美国第37任总统尼克松就职演说(全文)
尼克松就职演讲
6. Richard Nixon - CheckersMy Fellow Americans,I come before youtonight as a candidate for the Vice Presidency and as a man whose honesty and integrity has been questioned.Now, the usual political thing to do whencharges are made against you is to either ignorethem or to deny them without giving details. I believe we've had enough of thatin the United States, particularly with the presentAdministration in Washington, D.C. To me the office ofthe Vice Presidency of the United States is a great office, and I feel that the people have got to have confidence inthe integrity of the men who run for that office and who might obtain it.I have a theory, too, that the best and only answer to a smear or to an honest misunderstanding of the facts is totell the truth. And that's why I'm here tonight. I want to tell you my side of the case. I'm sure that youhave read the charge, and you've heard it, thatI, Senator Nixon, took 18,000 dollars from a group of my supporters.Now, was that wrong? And let me say that it was wrong.I'm saying, incidentally, that it waswrong, not just illegal, because it isn't a question of whether it was legal or illegal, thatisn't enough. The question is, was it morally wrong? I say that it was morally wrong ifany of that 18,000 dollars went to Senator Nixon, for my personal use.I say that it was morallywrong if it was secretly given and secretly handled. And I say that it was morally wrong if anyof the contributors got special favors for the contributions that they made.And now to answer those questions letme say this: Not one cent of the 18,000 dollars or anyother money of that type ever went tome for my personal use. Every penny of it was used topay for political expenses that I did not think should be charged to the taxpayers of the United States. It was not a secretfund.As a matter of fact, whenI was on "Meet the Press" someof you may have seen it last Sunday PeterEdson came up to me after the program, and hesaid, "Dick, what aboutthis "fund" we hear about?" And I said, "Well, there's nosecret aboutit. Go out and see Dana Smith who was the administrator of the fund." And I gave him[Edson] his [Smith's] address. And I said you willfind that the purpose of the fund simply was to defray political expenses that I did not feel should be charged tothe Government.。
“只有曾身处最深的山谷,你才会知道登临群峰之巅是何等壮美”——尼克松对内阁成员和工作人员的告别演讲
“只有曾身处最深的山谷，你才会知道登临群峰之巅是何等壮美”——尼克松对白宫职员的告别演讲张少军译、校1974年8月8日，美国历史上一个悲剧性的时刻。
为了避免国会因“水门事件”对他的弹勀，尼克松总统向全国发表电视演讲，宣布他将在第二天中午在白宫辞去总统职务。
他成了美国历史上第一个被迫辞职的总统。
第二天的中午，在乘飞机离开之前，尼克松向白宫的工作人员发表告别演说。
这是一篇即兴演说，在整个演讲过程中，尼克松的情绪非常激动，这样的离开当然是很不体面的事情，但是他用这篇演讲为自己做最后的辩解。
他要堂堂正正地离开白宫。
时任国务卿的亨利·基辛格博士在《尼克松告别白宫前夕》一书中这样描绘当时的情形：“1974年8月9日（星期五）早晨，尼克松政府内阁成员和白宫办公厅人员最后一次聚集在白宫东翼。
我们中的许多人都可能记得两次就职庆祝场面的辉煌和宣誓就职的崇高期望。
上午9：30，侍从报告尼克松总统和夫人到，伴随的是一阵《向总统致敬》的乐声。
那令人辛酸的一刻简直叫人受不了。
“接着，尼克松发表了讲话。
那讲话杂乱无章的程度一如前夜向国人发表的辞职演说井井有条的程度；那情绪激动的程度一如前夜讲话不动声色的程度。
这篇讲话着实有点过了，就好像这些年他一直隐忍着，到了这一刻，他不得不将梦魇一吐为快。
他甚至第一次在公众场合戴眼镜，象征性地背弃了一向的虚荣和形象塑造。
“他的讲话耸人听闻令人伤心，但又无从避免。
尼克松离任时无法表现得像一贯在众人面前表现的那样无动于衷。
当时我自己也潸然泪下，为自己再次忍受这种折磨而愤怒；纵使尼克松最后一次亮相时同周围的人谈笑自如，我也会这样的。
当他赞扬自己的母亲时，我不合情理地心想他为什么漏讲到他的妻子帕特，尼克松未能使其信服的帕特此时一定比谁都悲哀。
“当讲台上的痛楚将我们团团包围时，连上述情绪都没了，在失败和耻辱中，尼克松终于战胜了自己。
同时，他把我们的拘谨也统统剥掉，在生命的情感面前，我们都是赤裸裸的。
名人演讲：尼克松沉默的大多数TheGreatSilentMajority
名人演讲：尼克松沉默的大多数TheGreat Silent Majority演讲者简介：理查德·米尔豪斯·尼克松(Richard Milhous Nixon，1913年1月9日-1994年4月22日)，第36任美国副总统(1953年-1961年)与第37任美国总统(1969年-1974年)。
尼克松是美国史上唯一当过两届总统与两届副总统的人，但也是唯一于在位期间，以辞职的方式离开总统职位的美国总统。
演讲背景介绍：1969年，美国深陷越南战争的泥潭，为了应付国内国外的压力弄的焦头烂额。
在越南，美军损兵折将，而在国内，反战运动风起云涌(看过《阿甘正传》的应该对反战运动的“盛况”有所认识)。
越战这个烫手的山芋于是如同现在的伊拉克一般，成了食之无味而弃之可惜的鸡肋。
当时的美国总统尼克松为了应对危局，在国内寻求广泛的人民的首肯，提出了“沉默的大多数”这个说法。
尼克松说，那些站出来游行示威、强烈反对越战、甚至攻击警察机关的人们，虽然显得声势浩大，但实际上却并非是多数，而绝大多数美国人的声音却被这些激进的呼喊所掩盖;绝大多数美国人都是爱国的，不希望国家走入颓势，只是种种原因，他们并未站出来表达自己的意见，而是处于沉默状态。
虽然，也有批评人士认为这是尼克松为自己的越战政策涂脂抹粉。
但他们也不得不承认，尼克松的这番话还真取得了不俗的效果，听过其演说的人，对他的支持率将近八成，而随后1972年的大选，尼克松以压倒性的胜利获得连任，也不能不提这“沉默的大多数”的功劳。
Good evening, my fellow Americans.晚上好!亲爱的同胞们：Tonight I want to talk to you on a subject of deep concernto all Americans and to many people in all parts of the world,the war in Vietnam.今晚，我想与各位探讨一个问题，这是所有美国人和全球无数人所深切关注的一个问题——越南战争。
尼克松讲话
There is no reason for us to be enemies. Neither of us seeks the territory of the other; neither of us seeks domination over the other, neither of us seeks to stretch out our hands and rule the world. Chairman Mao has written, “So many deeds cry out to be done, and always urgently; the world rolls on, time presses. Ten thousand years are too long, seize the day, seize the hour!”
因此，让我们在今后的五天里一起开始一次长征吧，不是在一 起迈步，而是在不同的道路上向同一个目标前进。这个目标就 是建立一个和平正义的世界结构，在这个世界结构中，所有的 人都可以在一起享有同等的尊严；每个国家，不论大小，都有 权利决定它自己政府的形式，而不受外来的干涉或统治。全世 界在注视着。全世界在倾听着。全世界在等待我们将做些什么。 这个世界是怎样的呢？就我个人来讲，我想到我的女儿，今天 是她的生日。当我想到她的时候，我就想到全世界所有的儿童， 亚洲、非洲、欧洲以及美洲的儿童，他们大多都是中华人民共 和国成立后出生的。
Speech by President Nixon of the United States at Welcoming Banquet 美国总统尼克松在欢迎宴会上 的讲话
尼克松，美国第３７任总统，共和党人。曾 做过律师，当过兵，任过参议员。１９６８ 年当选为总统。后又连任。因“水门事件” 被迫辞职。任内他提出“尼克松主义”，实 现与越南停火，与中国改善关系，并访问中 国。这是１９７２年２月访问中国时的一篇 讲话
历届美国总统就职演说中英双语
历届美国总统就职演说中英双语第一篇范文：美国历届总统就职演讲稿First Inaugural Address of George WashingtonTHE CITY OF NEW YORK__Y, APRIL 30, 1789Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives: Among the vicissitudes incident to life no event could have filled me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was transmitted by your order, and received on the 14th day of the present month. On the one hand, I was summoned by my Country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylum of my declining years―a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time. On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence one who (inheriting inferior endowments from nature and unpracticed in the duties of civil administration) ought tobe peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies. In this conflict of emotions all I dare aver is that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected. All I dare hope is that if, in executing this task, I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me, my error will be palliated by the motives which mislead me, and its consequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality in which they originated.Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that His benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States a Government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and private good, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than myown, nor those of my fellow- citizens at large less than either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the Invisible Hand which conducts the affairs of men more than those of the United States. Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency; and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities from which the event has resulted can not be compared with the means by which most governments have been established without some return of pious gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage. These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence. By the article establishing the executive department it is made the duty of the President “to recommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient." The circumstances under which I now meet you will acquit me from entering into that subject further than to refer to the great constitutional charter under which you are assembled, and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given. It will be more consistent with thosecircumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of a recommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents,the rectitude, and the patriotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them. In these honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges that as on one side no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views nor party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests, so, on another, that the foundation of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality, and the preeminence of free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens and command the respect of the world. I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country can inspire, since there is no truth more thoroughly established than that there exists in the economy and courseof nature an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness; between duty and advantage; between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity; since we ought to be no less persuaded that the propitious smiles of Heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right which Heaven itself has ordained; and since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republicanmodel of government are justly considered, perhaps, as deeply, as finally, staked on the experiment entrusted to the hands of the American people.Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your care, it will remain with your judgment to decide how far an exercise of the occasional power delegated by the fifth article of the Constitution is rendered expedient at the present juncture by the nature of objections which have been urged against the system, or by the degree of inquietude which has given birth to them. Instead of undertaking particular recommendations on this subject, in which I could be guided by no lights derived from official opportunities, I shall again give way to my entire confidence in your discernment and pursuit of the public good; for I assure myself that whilst you carefully avoid every alteration which might endanger the benefits of an united and effective government, or which ought to await the future lessons of experience, a reverence for the characteristic rights of freemen and a regard for the public harmony will sufficiently influence your deliberations on the question how far the former can be impregnably fortified or the latter be safely and advantageously promoted.To the foregoing observations I have one to add, which will be most properly addressed to the House of Representatives. It concerns myself, and will therefore be as brief as possible. When I was first honored with a call into the service of my country, then on the eve of an arduous struggle for its liberties, the light in which I contemplated my duty required that Ishould renounce every pecuniary compensation. From this resolution I have in no instance departed; and being still under the impressions which produced it, I must decline as inapplicable to myself any share in the personal emoluments which may be indispensably included in a permanent provision for the executive department, and must accordingly pray that the pecuniary estimates for the station in which I am placed may during my continuance in it be limited to such actual expenditures as the public good may be thought to require.Having thus imparted to you my sentiments as they have been awakened by the occasion which brings us together, I shall take my present leave; but not without resorting once more to the benign Parentof the Human Race in humble supplication that, since He has been pleased to favor the American people with opportunities for deliberating in perfect tranquillity, and dispositions for deciding with unparalleled unanimity on a form of government for the security of their union and the advancement of their happiness, so His divine blessing may be equally conspicuous in the enlarged views, the temperate consultations, and the wise measures on which the success of this Government must depend.Second Inaugural Address of George WashingtonTHE CITY OF __LPHIAMONDAY, MARCH 4, 1793Fellow Citizens:I am again called upon by the voice of my country to execute the functions of its Chief Magistrate. When the occasion proper for it shall arrive, I shall endeavor to express the high sense I entertain of this distinguished honor, and of the confidence which has been reposed in me by the people of united America.Previous to the execution of any official act of the President the Constitution requires an oath of office. This oath I am now about to take, and in your presence: That if it shall be found during my administration of the Government I have in any instance violated willingly or knowingly the injunctions thereof, I may (besides incurring constitutional punishment) be subject to the upbraidings of all who are now witnesses of the present solemn ceremony.Inaugural Address of John Adams__AL __ IN THE CITY OF __LPHIA__Y, MARCH 4, 1797When it was first perceived, in early times, that no middle course for America remained between unlimited submission to a foreign legislature and a total independence of its claims, men of reflection were less apprehensive of danger from the formidable power of fleets and armies they must determine to resist than from those contests and dissensions which would certainly arise concerning the forms of government to be instituted over the whole and over the parts of this extensive country.Relying, however, on the purity of their intentions, the justice of their cause, and the integrity and intelligence of the people, under an overruling Providence which had so signally protected this country from the first, the representatives of this nation, then consisting of little more than half its present number, not only broke to pieces the chains which were forging and the rod of iron that was lifted up, but frankly cut asunder the ties which had bound them, and launched into an ocean of uncertainty.The zeal and ardor of the people during the Revolutionary war, supplying the place of government, commanded a degree of order sufficient at least for the temporary preservation of society. The Confederation which was early felt to be necessary was prepared from the models of the Batavian and Helvetic confederacies, the only examples which remain with any detail and precision in history, and certainly the only ones which the people at large had ever considered. But reflecting on the striking difference in so many particulars between this country and those where a courier may go from the seat of government to the frontier in a single day, it was then certainly foreseen by some who assisted in Congress at the formation of it that it could not be durable.Negligence of its regulations, inattention to its recommendations, if not disobedience to its authority, not only in individuals but in States, soon appeared with their melancholy consequences― universal languor, jealousies and rivalries of States, decline of navigation and commerce,discouragement of necessary manufactures, universal fall in the value of lands and their produce, contempt of public and private faith, loss of consideration and credit with foreign nations, and at length in discontents, animosities, combinations, partial conventions, and insurrection, threatening some great national calamity.In this dangerous crisis the people of America were not abandoned by their usual good sense, presence of mind, resolution, or integrity. Measures were pursued to concert a plan to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty. The public disquisitions, discussions, and deliberations issued in the present happy Constitution of Government.Employed in the service of my country abroad during the whole course of these transactions, I first saw the Constitution of the United States in a foreign country. Irritated by no literary altercation, animated by no public debate, heated by no party animosity, I read it with great satisfaction, as the result of good heads prompted by good hearts, as an experiment better adapted to the genius, character, situation, and relations of this nation and countrythan any which had ever been proposed or suggested. In its general principles and great outlines it was conformable to such a system of government as I had ever most esteemed, and in some States, my ownnative State in particular, had contributed to establish. Claiming a right of suffrage, in common with my fellow-citizens, in the adoption or rejection of a constitution which was to rule me and my posterity, as well as them and theirs, I did not hesitate to express my approbation of it on all occasions, in public and in private. It was not then, nor has been since, any objection to it in my mind that the Executive and Senate were not more permanent. Nor have I ever entertained a thought of promoting any alteration in it but such as the people themselves, in the course of their experience, should see and feel to be necessary or expedient, and by their representatives in Congress and the State legislatures, according to the Constitution itself, adopt and ordain.Returning to the bosom of my country after a painful separation from it for ten years, I had the honor to be elected to a station under the new order of things, and I have repeatedly laid myself under the most serious obligations to support the Constitution. The operation of it has equaled the most sanguine expectations of its friends, and from an habitual attention to it, satisfaction in its administration, and delight in its effects upon the peace, order, prosperity, and happiness of the nation I have acquired an habitual attachment to it and veneration for it.What other form of government, indeed, can so well deserve our esteem and love?There may be little solidity in an ancient idea that congregations ofmen into cities and nations are the most pleasing objects in the sight of superior intelligences, but this is very certain, that to a benevolent human mind there can be no spectacle presented by any nation more pleasing, more noble, majestic, or august, than an assembly like that which has so often been seen in this and the other Chamber of Congress, of a Government in which the Executive authority, as well as that of all the branches of the Legislature, are exercised by citizens selected at regular periods by their neighbors to make and execute laws for the general good. Can anything essential, anything more than mere ornament and decoration, be added to this by robes and diamonds? Can authority be more amiable and respectable when it descends from accidents or institutions established in remote antiquity than when it springs fresh from the hearts and judgments of an honest and enlightened people? For it is the people only that are represented. It is their power and majesty that is reflected, and only for their good, in every legitimate government, under whatever form it may appear. The existence of such a government as ours for any length of time is a full proof of a general dissemination of knowledge and virtue throughout the whole body of the people. And what object or consideration more pleasing than this can be presented to the human mind? If national pride is ever justifiable or excusable it is when it springs, not from power or riches, grandeur or glory, but from conviction of national innocence, information, and benevolence.In the midst of these pleasing ideas we should be unfaithful to ourselves if we should ever lose sight of the danger to our liberties if anything partial or extraneous should infect the purity of our free, fair, virtuous, and independent elections. If an election is to be determined by a majority of a single vote, and that can be procured by a party through artifice or corruption, the Government may be the choice of a party for its own ends, not of the nation for the national good. If that solitary suffrage can be obtained by foreign nations by flattery or menaces, by fraud or violence, by terror, intrigue, or venality, the Government may not be the choice of the American people, but of foreign nations. It may be foreign nations who govern us, and not we, the people, who govern ourselves; and candid men will acknowledge that in such cases choice would have little advantage to boast of over lot or chance. Such is the amiable and interesting system of government (and such are some of the abuses to which it may be exposed) which the people of America have exhibited to the admiration and anxiety of the wise and virtuous of all nations for eight years under the administration of a citizen who, by a long course of great actions, regulated by prudence, justice, temperance, and fortitude, conducting a people inspired with the same virtues and animated with the same ardent patriotism and love of liberty to independence and peace, to increasing wealth and unexampled prosperity, has merited the gratitude of his fellow-citizens, commanded the highest praises of foreign nations, andsecured immortal glory with posterity.In that retirement which is his voluntary choice may he long live to enjoy the delicious recollection of his services, the gratitude of mankind, the happy fruits of them to himself and the world, which are daily increasing, and that splendid prospect of the future fortunes of this country which is opening from year to year. His name may be still a rampart, and the knowledge that he lives a bulwark, against all open or secret enemies of his country's peace. This example has been recommended to the imitation of his successors by both Houses of Congress and by the voice of the legislatures and the people throughout the nation.On this subject it might become me better to be silent or to speak with diffidence; but as something may be expected, the occasion, I hope, will be admitted as an apology if I venture to say that if a preference, upon principle, of a free republican government, formed upon long and serious reflection, after a diligent and impartial inquiry after truth; if an attachment to the Constitution of the United States, and a conscientious determination to support it until it shall be altered by the judgments and wishes of the people, expressed in the mode prescribed in it; if a respectful attention to the constitutions of the individual States and a constant caution and delicacy toward the State governments; if an equal and impartial regard to the rights, interest, honor, and happiness of all the States in the Union,without preference or regard to a northern or southern, an eastern or western, position, their various political opinions on unessential points or their personal attachments; if a love of virtuous men of all parties and denominations; if a love of science and letters and a wish to patronize every rational effort to encourage schools, colleges, universities, academies, and every institution for propagating knowledge, virtue, and religion among all classes of the people, not only for their benign influence on the happiness of life in all its stages and classes, and of society in all its forms, but as the only means of preserving our Constitution from its natural enemies, the spirit of sophistry, the spirit of party, the spirit of intrigue, the profligacy of corruption, and the pestilence of foreign influence, which is the angel of destruction to elective governments; if a love of equal laws, of justice, and humanity in the interior administration; if an inclination to improve agriculture, commerce, and manufacturers for necessity, convenience, and defense; if a spirit of equity and humanity toward the aboriginal nations of America, and a disposition to meliorate their condition by inclining them to be more friendly to us, and our citizens to be more friendly to them; if an inflexible determination to maintain peace and inviolable faith with all nations, and that system of neutrality and impartiality among the belligerent powers of Europe which has been adopted by this Government and so solemnly sanctioned by both Houses of Congress and applauded by the legislatures of the States and the publicopinion, until it shall be otherwise ordained by Congress; if a personal esteem for the French nation, formed in a residence of seven years chiefly among them, and a sincere desire to preserve the friendship which has been so much for the honor and interest of both nations; if, while the conscious honor and integrity of the people of America and the internal sentiment of their own power and energies must be preserved, an earnest endeavor to investigate every just cause and remove every colorable pretense of complaint; if an intention to pursue by amicable negotiation a reparation for the injuries that have been committed on the commerce of our fellow-citizens by whatever nation, and if success can not be obtained, to lay the facts before the Legislature, that they may consider what further measures the honor and interest of the Government and its constituents demand; if a resolution to do justice as far as may depend upon me, at all times and to all nations, and maintain peace, friendship, and benevolence with all the world; if an unshaken confidence in the honor, spirit, and resources of the American people, on which I have so often hazarded my all and never been deceived; if elevated ideas of the high destinies of this country and of my own duties toward it, founded on a knowledge of the moral principles and intellectual improvements of the people deeply engraven on my mind in early life, and not obscured but exalted by experience and age; and, with humble reverence, I feel it to be my duty to add, if a veneration for the religion of a people who profess and callthemselves Christians, and a fixed resolution to consider a decent respect for Christianity among the best recommendations for the public service, can enable me in any degree to comply with第二篇范文：美国历届总统就职演说华盛顿：First Inaugural Address of George WashingtonTHE CITY OF NEW YORK__Y, APRIL 30, 1789Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives: Among the vicissitudes incident to life no event could have filled me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was transmitted by your order, and received on the 14th day of the present month. On the one hand, I was summoned by my Country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylum of my declining years--a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time. On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence one who (inheriting inferior endowmentsfrom nature and unpracticed in the duties of civiladministration) ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies. In this conflict of emotions all I dare aver is that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected. All I dare hope is that if, in executing this task, I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me, my error will be palliated by the motives which mislead me, and its consequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality in which they originated.Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that His benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States a Government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and privategood, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own, nor those of my fellow- citizens at large less than either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the Invisible Hand which conducts the affairs of men more than those of the United States. Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency; and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities from which the event has resulted can not be compared with the means by which most governments have been established without some return of pious gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage. These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence.By the article establishing the executive department it is made the duty of the President "torecommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient." Thecircumstances under which I now meet you will acquit me fromentering into that subject further than to refer to the great constitutional charter under which you are assembled, and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given. It will be more consistent with thosecircumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of arecommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them. In these honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges that as on one side no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views nor party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage ofcommunities and interests, so, on another, that the foundation of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality, and the preeminence of free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens and command the respect of the world. I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country can inspire, since there is no truth more thoroughly established than that there exists in the economy and course of nature an indissoluble unionbetween virtue and happiness; between duty and advantage; between。
美国第37任总统尼克松就职演说(全文)
美国第37任总统尼克松就职演说(全文)时间：1969年1月20日地点：国会大厦德克森参议员、最高法院首席法官先生、副总统先生、约翰逊总统、汉弗莱副总统、美国同胞们、全世界的公民们：今天，在这个时刻，我要求你们和我分享这种崇高肃穆的感情。
在有秩序的权力交接中，我们欢庆我们的团结一致，它使我们保有自由。
历史巨轮飞转，分分秒秒的时间都十分宝贵，也独具意义。
但是有些瞬间却成为新的起点，定下其后数十年及至几个世纪的行程。
现在，由于世界人民要求和平，各国领导人惧怕战争，所以在历史上第一次，时代站到了和平方面。
历史能授予的最光荣称号莫过于“和平的缔造者”了。
这最高荣誉现在正召唤美国。
美国有机会引导世界最终从动乱的深渊中拔足，走向人类自有文明以来即梦寐以求的和平宽阔高地。
如果我们能够成功，后辈子孙提到我们现在活着的人时，将会说我们驾驭了我们的时代，为人类求得了世界安全。
三分之一世纪以前，富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福曾经站在这里向全国演说，当时国家正受经济不景气困扰，陷于惶恐中。
他看到国家当时的种种困难，却仍然能够说：“感谢上帝，我国的困难毕竟只在物质方面。
”今天我们的危机正相反。
我们物质丰富，却精神贫乏；我们以非凡的准确程度登上了月球，但地球上却陷入了一片混乱。
我们卷人了战争，没有和平。
我们四分五裂，没有团结。
我们看到周围的人生活空虚，没有充实的内容；我们看到许多工作需要完成，却没有人手去做。
对于精神的危机，我们需要精神的解决办法。
为了找到解决办法，我们只需省视自身。
当我们估量能够做什么时，我们只应许诺能做到的事。
但在制订目标时，却要有远大的理想。
如果你的邻舍没有自由，你就不会得到完全的自由。
只有共同前进才能前进。
这就是说黑人和白人共有一个国家，不是分为两个。
法律是按照我们的良心制订的。
剩下的问题就是赋予法律条文以生命：保证既然一切人在上帝面前生来就有同等的尊严，在人的面前也应有同等的尊严。
我们在国内要学会团结所有人共同前进，让我们也努力求得全人类的共同前进吧。
尼克松的辞职演讲（共3篇）
尼克松的辞职演讲(共3篇)回目录尼克松的辞职演讲Goodevening:Thisisthe37thtimeIhavespokentoyoufromthisoffice,wheresoma nydecisionshavebeen madethatshapethehistoryofthisnation.EachtimeIhavedonesotod iscuwithyousome matterthatIbelieveaffectedthenationalinterest.Inallthedecisions Ihavemadeinmypubliclife Ihavealwaystriedtodowhatwasbestforthenation. ThroughoutthelonganddifficultperiodofWatergate,Ihavefeltitw asmydutytopersevereto#url#hepastfewdays,however,ithasbecomeevidenttomethatInolongerhaveastro ngenoughpoliticalbasein theCongretojustifycontinuingthateffort.Aslongastherewassuch abase,Ifeltstronglythatit wasnecessarytoseetheconstitutionalprocethroughtoitsconclusion.Thattodootherwise wouldbeunfaithfultothespiritofthatdeliberatelydifficultprocess, andadangerously destabilizingprecedentforthefuture.Butwiththedisappearanceof thatbase,Inowbelievethat theconstitutionalpurposehasbeenserved.Andthereisnolongeran eedfortheprocetobe#url#12prolonged. Iwouldhavepreferredtocarrythroughtothefinishwhateverthepers onalagonyitwouldhaveinvolved,andmyfamilyunanimouslyurgedmetodoso.Buttheinter estsofthenationmust alwayscomebeforeanypersonalconsiderations. FromthediscussionsIhavehadwithCongressionalandotherleader sIhaveconcludedthat becauseoftheWatergatematterImightnothavethesupportoftheCo ngrethatIwouldconsider necessarytobacktheverydifficultdecisionsandcarryouttheduties ofthisofficeinthewaytheinterestsofthenationwillrequire. Ihaveneverbeenaquitter.Toleaveofficebeforemytermiscomplete disabhorrenttoeveryinstinctinmybody.ButasPresident,ImustputtheinterestsofAmeri cafirst. AmericaneedsafulltimePresidentandafulltimeCongress,particul arlyatthistimewithproblems wefaceathomeandabroad.Tocontinuetofightthroughthemonthsa headformypersonal vindicationwouldalmosttotallyabsorbthetimeandattentionofbot hthePresidentandthe Congreinaperiodwhenourentirefocusshouldbeonthegreatissues ofpeaceabroadand prosperitywithoutinflationathome.Therefore,IshallresignthePre sidencyeffectiveatnoontomorrow.VicePresidentFordwillbesworninasPresidentatthatho urinthisoffice. AsIrecallthehighhopesforAmericawithwhichwebeganthissecon dterm,Ifeelagreatsadness thatIwillnotbehereinthisofficeworkingonyourbehalftoachievethosehopesinthenexttwoandahalfyears.ButinturningoverdirectionoftheGovernmenttoVi cePresidentFordIknow,as ItoldthenationwhenInominatedhimforthatofficetenmonthsago,t hattheleadershipofAmericawouldbeingoodhands. InpassingthisofficetotheVicePresident,Ialsodosowiththeprofou ndsenseoftheweightof responsibilitythatwillfallonhisshoulderstomorrow,andtherefore oftheunderstanding,thepatience,thecooperationhewillneedfromallAmericans.Asheass umesthatresponsibilityhewill deservethehelpandthesupportofallofus.Aswelooktothefuture,th efirstessentialistobegin#url#utthebitterneanddivisionsoftherecentpastbehindus andtorediscoverthosesharedidealsthatlieattheheartofourstrengt handunityasagreatandasafreepeople.judgmentsmightdiffer. Soletusallnowjointogetherinaffirmingthatcommoncommitment andinhelpingournewPresidentsucceedforthebenefitofallAmericans.Ishallleavethisof ficewithregretatnot completingmytermbutwithgratitudefortheprivilegeofservingas yourPresidentforthepastfiveandahalfyears.Theseyearshavebeenamomentoustimeintheh istoryofournationandtheworld.Theyhavebeenatimeofachievementinwhichwecanallbepr oud,achievementsthat representthesharedeffortsoftheadministration,theCongreandthe people.Butthechallengesaheadareequallygreat.Andthey,too,willrequirethesupportandthe effortsoftheCongreandthepeople,workingincooperationwiththenewAdministration. WehaveendedAmerica'slongestwar.Butintheworkofsecur ingalastingpeaceintheworld,the goalsaheadareevenmorefar-reachingandmoredifficult.Wemustc ompleteastructureofpeace,sothatitwillbesaidofthisgeneration—ourgenerationofAmerican s—bythepeopleofallnations, notonlythatweendedonewarbutthatwepreventedfuturewars. WehaveunlockedthedoorsthatforaquarterofacenturystoodbetweentheUnitedStatesandthePeople'sRepublicofChina.Wemustnowinsurethattheone-q uarteroftheworld'speoplewholiveinthePeople'sRepublicofChinawillbeandremain,notouren emies,butourfriends.IntheMiddleEast,100millionpeopleintheArabcountries,manyof whomhaveconsideredustheirenemyfornearly20years,nowlookonusastheirfriends.Wem ustcontinuetobuildonthat friendshipsothatpeacecansettleatlastovertheMiddleEastandsoth atthecradleofcivilizationwillnotbecomeitsgrave.TogetherwiththeSovietUnion,wehavem adethecrucialbreakthroughs thathavebeguntheproceoflimitingnucleararms.But,wemustsetas ourgoal,notjustlimiting, butreducingandfinallydestroyingtheseterribleweapons,sothatth eycannotdestroycivilization. Andsothatthethreatofnuclearwarwillnolongerhangovertheworl dandthepeople.Wehave openedanewrelationwiththeSovietUnion.Wemustcontinuetodevelopandexpandthatnewrelationship,sothatthetwostrongestnationsoftheworldwillliveto getherincooperationratherthanconfrontation.AroundtheworldinAsia,inAfrica,inLatinAmerica,intheMiddleE asttherearemillionsof peoplewholiveinterriblepoverty,evenstarvation.Wemustkeepas ourgoalturningawayfrom productionforwarandexpandingproductionforpeacesothatpeopl eeverywhereonthisearthcanatlastlookforward,intheirchildren'stime,ifnotinourownti me,tohavingthenecessitiesforadecentlife.Here,inAmerica,wearefortunatethatmostofourpeople havenotonlytheblessings oflibertybutalsothemeanstolivefullandgood,andbytheworld&# 39;sstandardsevenabundantlives.Wemustpreon,however,towardagoalnotonlyofmoreandbetterjo bsbutoffullopportunity#url#14foreveryAmerican,andofwhatwearestrivingsohardrightnowt oachieveprosperitywithoutinflation. Formorethanaquarterofacenturyinpubliclife,Ihavesharedinthet urbulenthistoryofthisevening.IhavefoughtforwhatIbelievein.Ihavetried,tothebestofm yability,todischarge thosedutiesandmeetthoseresponsibilitiesthatwereentrustedtome .SometimesIhavesucceeded. AndsometimesIhavefailed.ButalwaysIhavetakenheartfromwha tTheodoreRooseveltonce saidaboutthemaninthearena,whosefaceismarredbydustandswea tandblood,whostrivesvaliantly,whoerrsandcomesshortagainandagainbecausethereisn oteffortwithouterrorandshortcoming,butwhodoesactuallystrivetodothedeed,whoknows thegreatenthusiasms,thegreatdevotions,whospendshimselfinaworthycause,whoatthebes tknowsintheendthe triumphsofhighachievementsandwiththeworstifhefails,atleastfa ilswhiledaringgreatly. IpledgetoyoutonightthataslongasIhaveabreathoflifeinmybody,I shallcontinueinthatspirit.IshallcontinuetoworkforthegreatcausestowhichIhavebeen dedicatedthroughoutmyyearsasaCongressman,aSenator,VicePresidentandPresident,the causeofpeacenotjustfor Americabutamongallnationsprosperity,justiceandopportunityfo rallofourpeople. ThereisonecauseabovealltowhichIhavebeendevotedandtowhic hIshallalwaysbedevotedforaslongasIlive.WhenIfirsttooktheoathofofficeasPresidentfive andahalfyearsago,Imadethissacredcommitment:toconsecratemyoffice,myenergies, andallthewisdomIcan summontothecauseofpeaceamongnations.I'vedonemyver ybestinallthedayssincetobetruetothatpledge.Asaresultoftheseefforts,Iamconfidentthattheworld isasaferplacetoday,not onlyforthepeopleofAmericabutforthepeopleofallnations,andtha tallofourchildrenhavea betterchancethanbeforeoflivinginpeaceratherthandyinginwar. This,morethananything,iswhatIhopedtoachievewhenIsoughtthe Presidency.This,morethananything,iswhatIhopewillbemylegacytoyou,toourcountry,asIle avethePresidency.Tohave servedinthisofficeistohavefeltaverypersonalsenseofkinshipwith eachandeveryAmerican.Inleavingit,Idosowiththisprayer:MayGod'sgracebewithy ouinallthedaysahead.尼克松辞职演讲全文译文2017-01-11 05:00:47 | #2楼回目录尼克松辞职演讲全文晚上好：这是第37次时，我曾向你从这个办公室，在如此众多的决定已形成的历史，这个国家。
美国历届总统就职演讲(中英文对照)
第44任总统奥巴马发表就职演说My fellow citizens:我的同胞们：I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.今天我站在这里，看到眼前面临的重大任务，深感卑微。
我感谢你们对我的信任，也知道先辈们为了这个国家所作的牺牲。
我要感谢布什总统为国家做出的贡献，以及感谢他在两届政府过渡期间给与的慷慨协作。
Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath. The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because We the People have remained faithful to the ideals of our forbearers, and true to our founding documents.迄今为止，已经有44个美国总统宣誓就职。
历届美国总统就职演说 中英双语
历届美国总统就职演说中英双语
历届美国总统就职演说优习网> 英语听力> 听力教程> 历届美国总统就职演说
1933年罗斯福、1949年杜鲁门、1953年艾森豪威尔、1961年肯尼迪、1963年约翰逊、1969年尼克松、1974年福特、1977年卡特、1981年里根、1989年乔治·H·W·布什、1993年克林顿、2001年乔治·W·布什、2009年奥巴马就职演说！·2009年美国第44任总统奥巴马就职演说
·2001年美国总统布什就职演说
·1993年美国总统克林顿就职演说
·1989年美国总统老布什就职演说
·1981年美国总统里根就职演说
·1974年美国总统福特就职演说
·1969年美国总统尼克松就职演说
·1961年美国总统肯尼迪就职演说·1965年美国总统约翰逊就职演说·1953年美国总统艾森豪威尔就职演说·1949年美国总统杜鲁门就职演说·1933年美国总统罗斯福就职演说·1974年美国总统福特就职演说。
风波水门的故事作文
风波水门的故事作文1972年，第37任总统理查德·尼克松经过一番苦斗，大选获胜，连任总统。
然而，历史却跟他开了一个无情的玩笑，他的第二届任期未满就被迫宣布辞职，成为美国历任的40位总统中第一个享此“殊荣”的总统。
接任总统职务的杰拉尔德·福特在就职时说，美国“这场漫长的恶梦已经过去”。
事件发生在竞选期间。
1972年6月17日，有五个身份不明的人悄悄潜入在华盛顿的“水门”大厦。
这里是民主党全国委员会总部。
这五个人行动诡秘，引起了警卫人员的警惕，对他们进行了监视。
发现他们原来是在安装电话窃听器，并偷拍资料，警卫人员当即将这五人抓获。
经查实，这几个人中有一个是共和党争取尼克松连任总统委员会的安全顾问詹姆斯·麦科德。
显然，这件事与尼克松有直接关系。
接着，又逮捕了前白宫助理戈登·利迪和霍华德·亨特。
应该说，这件事对尼克松是非常不利的。
正好被处于劣势的民主党竟选对手乔治·麦戈文用来大做文章，他还列举了大量事例，证明尼克松政府是历史上最腐败的政府。
水门事件披露以后，前司法部长约翰·米切尔以争取总统连任委员会主席的身份发表声明，说被捕者的行动不代表该委员会，是未经他同意擅自行动。
之后在各派势力呼吁和敦促的压力下，尼克松于8月29日发表声明，宣布在现政府雇用的人员中，没有一个卷入这件稀奇古怪的事件。
他完全可以相信米切尔对此一无所知。
可是，事过不久，忽然节外生枝，米切尔的夫人由于被水门事件冲击得神经失常，竟然告诉记者，说她有一本记载水门事件具体步骤的手册，并讲述了她本人所了解的全部细节。
尼克松总统在无可奈何的情况下，只好让米切尔辞去争取总统连任委员会主席的职务。
麦戈文竭尽全力想掀起一股反对政府腐败的浪潮。
但大多数选民只将这种事看作是政治斗争中勾心斗角的表现，不久就置之脑后。
1972年9月15日，司法机关宣布了对水门闯入事件的起诉书，其中只提到利迪和亨特及在民主党总部被捕的五个人。
最新-美国总统就职典礼要人命 精品
美国总统就职典礼要人命美国总统就职典礼要人命按惯例，美国新任总统都要举行以下程序宣誓就职、发表就职取演说、民众举行庆祝总统的就职游行。
整个仪式隆重而热闹，然而总是会出现这样或那样的尴尬场面。
被支持者吓得落荒而逃1829年，总统杰克逊宣誓就职结束后，本应离开白宫，而他却多此一举，想要表现自己的亲民，竟对守候在外面的支持者说白宫是属于美国人民的，谁都有权利进入这座建筑。
话音刚落，人们便如潮水般涌进了白宫，警戒线顿时被冲破，服务生被撞倒，地毯被踩烂，家具被踢翻……如此恐怖的场面，吓坏了这位曾因击败英军而名声大振的英雄，杰克逊站在那里呆若木鸡，幸亏保镖在关键时刻反应敏捷，架起脸色煞白的他从后门逃脱。
就职典礼要任命1841年，哈里森当选总统，举行就职仪式那天，天气非常寒冷，但性格倔强的哈里森却拒绝乘坐马车而要坚持步行去国会大厦。
他穿着很单薄的西装，并且没有戴帽子，而他的演讲稿却出奇地长，演讲时间长达1小时45分，创造了美国总统就职演讲时间之最。
正是这次的大出风头，使他染上了急性肺炎，并很快于次月因医治无效而病逝。
副总统醉酒搞砸仪式1865年，美国第16任总统林肯举行就职仪式，他的亲密搭档、副总统安德鲁·约翰逊竟喝得醉醺醺的。
林肯演讲完毕后，在接下来他的演讲中，却满口胡言乱语，尤其那句没有我的鼎力相助，林肯这小子做梦也休想当上总统，让所有参加仪式的人唏嘘不已，就职典礼被他搞得一塌糊涂。
事后媒体警告说别以为副总统就是总统最亲密的搭档，当他的大脑被酒精医学专用后，他才不管你是谁呢。
总统名字被张冠李戴1961年，在第35任总统肯尼迪的就职典礼上，美国著名诗人罗伯特·弗罗斯特精心准备了一首诗，本想在仪式上好好朗诵一番，但令这位65岁的老诗人没料到的是，那天阳光非常刺眼，他根本看不清楚自己写了些什么。
弗罗斯特只好放弃了原来已准备好的那首诗，背诵起另外一首诗。
也许是因为年龄大了或是过于紧张，在背诵完这首诗后，弗罗斯特竟说谨以此诗献给尊敬的新任总统约翰，芬雷先生。
辞职演讲(尼克松
Resignation Speech辞职演讲（尼克松）This is the 37th time I have spoken to you from this office where so many decisions have been made that shape the history of this nation. Each time I have done so to discuss with you some matters that I believe affected the national interest. And all the decisions I have made in my public life I have always tried to do what was best for the nation.Throughout the long and difficult period of Watergate, I have felt it was my duty to persevere, to make every possible effort to complete the term of office to which you elected me.In the past few days, however, it has become evident to me that I no longer have a strong enough political base in the Congress to justify continuing that effort. As long as there was such a base, I felt strongly that it was necessary to see the constitutional process through to its conclusion, that to do otherwise would be unfaithful to the spirit of that deliberately difficult process, and a dangerously destabilizing precedent for the future.But with the disappearance of that base, I now believe that the constitutional purpose has been served. And there is no longer a need for the process to be prolonged.I would have preferred to carry through to the finish whatever the personal agony it would have involved, and my family unanimously urged me to do so. But the interests of the nation must always come before any personal considerations. From the discussions I have had with Congressional and other leaders I have concluded that because of the Watergate matter I might not have the support of the Congress that I would consider necessary to back the very difficult decisions and carry out the duties of this office in the way the interests of the nation will require. I have never been a quitter.To leave office before my term is completed is opposed to every instinct in my body. But as President I must put the interests of America first.America needs a full-time President and a full-time Congress, particularly at this time with problems we face at home and abroad.To continue to fight through the months ahead for my personal vindication would almost totally absorb the time and attention of both the President and the Congress in a period when our entire focus should be on the great issues of peace abroad and prosperity without inflation at home.Therefore, I shall resign the Presidency effective at noon tomorrow. Vice President Ford will be sworn in as President at that hour in this office.注释：注释：Watergate 水门事件agony n. 苦恼，极大的痛苦Unanimously 全体一致地,无异议地Quitter n.轻易停止的人, 懦夫Vindication n.辩护, 辩明, 拥护中文对照(晚上好！)这是我第37次在这里对你们讲话。
2018-2019-尼克松的尼克松对白宫内阁成员和工作人员的告别演讲.txt-范文word版 (10页)
本文部分内容来自网络整理，本司不为其真实性负责，如有异议或侵权请及时联系，本司将立即删除！== 本文为word格式，下载后可方便编辑和修改！ ==尼克松的尼克松对白宫内阁成员和工作人员的告别演讲.txt篇一：美国第437任总统尼克松告别演说美国第37任总统尼克松告别演说(全文)时间：1974年8月9日地点：白宫我来说两句各位内阁成员，各位白宫的职员，所有在场的朋友：我想记录会表明，这只是一次自发的聚会。
每当总统要发表演说时，都会有这样的场面。
新闻媒体也会这样报道。
我们不必担心这个问题，他们只要看到这个现场，自然就会这样报道。
但是我们自己一定要很清楚，这确实是自发的聚会，相信我。
你们来到这里，同我们说再见。
这种(来自:WwW. : 尼克松的尼克松对白宫内阁成员和工作人员的告别演讲.txt )仪式在英语里没有特别好的名称，最好的说法是法语的au revoir（欢送会）。
我们还会再相见的。
我刚才已经接见过白宫的职员了，你们知道，他们天天都在白宫里提供服务，已经很多年了。
我对他们的要求，同对你们的要求是一样的。
我要求你们大家尽力，当然这本来就是你们的职责，为下一任总统服务，就像你们为我和为历任总统服务一样。
你们中的很多人已经在这里工作多年，无比忠诚和具有奉献精神。
你们要知道，这座楼之所以是一座伟大的楼，完全是因为那些和总统一起工作或者为总统工作的男男女女本身就同这幢楼一样伟大。
比如说，当我走过大厅的时候，我会想到这座楼，我会将它同另一些世界上我到过的伟大的楼做比较。
它不是最大的楼，很多小国里有比它大得多的楼。
它也不是最漂亮的楼。
欧洲的许多楼，中国的许多楼，里面有价值连城的绘画，有许多我们这里没有的东西，再过1000年，我们这里也未必会有。
但是，它是世界上最好的楼。
因为它里面有一些东西，有一些比人员的数量、比房间的数目、比空间的大小、比艺术品的多寡更重要的东西。
这座楼有一颗伟大的心。
这颗心来自于那些为这座楼工作的人们。
最新-1974年美国总统福特就职演说1 精品
1974年美国总统福特就职演说篇一：美国总统富尼克松的就职演讲稿美国总统富尼克松的就职演讲稿历史的每一个时刻转瞬即逝，它既珍贵又独特。
可是，其中某些显然是揭开序幕的时刻，此时，一代先河得以开创，它决定了未来数十年或几个世纪的航向。
现在可能就是这样一个时刻。
现在，各方力量正在汇聚起来，使我们第一次可以期望人类的许多夙愿最终能够实现。
不断加快的变革速度，使我们能在我们这一代期望过去花了几百年才出现的种种进步。
由于开辟了大空的天地，我们在地球上也发现了新的天地。
由于世界人民希望和平，而世界各国领袖害怕战争，因此，目前形势第一次变得有利于和平。
从现在起，再过8年，美国将庆祝建国200周年。
在现在大多数人的有生之年，人类将庆祝千载难逢的、辉煌无比的新年——第三个百年盛世的开端。
我们的国家将变成怎样的国家，我们将生活在怎样的世界上，我们要不要按照我们的希望铸造未来，这些都将由我们根据自己的行动和选择来决定。
历史所能赐予我们的最大荣誉，莫过于和平缔造者这一称号。
这一荣誉现在正在召唤美国——这是领导世界最终脱离动乱的幽谷，走向自文明开端以来人类一直梦寐以求的和平高坛的一个机会。
我们若获成功，下几代人在谈及现在在世的我们时会说，正是我们掌握了时机，正是我们协力相助，使普天之下国泰民安。
这是要我们创立宏伟大业的召唤。
我相信，美国人民准备响应这一召唤。
经过一段对抗时期，我们正进入一个谈判时代。
让所有国家都知道，在本届政府任期内，交流通道是敞开的。
我们谋求一个开放的世界——对各种思想开放，对物资和人员的交流开放，在这个世界中，任何民族，不论大小，都不会生活在怏怏不乐的孤立之中。
我们不能指望每个人都成为我们的朋友，可是我们能设法使任何人都不与我们为敌。
我们邀请那些很可能是我们对手的人进行一场和平竞赛——不是要征服领土或扩展版图，而是要丰富人类的生活。
在探索宇宙空间的时候，让我们一起走向新的世界——不是走向被征服的新世界，而是共同进行一次新的探险。
美国第任总统尼克松告别演说
美国第任总统尼克松告别演说Final approval draft on November 22, 2020美国第37任总统尼克松告别演说(全文)时间：1974年8月9日地点：白宫各位内阁成员，各位白宫的职员，所有在场的朋友：我想记录会表明，这只是一次自发的聚会。
每当总统要发表演说时，都会有这样的场面。
新闻媒体也会这样报道。
我们不必担心这个问题，他们只要看到这个现场，自然就会这样报道。
但是我们自己一定要很清楚，这确实是自发的聚会，相信我。
你们来到这里，同我们说再见。
这种仪式在英语里没有特别好的名称，最好的说法是法语的au revoir（欢送会）。
我们还会再相见的。
我刚才已经接见过白宫的职员了，你们知道，他们天天都在白宫里提供服务，已经很多年了。
我对他们的要求，同对你们的要求是一样的。
我要求你们大家尽力，当然这本来就是你们的职责，为下一任总统服务，就像你们为我和为历任总统服务一样。
你们中的很多人已经在这里工作多年，无比忠诚和具有奉献精神。
你们要知道，这座楼之所以是一座伟大的楼，完全是因为那些和总统一起工作或者为总统工作的男男女女本身就同这幢楼一样伟大。
比如说，当我走过大厅的时候，我会想到这座楼，我会将它同另一些世界上我到过的伟大的楼做比较。
它不是最大的楼，很多小国里有比它大得多的楼。
它也不是最漂亮的楼。
欧洲的许多楼，中国的许多楼，里面有价值连城的绘画，有许多我们这里没有的东西，再过1000年，我们这里也未必会有。
但是，它是世界上最好的楼。
因为它里面有一些东西，有一些比人员的数量、比房间的数目、比空间的大小、比艺术品的多寡更重要的东西。
这座楼有一颗伟大的心。
这颗心来自于那些为这座楼工作的人们。
我相当遗憾，他们没有下来。
我们在楼上同他们道别了。
但是，他们的伟大是的的确确的。
回想起来，我曾经做过很多次演讲，有些还是难度很高的演讲，当演讲结束以后，经过劳累的一天，我回到这座楼里，通常我的工作时间是很长的，我也许有些疲惫不堪，但是我总是能从他们身上感到鼓励，他们总是对我微笑着。
尼克松访华演讲--英汉对照
Speech at a Welcoming BanquetMr. Prime Minister，I wish to thank you for your very gracious and eloquent remarks. At this very moment through the wonder of telecommunications, more people are seeing and hearing what we say to them than on any other such occasion in the whole history of the world. Yet, what we say here will not be long remembered. What we do here can change the world.As you said in your toast，the Chinese people are a great people，and the American people are a great people. If our tow peoples enemies，the future of this world we share together is dark indeed. But if we can find common ground to work together, the chance for world peace is immeasurably increased。
What legacy shall we leave our children？Are they destined to die for the hatreds which have plagued the old world，or are they destined to live because we had the vision to build a new world？There is no reason for us to be enemies. Neither of us seeks the territory of the other，neither of us seeks domination over the other，and neither of us seeks to stretch out our hands and rule the world。
美国总统尼克松辞职演讲
美国总统尼克松辞职演讲稿晚上好。
这是我第 37 次在白宫发表演讲,正是在这里，产生了很多决定我们国家历史的关键决策。
每一次我站在这里，都是为了与各位讨论事关国家利益的重要问题。
而我相信,在我任期内所做出的任何决定都竭力于更好地服务国家。
在整个漫长而艰难的水门事件中，我一直把“坚持” 作为自己的职责，我要尽全力走完人民赋予我的总统任期。
然而在过去的几天中, 我发现在国会中已经得不到坚实的政治基础来证明我的这种坚持的必要性。
这个基础如果存在，我坚持认为，通过宪法程序来获得最终结果是非常必要的，否则就是对精心设计的宪法精神的背叛，并且开启了一个对未来极有危害的先例。
但是由于没有了基础，我认为，宪政的目标已经被实现，因此，没有理由让这个程序继续下去。
我原本选择不论将面对怎样的痛苦都要继续走下去, 而我的家庭也一致支持我这样的选择。
然而国家的利益永远高于个人的利益。
通过我和国会以及其他领袖的讨论, 我明白，因为水门事件,我可能不再会赢得国会的必要的支持,没有这些支持，我无法继续为国家履行自己的职责以及做出有利于国家的决定。
然而,我从来都不是一个半途而废的人. 在任期结束之前离开白宫，这完全有悖于我的行事准则。
但作为总统, 我必须永远把美国的利益置于首位。
美国需要一个全心全意的总统，和同样全心全意的国会，尤其是在这样一个当国内和国外都面临着挑战的关键时候。
如果继续我个人辩护将占去总统和国会未来几个月几乎所有的时间，而这时我们应该做的却是致力于世界和平及?有通货膨胀的国家繁荣。
因此,我愿意辞职, 并将于明天中午生效。
副总统福特届时将成为总统。
当我回想起美国人民在我第二个任期之初给予我的高期望时, 我很难过我不能继续在未来的两年半里,去实现人民给予我的这些厚望。
不过将政府权力交予副总统福特，正如当我提名他时对大家所说的：美国的权力已交付给了值得信赖的人。
在将权力转移给副总统的同时，我深感明天他将要负起的重大的责任，因此我理解他需要所有人的合作。
美国总统尼克松的就职演讲稿
美国总统尼克松的就职演讲稿以下整理的美国总统尼克松就职演讲稿,供大家参考,希望大家能够有所收获!美国总统尼克松的就职演讲稿Senator Dirksen, Mr. Chief Justice, Mr. Vice President, President Johnson, Vice President Humphrey, my fellow Americans--and my fellow citizens of the world community:I ask you to share with me today the majesty of this moment. In the orderly transfer of power, we celebrate the unity that keeps us free.Each moment in history is a fleeting time, precious and unique. But some stand out as moments of beginning, in which courses are set that shape decades or centuries.This can be such a moment.Forces now are converging that make possible, for the first time, the hope that many of man's deepest aspirations can at last be realized. The spiraling pace of change allows us to contemplate, within our own lifetime, advances that once would have taken centuries.In throwing wide the horizons of space, we have discovered new horizons on earth.For the first time, because the people of the world want peace, and the leaders of the world are afraid of war, the times are on the side of peace.Eight years from now America will celebrate its 200th anniversary as a nation. Within the lifetime of most people now living, mankind will celebrate that great new year which comes only once in a thousand years--the beginning of the third millennium.What kind of nation we will be, what kind of world we will live in, whether we shape the future in the image of our hopes, is ours to determine by our actions and our choices.The greatest honor history can bestow is the title of peacemaker. This honor now beckons America--the chance to help lead the world at last out of the valley of turmoil, and onto that high ground of peace that man has dreamed of since the dawn of civilization.If we succeed, generations to come will say of us now living that we mastered our moment, that we helped make the world safe for mankind.This is our summons to greatness.I believe the American people are ready to answer this call.The second third of this century has been a time of proud achievement. We have made enormous strides in science and industry and agriculture. We have shared our wealth more broadly than ever. We have learned at last to manage a modern economy to assure its continued growth.We have given freedom new reach, and we have begun to make its promise real for black as well as for white.We see the hope of tomorrow in the youth of today. I knowAmerica's youth. I believe in them. We can be proud that they arebetter educated, more committed, more passionately driven by conscience than any generation in our history.No people has ever been so close to the achievement of a just and abundant society, or so possessed of the will to achieve it. Because our strengths are so great, we can afford to appraise our weaknesses with candor and to approach them with hope.Standing in this same place a third of a century ago, Franklin Delano Roosevelt addressed a Nation ravaged by depression and gripped in fear. He could say in surveying the Nation's troubles: "They concern, thank God, only material things."Our crisis today is the reverse.We have found ourselves rich in goods, but ragged in spirit; reaching with magnificent precision for the moon, but falling into raucous discord on earth.We are caught in war, wanting peace. We are torn by division, wanting unity. We see around us empty lives, wanting fulfillment. We see tasks that need doing, waiting for hands to do them.To a crisis of the spirit, we need an answer of the spirit.To find that answer, we need only look within ourselves.When we listen to "the better angels of our nature," we find that they celebrate the simple things, the basic things--such as goodness, decency, love, kindness.Greatness comes in simple trappings.The simple things are the ones most needed today if we are to surmount what divides us, and cement what unites us.To lower our voices would be a simple thing.In these difficult years, America has suffered from a fever of words; from inflated rhetoric that promises more than it can deliver; from angry rhetoric that fans discontents into hatreds; from bombastic rhetoric that postures instead of persuading.We cannot learn from one another until we stop shouting at one another--until we speak quietly enough so that our words can be heard as well as our voices.For its part, government will listen. We will strive to listen in new ways--to the voices of quiet anguish, the voices that speak without words, the voices of the heart--to the injured voices, the anxious voices, the voices that have despaired of being heard.Those who have been left out, we will try to bring in.Those left behind, we will help to catch up.For all of our people, we will set as our goal the decent order that makes progress possible and our lives secure.As we reach toward our hopes, our task is to build on what has gone before--not turning away from the old, but turning toward the new.In this past third of a century, government has passed more laws, spent more money, initiated more programs, than in all our previous history.In pursuing our goals of full employment, better housing, excellence in education; in rebuilding our cities and improving our rural areas; in protecting our environment and enhancing the quality of life--in all these and more, we will and must press urgently forward.We shall plan now for the day when our wealth can be transferred from the destruction of war abroad to the urgent needs of our peopleat home.The American dream does not come to those who fall asleep.But we are approaching the limits of what government alone can do.Our greatest need now is to reach beyond government, and toenlist the legions of the concerned and the committed.What has to be done, has to be done by government and people together or it will not be done at all. The lesson of past agony is that without the people we can do nothing; with the people we can do everything.To match the magnitude of our tasks, we need the energies of our people--enlisted not only in grand enterprises, but more importantlyin those small, splendid efforts that make headlines in the neighborhood newspaper instead of the national journal.With these, we can build a great cathedral of the spirit--each of us raising it one stone at a time, as he reaches out to his neighbor, helping, caring, doing.I do not offer a life of uninspiring ease. I do not call for alife of grim sacrifice. I ask you to join in a high adventure--one as rich as humanity itself, and as exciting as the times we live in.The essence of freedom is that each of us shares in the shapingof his own destiny.Until he has been part of a cause larger than himself, no man is truly whole.The way to fulfillment is in the use of our talents; we achieve nobility in the spirit that inspires that use.As we measure what can be done, we shall promise only what we know we can produce, but as we chart our goals we shall be lifted by our dreams.No man can be fully free while his neighbor is not. To go forward at all is to go forward together.This means black and white together, as one nation, not two. The laws have caught up with our conscience. What remains is to give life to what is in the law: to ensure at last that as all are born equal in dignity before God, all are born equal in dignity before man.As we learn to go forward together at home, let us also seek to go forward together with all mankind.Let us take as our goal: where peace is unknown, make it welcome; where peace is fragile, make it strong; where peace is temporary, make it permanent.After a period of confrontation, we are entering an era of negotiation.Let all nations know that during this administration our lines of communication will be open.We seek an open world--open to ideas, open to the exchange of goods and people--a world in which no people, great or small, will live in angry isolation.We cannot expect to make everyone our friend, but we can try to make no one our enemy.Those who would be our adversaries, we invite to a peaceful competition--not in conquering territory or extending dominion, butin enriching the life of man.As we explore the reaches of space, let us go to the new worlds together--not as new worlds to be conquered, but as a new adventure to be shared.With those who are willing to join, let us cooperate to reducethe burden of arms, to strengthen the structure of peace, to lift up the poor and the hungry.But to all those who would be tempted by weakness, let us leave no doubt that we will be as strong as we need to be for as long as we need to be.Over the past twenty years, since I first came to this Capital as a freshman Congressman, I have visited most of the nations of the world.I have come to know the leaders of the world, and the great forces, the hatreds, the fears that divide the world.I know that peace does not come through wishing for it--thatthere is no substitute for days and even years of patient and prolonged diplomacy.I also know the people of the world.I have seen the hunger of a homeless child, the pain of a man wounded in battle, the grief of a mother who has lost her son. I know these have no ideology, no race.I know America. I know the heart of America is good.I speak from my own heart, and the heart of my country, the deep concern we have for those who suffer, and those who sorrow.I have taken an oath today in the presence of God and my countrymen to uphold and defend the Constitution of the United States. To that oath I now add this sacred commitment: I shall consecrate my office, my energies, and all the wisdom I can summon, to the cause of peace among nations.Let this message be heard by strong and weak alike:The peace we seek to win is not victory over any other people,but the peace that comes "with healing in its wings"; with compassion for those who have suffered; with understanding for those who have opposed us; with the opportunity for all the peoples of this earth to choose their own destiny.Only a few short weeks ago, we shared the glory of man's first sight of the world as God sees it, as a single sphere reflectinglight in the darkness.As the Apollo astronauts flew over the moon's gray surface on Christmas Eve, they spoke to us of the beauty of earth--and in that voice so clear across the lunar distance, we heard them invoke God's blessing on its goodness.In that moment, their view from the moon moved poet Archibald MacLeish to write:"To see the earth as it truly is, small and blue and beautiful in that eternal silence where it floats, is to see ourselves as riderson the earth together, brothers on that bright loveliness in the eternal cold--brothers who know now they are truly brothers."In that moment of surpassing technological triumph, men turned their thoughts toward home and humanity--seeing in that far perspective that man's destiny on earth is not divisible; telling us that however far we reach into the cosmos, our destiny lies not in the stars but on Earth itself, in our own hands, in our own hearts.We have endured a long night of the American spirit. But as our eyes catch the dimness of the first rays of dawn, let us not curse the remaining dark. Let us gather the light.Our destiny offers, not the cup of despair, but the chalice of opportunity. So let us seize it, not in fear, but in gladness-- and, "riders on the earth together," let us go forward, firm in our faith, steadfast in our purpose, cautious of the dangers; but sustained by our confidence in the will of God and the promise of man.。
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美国第37任总统尼克松就职演说(全文)
时间：1969年1月20日地点：国会大厦
德克森参议员、最高法院首席法官先生、副总统先生、约翰逊总统、汉弗莱副总统、美国同胞们、全世界的公民们：
今天，在这个时刻，我要求你们和我分享这种崇高肃穆的感情。
在有秩序的权力交接中，我们欢庆我们的团结一致，它使我们保有自由。
历史巨轮飞转，分分秒秒的时间都十分宝贵，也独具意义。
但是有些瞬间却成为新的起点，定下其后数十年及至几个世纪的行程。
现在，由于世界人民要求和平，各国领导人惧怕战争，所以在历史上第一次，时代站到了和平方面。
历史能授予的最光荣称号莫过于“和平的缔造者”了。
这最高荣誉现在正召唤美国。
美国有机会引导世界最终从动乱的深渊中拔足，走向人类自有文明以来即梦寐以求的和平宽阔高地。
如果我们能够成功，后辈子孙提到我们现在活着的人时，将会说我们驾驭了我们的时代，为人类求得了世界安全。
三分之一世纪以前，富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福曾经站在这里向全国演说，当时国家正受经济不景气困扰，陷于惶恐中。
他看到国家当时的种种困难，却仍然能够说：“感谢上帝，我国的困难毕竟只在物质方面。
”
今天我们的危机正相反。
我们物质丰富，却精神贫乏；我们以非凡的准确程度登上了月球，但地球上却陷入了一片混乱。
我们卷人了战争，没有和平。
我们四分五裂，没有团结。
我们看到周围的人生活空虚，没有充实的内容；我们看到许多工作需要完成，却没有人手去做。
对于精神的危机，我们需要精神的解决办法。
为了找到解决办法，我们只需省视自身。
当我们估量能够做什么时，我们只应许诺能做到的事。
但在制订目标时，却要有远大的理想。
如果你的邻舍没有自由，你就不会得到完全的自由。
只有共同前进才能前进。
这就是说黑人和白人共有一个国家，不是分为两个。
法律是按照我们的良心制订的。
剩下的问题就是赋予法律条文以生命：保证既然一切人在上帝面前生来就有同等的尊严，在人的面前也应有同等的尊严。
我们在国内要学会团结所有人共同前进，让我们也努力求得全人类的共同前进吧。
短短几个星期以前，我们刚分享了人类第一次像上帝那样看到地球的光荣，我们看到了地球像一颗星一样，在黑暗中反射出光芒。
圣诞节前夕阿波罗太空飞行员飞越月球灰色的表面时，告诉我们地球是多么美丽；由太空远处月球附近传来声音是那么清晰，我们听到他们祈求上帝赐福给地球上一切善良的人。
在尖端技术欢奏凯歌的时刻，人们想到自己的家园和人类。
从太空的远处看来，地球上人类的命运是分不开的；这告诉我们，不论我们能到达宇宙的任何远处，我们的命运并不在那些星星上，而在地球上，掌握在我们自己手里，决定于我们的内心。
命运给予我们的不是失望之酒，而是机会之杯。
因此，让我们毫无畏惧、充满欢愉地把握住机会吧。
“乘坐地球的乘客们”，让我们坚定信念，认准目标，提防危险，凭着对上帝意旨和人类诺言的信心，共同前进吧。