.7个百分点。
其中,向东盟国家出口29亿美元,同比增长38.1%;从东盟国家进口16.8亿美元,同比增长59.3 %。
与东盟外贸总额占全省外贸总额的比重达34.5%。
在产业结构方面,东盟国家在自然资源密集型产业上比较优势明显,云南在劳动密集型产业和技术密集型产业方面有比较优势,显示了良好的互补性①。
根据上述资料,我们可以明显看出云南与东盟的进出口总额在不断增长,这使得各类商品的贸易竞争也更加激烈,同时也表明云南与东盟的商品存在越来越紧密的互补关系。
(一)劳动密集型产业方面的比较优势
主要指部分农副产品、纺织品、服装、机电产品、金属制品(主要为钢铁)等。
统计显示,云南对东盟出口的主要商品为机电产品、农产品、化工产品和有色金属。
农产品出口6.4亿美元,同比增长53.8%,其中,“云花”出口1722万美元,“云茶”出口1197万美元,“云烟”出口1.5亿美元,蔬菜出口5.1亿美元,水果出口1亿美元,同比分别增长22.6%、25.9%、24.7%、96.1%、41.6%。
②
1. 部分农副产品
主要指的是烟草、猪、豆类、天然蜂蜜、辣椒、脱壳花生、蚕丝。
根据我国有关专家计算出的云南与东盟农产品的显性比较优势指数(RCA)中显示:中国和东盟农产品中存在竞争的是少数,而大多数存在自己的优势,互补大于竞争。
而中国有强出口竞争力(RCA>2.50)的农产品有猪、豆类、天然蜂蜜、辣椒、脱壳花生、蚕丝.③显性比较优势指数(RCA)主要侧重于对商品出口实值的计测,是用来反映商品在贸易中的相对比较优势的指标。
而云南烟草产品一直是我国具有很强竞争优势的出口大户,云南大型烟
①摘自——云南网讯《中国东盟自贸区成立一周年,云南对东盟贸易增速超四成》1月25日,记者(杨之辉)从昆明海关关区关长会议上获悉。
②摘自——同上。
③摘自——《云南与东盟农业合作研究》作者: 云南省科学学研究所云南省农业科学院农业经济与信息研究所编著第38页
草集团的技术装备和生产能力在国际市场上具有品牌优势。
2.纺织品及服装
云南不仅具有丰富的廉价劳力(低成本),并且生产设备也随着技术的发展不断进步。
加之融合了各名族的特色,使得款式多变,品质优良。
随着螺蛳湾商贸城的搬迁成功,更是扩大了服装的出口。
3.机电产品
根据我查阅相关资料以及平时到东盟各国旅游所见,了解到特别是东盟北部地区的一些国家的机电设备产业还很落后,它们的制造业还需要引进我国先进的技术与水平。
4.金属制品(主要为钢铁)
东盟北部地区经济正向工业化发展,城市的建设以及工业的发展都需要以重工业为支撑。
虽然冶金资源是东盟的优势,但其冶金工业仍然非常落后,自产冶金产品的总量太小,需要向国际市场进行规模购买。
而冶金技术一直是云南的优势,云南昆钢、云铜等企业的发展一直很好,因此,它与云南形成了很好的互补性关系。
(二)技术密集型产业方面的比较优势
主要指化工产品、有色金属、能源等。
首先,我们可以看到近年来云南的经济已经在不断发展,科技水平也在不断提高。
其次,国家也相继出台了许多的政策,以扶持云南经济的发展。
再次,云南拥有丰富多样的气候类型和动植物资源,有储量和开发潜力巨大、经济价值较高的矿产资源,有取之不尽且开发条件优越的水利资源,有风情荟萃的多民族文化资源……这就使得云南的技术密集型产业在东盟市场中占有比较优势。
1.化工产品
化工产品是一切工业发展的基础,需要大量的、长期的资金积累、技术积累和强大的产业配套能力。
云南在化工生产方面有很强的领先优势,而东盟对云南化工产品的需求量很大。
以磷化工产品为主的化工产品是依托云南资源优势发展起来的重要产业,目前已经成为具有很大比较优势的产品。
50多年来,云南省依托资源的比较优势发展磷化工,已发展成为我国磷肥和黄磷的重要生产基地,不仅支撑着全省化工的发展,而且为确保国家粮食安全和为国内外市场提供基础磷化工产品原料作出了积极的贡献。
④
2.有色金属
有色金属及其制品是云南出口东盟的又一主要产品,云南从东盟主要进口则是金属矿沙,形成具有良好互补性的产业内贸易⑤
云南省素有“有色金属王国”之称,资源保有量大。
而能源供应的优势又为有色金属产业提供了能源保障。
面对东盟市场,利用我省的区位优势,发挥云南省生产技术的优势,以技术输出、合作开发等方式,开辟东南亚的有色金属深加工市场。
3.能源
④摘自——《云南与东盟商品贸易互补性研究》作者:屠年松、洪文
⑤摘自——同上
云南的能源资源优势可以概括为:水能资源十分充足,煤资源相对丰富。
云南素有“水电王国”之称,随着云南水电事业的发展,电力的出口将会逐年增长,比重也将逐步扩大。
而东盟是云南电力出口的巨大市场,因为东盟未来城市等发展越来越迅速,电力将成为东盟北部地区最紧缺的能源之一。
云南煤资源相对丰富,在全国居第八位,良好的资源优势和较高的生产加工能力为煤炭及其制品向东盟出口提供了基础⑥。
随着经济的发展,对煤炭及其制品的需求将继续增长,双方贸易具有良好的互补性。
二、比较优势的形成原因
通过分析了云南在东盟市场中的比较优势,我认识到不管是技术密集型产业,还是劳动密集型产业,形成与之相对的比较优势的原因都离不开云南省自身的因素,和经济一体化趋势推动的因素,更重要的是云南省与东盟各国商品之间存在的巨大的互补性因素。
(一)内在因素
1.优越的地理位置:云南位于中国大陆同中南半岛、南亚次大陆的过渡地带,是中国连接东盟最便捷的陆上通道。
“全省共有8个边境地州、26个边境县市与越南、老挝、缅甸毗邻,边界线总长为4060公里,约占全国陆上边境线的1/5。
云南有11个国家一级口岸和9个省级口岸,对外通道90多条,128个县市已全部对外开放。
”⑦目前,从昆明经老挝到泰国曼谷的高速公路建设已经启动,从昆明到新加坡的泛亚铁路正在筹建中。
2010年昆曼公路全线通车后,昆曼跨国高速公路和泛亚铁路将成为云南联接东南亚的桥梁纽带,沟通云南与东盟之间的经贸物流,为云南经贸走向东南亚提供良好的交通条件。
2.丰富的资源:云南拥有丰富多样的气候资源、动植物资;储量和开发潜力巨大、经济价值较高的矿产资源;取之不尽且开发条件优越的水利资源、电力资源;同时拥有丰富的劳动力资源等。
3.技术优势:东盟大部分国家都是发展中国家,特别是与云南接壤的越南、老挝、缅甸、柬埔寨等国工业基础薄弱,工业制成品的自给率极低,日用消费品短缺,无法满足城乡人民生活和生产需要,中国产品在当地很受欢迎。
其中,云南的磷化工产品、卷烟、药品等在东南亚很有竞争优势,在水电、钢铁、机械、矿业等方面对东盟也有技术优势。
(二)外在因素
1.区域经济一体化趋势推动了云南与东盟各国产品之间的竞争,使得产品之间的互补性随之体现,因此出现了比较优势。
2.国家政策的大力扶持:随着中国——东盟自由贸易区(CAFTA)的正式建成,越来越多的关于贸易区的政策在云南已经能够贯彻与实施。
同时,国家也高度重视云南在东盟市场中的影响,出台了许多政策来扶持云南的发展。
3.东盟各国特别是北部多数国家的经济相对于中国还很落后,它们都是发展中国家,正处于工业化发展状态,各方面需求都很大,因此它们的发展也促进了云南与东盟的贸易关系。
⑥摘自——同上
⑦摘自——《云南与东盟经贸关系探析》作者:顾丽姝。