John F. Kennedy’ Inaugural Address 就职演说

合集下载

First Inaugural Address(Excerpts)John F. Kennedy

First Inaugural Address(Excerpts)John F. Kennedy 肯尼迪第一次就职演说（节选）We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom, symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning; signifying vt. 表示，意味renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn adj. 庄严的oath n. 誓言our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.我们今天庆祝的并不是政党的胜利，而是自由的胜利。

它象征着结束，也象征着开始；它意味着复兴，也意味着变革。

因为我已在我们和全能的上帝面前宣誓，这庄严的誓言是我们的祖先在将近一又四分之三个世纪以前所拟就的。

In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony n. 证词to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.同胞们，我们的事业的最终成败，主要取决于你们，而不是我。

(肯尼迪就职演说)John F. Kennedy's Inaugural Address

The world is very different now, for man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forbears fought are still at issue around the globe. . .the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state but from the hand of God. We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.
JFK's Inaugural Address, January 20, 1961, 12:11 EST
We observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom. . . symbolizing an end as well as a beginning. . .signifying renewal as well as change for I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forbears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.
To our sister republics south of our border: we offer a special pledge. . . to convert our good words into good deeds. . .in a new alliance for progress . . .to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. . .and let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.

美国35届总统肯尼迪就职演说稿

美国35届总统肯尼迪就职演说稿约翰-肯尼迪是美国第十一届总统，也是被公认的最具才华的总统之一，可惜被人刺杀而英年早逝，早早地结束了政治生涯，下面是为你提供的美国十一届总统肯尼迪就职演说稿，欢迎阅读。

想了解更多发言稿，请继续关注本栏目。

【约翰-肯尼迪简介】约翰·菲茨杰拉德·肯尼迪(John Fitzgerald Kennedy，通常被称作约翰·F·肯尼迪(John F. Kennedy)、JFK或杰克·肯尼迪(Jack Kennedy))，美国第35任总统，美国著名的肯尼迪家族成员，他的执政时间从1961年1月20日开始到1963年11月22日在达拉斯遇刺身亡为止。

肯尼迪在1946年—1960年期间曾先后任众议员和参议员，并于1960年当选为美国总统，成为美国历史上最年轻的当选总统，也是美国历史上唯一信奉罗马天主教的总统和唯一获得普利策奖的总统。

肯尼迪于1961年1月20日正式宣誓就任美国第三十五任总统，他在就职演说中对国际事物给予了极大关注。

他呼吁美国民众承担起更多的义务，做出更大的牺牲。

肯尼迪的就职演说与富兰克林•德拉诺•罗斯福的第一次就职演说被并称为20世纪最令人难忘的两次演说。

【-中文版】约翰.肯尼迪星期五，1961年1月20日首席法官先生、艾森豪威尔总统、尼克松总统、杜鲁门总统、尊敬的牧师、各位公民：我们今天庆祝的并不是一次政党的胜利，而是一次自由的胜利;它象征着结束，也象征着开始;意味着更新，也意味着变革。

因为我们的先辈在170多年前拟定的庄严誓言。

现今世界已经很不同了，因为人在自己血肉之躯的手中握有足以消灭一切形式的人类贫困和一切形式的人类生命的力量。

可是我们祖先奋斗不息所维护的革命信念，在世界各地仍处于争论之中。

那信念就是注定人权并非来自政府的慷慨施与，而是上帝所赐。

我们今天不敢忘记我们是那第一次革命的继承人，让我从此时此地告诉我们的朋友，并且也告诉我们的敌人，这支火炬已传交新一代的美国人，他们出生在本世纪，经历过战争的锻炼，受过严酷而艰苦的和平的熏陶，以我们的古代传统自豪，而且不愿目睹或容许人权逐步被褫夺。

肯尼迪就职的演说稿

肯尼迪就职的演说稿John F. Kennedy: Inaugural AddressVice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, Reverend Clergy, fellow citizens:We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a newgeneration of Americans born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty.This much we pledge -- and more.To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided there is little we can do for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom and to remember that, in the past, those whofoolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.。

美国经典英文演讲翻译：InauguralAddress

以下是为⼤家整理的《美国经典英⽂演讲翻译:Inaugural Address》的⽂章，供⼤家参考　John F. Kennedy: Inaugural Address [AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio. (2)] [Administering of the Oath of Office] Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, Reverend Clergy, fellow citizens: We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning --signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago. The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God. We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans -- born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world. Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty. This much we pledge -- and more. To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided there is little we can do -- for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder. To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside. To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required -- not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich. To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house. To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support -- to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run. Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction. We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed. But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course -- both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war. So let us begin anew -- remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate. Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us. Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations. Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce. Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah -- to "undo the heavy burdens, and [to] let the oppressed go free."1 And, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor -- not a new balance of power, but a new world of law -- where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved. All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days; nor in thelife of this Administration; nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin. In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe. Now the trumpet summons us again -- not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need -- not as a call to battle, though embattled we are -- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope; patient in tribulation,"2 a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself. Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort? In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility -- I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it. And the glow from that fire can truly light the world. And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country. My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man. Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own. [的真伪认证：下⾯的⽂字版直接从⾳频转录。

约翰肯尼迪就职演说,背景

约翰肯尼迪就职演说,背景篇一：约翰肯尼迪总统就职演说[演讲者简介]：约翰·肯尼迪是一位战争英雄，普利策奖获得者，整个五十年代，都是美国参议员。

1960年11月，年仅43岁的他成为美国历史上由选举产生的最年轻的总统。

1963年11月22日他在德克萨斯州的达拉斯遇刺身亡，是美国历史上第四位死于暗杀者的子弹的总统。

今天我们庆祝的不是政党的胜利，而是自由的胜利。

这象征着一个结束，也象征着一个开端；意味着延续也意味着变革。

因为我已在你们和全能的上帝面前，宣读了我们的先辈在170年前拟定的庄严誓言。

现在的世界已大不相同了。

人类的巨手掌握着既能消灭人间的各种贫困，又能毁灭人间的各种生活的力量。

但我们的先辈为之奋斗的那些革命信念，在世界各地仍然有着争论。

这个信念就是人的权利并非)nowthetrumpetsummonsusagain--notasacalltobeararms,thougharmswe need;notasacalltobattle,thoughembattledweare--butacalltobeartheburdeno falongtwilightstruggle,yearinandyearout,"rejoicinginhope,patientintribulat ion"--astruggleagainstthecommonenemiesofman:tyranny,poverty,disease,andwar itself. canweforgeagainsttheseenemiesagrandandglobalalliance,northandsouth,eastandwest,thatcanassureamorefruitfullifeforallmankind?willyoujoinintha thistoriceffort?inthelonghistoryoftheworld,onlyafewgenerationshavebeengrantedtheroleo fdefendingfreedominitshourofmaximumdanger.idonotshankfromthisrespo nsibility--iwelcomeit.idonotbelievethatanyofuswouldexchangeplaceswith anyotherpeopleoranyothergeneration.theenergy,thefaith,thedevotionwhich webringtothisendeavorwilllightourcountryandallwhoserveit--andtheglowf romthatfirecantrulylighttheworld.andso,myfellowamericans:asknotwhaty ourcountrycandoforyou--askwhatyoucandoforyourcountry. myfellowcitizensoftheworld:asknotwhatamericawilldoforyou,butwhattog etherwecandoforthefreedomofman.finally,whetheryouarecitizensofamericaorcitizensoftheworld,askofusthesa mehighstandardsofstrengthandsacrificewhichweaskofyou.withagoodcons cienceouronlysurereward,withhistorythefinaljudgeofourdeeds,letusgofort htoleadthelandwelove,askinghisblessingandhishelp,butknowingthathereon earthgod'sworkmusttrulybeourown.篇三：肯尼迪就职演讲背景分析TheBackgroundmeaninginJohnF.Kennedyinauguraladdress TheBackgroundmeaninginJohnF.Kennedy?sinauguraladdress摘要:肯尼迪是美国历史上最年轻的总统,他的当选代表了二战后的年轻主张.肯尼迪的就职演讲被认为是美国总统就职演讲中最为精彩的篇章之一,其语言简明、结构巧妙,内容也反映了当时的政治，文化，社会背景，值得我们探究学习。

肯尼迪就职演说 Inaugural Address

肯尼迪就职演说 Inaugural Addressjohn f. kennedyinaugural addressdelivered 20 january 1961vice president johnson, mr. speaker, mr. chief justice, president eisenhower, vice president nixon, president truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens: we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning -- signifying renewal, as well as change. for i have sworn before you and almighty god the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.the world is very different now. for man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. and yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of god.we dare not forget today that we are the heirs ofthat first revolution. let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of americans -- born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty.this much we pledge -- and more.to those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. united there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. divided there is little we can do -- for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.to those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonialcontrol shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. we shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. but we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.to those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required -- not because the communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. if a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.to our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. but this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggressionor subversion anywhere in the americas. and let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.to that world assembly of sovereign states, the united nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support -- to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.we dare not tempt them with weakness. for only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.but neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course -- both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom,yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind’s final war.so let us begin anew -- remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of isaiah -- to “undo the heavy burdens, and [to] let the oppressed go free.”¹ and, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor -- not a new balance of power, but a newworld of law -- where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved.all this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days; nor in the life of this administration; nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. but let us begin.in your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. since this country was founded, each generation of americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. the graves of young americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.now the trumpet summons us again -- not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need -- not as a call to battle, though embattled we are -- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, “rejoicing in hope; patient in tribulation,”²a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, north and south, east and west, thatcan assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? will you join in that historic effort?in the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. i do not shrink from this responsibility -- i welcome it. i do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. the energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it. and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.and so, my fellow americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country.my fellow citizens of the world, ask not what america will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.finally, whether you are citizens of america or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. with a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forthto lead the land we love, asking his blessing and his help, but knowing that here on earth god’s work must truly be our own.。

Inaugural Address of President John F

这篇演讲词的条理贫明，框架清晰，独具匠心的语篇结构是其一大特色。

整个语篇框架粗略可以分为两部分。

前半部分是从第一段到第二十段；后半部分是文章的剩余部分。

前半部分主要是向全世界其它国家宣扬美国对它们的外交策略、政治观点、政治立场和政治态度；后半部分则是号召鼓舞美国国内人民团结一致，做好长期斗争的准备，共同对敌，捍卫自由和保卫美国所推崇以及在全世界推行的政治理想、政治信念。

其中前半部分又被清楚明了地分为两个部分，分界线是第十一段。

此段承上启下，标志着前半部分的第一部分的结束和其第二部分的开始。

前半部分的第一部分是他作为总统代表美国对世界上那些与美国为友的国家作出保证；而其第二部分则是对世界上那些与美国为敌的国家提出要求。

前半部分的第一部分(第一段到第十一段)的内部衔接主要是依靠一组排比结构来实现的。

这组排比句是这一部分各个段落联接的主要纽带，使这一部分意义连贯，表达清晰，使演讲者在交际过程中所要表达的意图贯穿整个部分。

这一组排比句中的每句的位置都是在各段的开头，每句的句法结构大致相同，都是将由to作为介词的介宾短语放在句首，后面都是主语 + 谓语 + 宾语的结构。

不仅形成了结构的排比、结构的重复，而且在这些排比中还结合运用了词汇的重复这种修辞手段，“we”和“pledge”在这组排比中重复出现了六次。

这组排比句作为这一部分的衔接手段，主要的联结纽带，使这部分各段意义连贯，成为一个整体，清楚明了地表明这一部分主要是向那些对美国友好的各种不同类型的国家、团体机构作出许诺保证，宣布以约翰肯尼迪为首的新一届美国政府对它们的政策。

此外，排比还是一种句法修饰手段。

所以作者在这里使用这一组排比可谓～举两得，既是一种衔接手段将这部分联结成一个整体，又是一种修辞手法，应用在这里，使意思层层递进，增强了演讲词的气势，表达了强烈的感情，突出了强调的内容。

也由于排比甸式整齐，节奏分明，使演讲词读起来韵律分明，铿锵有力，展现了新任总统排山倒海的气魄。

英语演讲稿-约翰肯尼迪总统就职演说

英语演讲稿约翰肯尼迪总统就职演说演讲者简介约翰·肯尼迪总统[演讲者简介]：约翰·肯尼迪是一位战争英雄，普利策奖获得者，整个五十年代，都是美国参议员。

1960年11月，年仅43岁的他成为美国历史上由选举产生的最年轻的总统。

1963年11月22日他在德克萨斯州的达拉斯遇刺身亡，是美国历史上第四位死于暗杀者的子弹的总统。

[Brief introduction to the speaker]: John. F. Kennedy (1917-1963) John. F. Kennedy was a war hero, a Pulitzer Prize [1]-winning author, a U. S. Senator for most of the 1950s. In November 1960, at the age of 43, he became the youngest man ever elected president of the United States. On Nov. 22, 1963, Kennedy was shot to death in Dallas, Tex [2], the fourth United States president to die by an assassin’s bullet.英汉对照演讲原文今天我们庆祝的不是政党的胜利，而是自由的胜利。

这象征着一个结束，也象征着一个开端；意味着延续也意味着变革。

因为我已在你们和全能的上帝面前，宣读了我们的先辈在170年前拟定的庄严誓言。

We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom. Symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning, signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you, and almighty God, the same solemn oath our forbears prescribed [3] nearly a century and three quarters ago.现在的世界已大不相同了。

InauguralAddress肯尼迪就职演说修辞总结[五篇范文]

InauguralAddress肯尼迪就职演说修辞总结[五篇范文]第一篇：Inaugural Address肯尼迪就职演说修辞总结synecdoche / si'nekdəki /：substituting a more inclusive term for a less inclusive one or vice versaInaugural Address肯尼迪就职演说修辞总结美国总统肯尼迪的就职演说辞沿袭古希腊，罗马的修辞及文风精心选用语言句式，注意音韵效果，字字句句经过刻意雕琢。

一、Alliteration是一种常见的反复类音韵修辞格,恰当使用Alliteration能赋予语言以音韵美和节奏美，起到演染气氛烘托感情加强语言表现力等效果, 如:• Let the word go forth.....that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans.“（para3）• In order to assure the survival and the success of liberty …• Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors.Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.(para17)• …both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom(para13)二、UnderstatementUnderstatement的修辞功能在肯尼迪这篇演说辞中”首先体现在它是一种政界辞令“整篇文章”没有直截了当地对国际形势进行分析“ 更没有一处提到一个国家的名字或具体事例”一切都隐晦委婉模糊不清"例如三、1.We dare not tempt them with weakness.For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.(我们不敢以怯弱来引诱他们因为只有当我们毫无疑问地拥有足够的军事装备时我们才能真正有把握地确信永远不会使用武力)para12一场规模空前的军备竞赛的动因被说成了We dare not tempt them with weakness.Understatement的运用变主动为被动变张牙舞爪为委曲求全2.United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.Divided there is little we can do for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.para6(团结,将使我们在许多合作事业中无往而不胜,分裂,我们将一事无成)三、parallelism(平行结构)parallelism是将结构相同或相似，意义并重语气一致的语言成分、短语、句子乃至语段等并行排列的一种修辞手法，这种辞格可以使语言简洁明了，结构精致对称，声调铿锵有力、叙事生动逼真语意鲜明突出。

美文欣赏：肯尼迪总统就职演说 (双语

First Inaugural Address 肯尼迪总统就职演说We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom, symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning; signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.今天我们庆祝的不是政党的胜利，而是自由的胜利。

这象征着一个结束，也象征着一个开端；意味着延续也意味看变革。

因为我已在你们和全能的上帝面前，宣读了我们的先辈在170多年前拟定的庄严誓言。

In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final successor failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe. 公民们，我们方针的最终成败与其说掌握在我手中，不如说掌握在你们手中。

自从合众国建立以来，每一代美国人都曾受到召唤去证明他们对国家的忠诚。

响应召唤而献身的美国青年的坟墓遍及全球。

Now the trumpet summons us again, not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need; not as a call to battle, though embattled we are; but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope; patient in tribulation"，a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.现在，号角已再次吹响---不是召唤我们拿起武器，虽然我们需要武器；不是召唤我们去作战，虽然我们严阵以待。

【名人演讲】约翰·菲茨杰拉德·肯尼迪：总统就职演说

【名人演讲】约翰·菲茨杰拉德·肯尼迪：总统就职演说总统就职演说（美国）约翰·菲茨杰拉德·肯尼迪约翰逊副总统、议长先生、首席大法官先生、艾森豪威尔总统、尼克松副总统、杜鲁门总统、尊敬的牧师、同胞们：我们今天庆祝的并不是一次政党的胜利，而是一次自由的庆典；它象征着结束，也象征着开始；意味着更新，也意味着变革。

因为我已在你们和全能的上帝面前庄严宣誓，誓言和将近175年前我们先辈所作的誓言完全一样。

现今世界已经很不同了，因为人在自己血肉之躯的手中握有的力量足以消灭一切形式的人类贫困和一切形式的人类生命。

可是我们祖先奋斗不息所维护的革命信念，在世界各地仍处于争论之中。

那信念就是注定人权并非来自政府的慷慨施与，而是上帝所赐。

我们今天不敢忘记我们是第一次革命的继承人，让我从此时此地告诉我们的朋友，并且也告诉我们的敌人，这支火炬已经传递给新一代的美国人，他们出生在本世纪，经历过战争的锻炼，接受了一个严峻、艰苦的和平时期的考验，以我们继承的古代传统而自豪，而且不愿目睹或容许人权逐步被褫夺。

对于这些人权我国一向坚定不移，当前在国内和全世界我们也是对此力加维护的。

让每一个国家知道，不管它盼我们好或盼我们坏，我们将不惜任何代价，忍受任何重负，应付任何艰辛，支持任何朋友，反对任何敌人，以确保自由的存在与实现。

这是我们矢志不移的事业——而且还不止如此。

对于那些和我们拥有共同文化和精神传统的老盟友，我们保证以挚友之诚相待。

只要团结，则在许多合作事业中几乎没有什么是办不到的。

倘若分裂，我们则无可作为，因为我们在意见分歧、各行其是的情况下，是不敢应付强大挑战的。

对于那些我们欢迎其参与自由国家行列的新国家，我们要作出保证，绝不让一种形式的殖民统治消失后，却代之以另一种远为残酷的暴政。

我们不能总是期望他们会支持我们的观点，但我们却一直希望他们能坚决维护他们自身的自由，并应记住，在过去，那些愚蠢得要骑在虎背上以壮声势的人，无不葬身虎腹。

肯尼迪总统就职演说英文版

肯尼迪总统就职演说英文版On January 20, 1961, John Fitzgerald Kennedy was inaugurated as the 35th President of the United States of America. This event marked the beginning of a new era in American history and signaled a transition toward a more idealistic and hopeful vision for the country's future. Kennedy's inaugural address, delivered on that day, remains one of the most memorable and influential speeches in American history.Kennedy's speech was the culmination of months of preparation and consultation with his team of advisors and speechwriters. Prior to the inauguration, he had spent hours working on his speech, practicing his delivery, and refining its message. The result was a powerful and evocative address that captured the spirit of the moment and laid out a bold vision for the future.The speech began with Kennedy's famous line, "Ask not what your country can do for you, ask what you can do for your country." This phrase would become one of the most enduring and iconic statements in American political history. It epitomized Kennedy's belief in the importance of civic duty, responsibility, and sacrifice, and underscored his commitment to a more engaged and active citizenry.The rest of the speech was equally inspiring, with Kennedy outlining his vision for America's future both at home and abroad. He spoke of the need to confront the challenges of poverty, racism, and inequality head-on, and to work toward a more just and equitable society. He also emphasized the importance of U.S. leadership on the global stage, calling for a renewed commitment to diplomacy, cooperation, and peace.As Kennedy spoke, his words resonated deeply with the American people, who were hungry for a new vision and a new direction. In the wake of the Cold War and the political and social upheavals of the 1950s, Kennedy's message of hope, idealism, and optimism struck a chord. He represented a break from the old politics of division and fear, and a new era of cooperation and progress.Over the years, Kennedy's inaugural address has become a touchstone for generations of Americans, serving as a symbol of America's commitment to justice, equality, and freedom. Its message of personal responsibility, sacrifice, and hard work continues to inspire and energize people both in the U.S. and around the world, encouraging them to see themselves as builders and creators of a better future.In the end, Kennedy's speech was more than just a call to action. It was a rallying cry for a new generation of Americans, a signpost pointing the way to a better, more inclusive, and more equitable future for all. And though Kennedy himself did not liveto see that future come to pass, his legacy lives on, inspiring countless others to take up the torch and carry forward his vision of a brighter tomorrow.。

肯尼迪就职演说 Inaugural Address

肯尼迪就职演说 Inaugural Address> 从我们背起书包睁着渴求知识的大眼睛走到一起的时候，从我们洋溢着天真无邪稚嫩清纯的笑脸汇聚到这里时，从我们蓄着羊角小辫，刺猬平头，身上还沾满野外泥土站立一排时开始，我们便结为手足情谊，师生深恩。

我们同呼吸，共命运，同悲喜戚，共欢喜。

有多少的激烈争辩，我们已经记不清了;有多少嬉闹调侃，我们也记不清了;流了多少委屈，冤枉，莫名的泪水，更记不清了;发出多少次爽朗的开心的大笑，我们仍然记不清楚。

总之，这三年里，我们欢笑，我们悲泣;我们迷惑，我们又豁然开朗。

山重水复，柳暗花明;云舒云卷，雁来厣往;桃红柳绿，莺飞草长;指点江山，激扬文字;风风雨雨，阳光明媚;高山流水，大江东去。

我们为古贤垂泪，我们替今雄喝彩。

我们经历过雨后彩虹，雪后初霁。

还伴随鸟语花香，清风徐徐。

我们拥有我们的梦想，幻化的青春和我们的情思，我们的追求，我们的挫折，我们的憾恨。

它们在这里跳动，在这里回荡，在这里实践。

它们落在操场的草坪，它们定格在教室的灯影，还闪耀在花坛草尖花瓣上。

象涓涓的细流，象咆哮的江河。

它们时而激荡，时而平缓，时而迂回曲旋，时而又一路高歌。

但平静时是蓄势，冲闯着是不服，不屈不挠，向前流淌。

这就是我们，也是我们用青春在编织的花环，是我们用心血在谱曲动人的乐章。

它是华美的乐章，是壮美的乐章，是响亮的音符，是平凡的真谛!我们永远不会忘记!我们更企盼明天。

明天，我们可能散布五湖四海，天涯海角; 明天，我们将走向各自不同的岗位，八仙过海; 明天，我们将做出骄人的佳绩，名垂清史! 但，明天，不论我们是贫是贱，是富是贵，不论我们在哪里，做什么，请不要忘记，我们曾是一家人，而且永远是一家人! 我们心相连，我们情相通。

心连地不偏。

我们有事没事常联系，相互问个好，时时道个安。

散聚有时，水绕山转。

希望我们每个人事业有成，家庭美满，身体健康，潇洒美丽，那时，我将看到我们再次背起饱满的行囊，驾着自己的奔驰宝马，私人飞机，扑扑身上的尘，踏进母校的门，联系旧时的人，重温过去的文，开启酵封的瓶，牵手往日的情，不辞万里行，寻找梦中的魂。

史上最著名的十大演讲英文

史上最著名的十大演讲英文English:1. Martin Luther King Jr. - "I Have a Dream"2. John F. Kennedy - "Inaugural Address"3. Winston Churchill - "We Shall Fight on the Beaches"4. Franklin D. Roosevelt - "The only thing we have to fear is fear itself"5. Abraham Lincoln - "The Gettysburg Address"6. Ronald Reagan - "Tear Down this Wall"7. Nelson Mandela - "I Am Prepared to Die"8. Barack Obama - "Yes We Can"9. Steve Jobs - "Stay Hungry, Stay Foolish"10. Malala Yousafzai - "Address to the United Nations Youth Assembly"Translated content:1. 马丁·路德·金 - "我有一个梦想"2. 约翰·肯尼迪 - "就职演说"3. 温斯顿·丘吉尔 - "我们将在海滩上战斗"4. 富兰克林·罗斯福 - "我们唯一要害的就是恐惧本身"5. 亚伯拉罕·林肯 - "葛底斯堡演说"6. 罗纳德·里根 - "拆掉这堵墙"7. 纳尔逊·曼德拉 - "我愿意为自由付出一切"8. 巴拉克·奥巴马 - "Yes We Can"9. 史蒂夫·乔布斯 - "保持饥饿，保持愚蠢"10. 马拉拉·优素福扎伊 - "联合国青年大会发言"。

Inaugural Address of President John F

这篇演讲词的条理贫明，框架清晰，独具匠心的语篇结构是其一大特色。

整个语篇框架粗略可以分为两部分。

前半部分是从第一段到第二十段；后半部分是文章的剩余部分。

其中前半部分又被清楚明了地分为两个部分，分界线是第十一段。

此段承上启下，标志着前半部分的第一部分的结束和其第二部分的开始。

前半部分的第一部分是他作为总统代表美国对世界上那些与美国为友的国家作出保证；而其第二部分则是对世界上那些与美国为敌的国家提出要求。

前半部分的第一部分(第一段到第十一段)的内部衔接主要是依靠一组排比结构来实现的。

这组排比句是这一部分各个段落联接的主要纽带，使这一部分意义连贯，表达清晰，使演讲者在交际过程中所要表达的意图贯穿整个部分。

不仅形成了结构的排比、结构的重复，而且在这些排比中还结合运用了词汇的重复这种修辞手段，“we”和“pledge”在这组排比中重复出现了六次。

此外，排比还是一种句法修饰手段。

也由于排比甸式整齐，节奏分明，使演讲词读起来韵律分明，铿锵有力，展现了新任总统排山倒海的气魄。

全球著名英语演讲

全球著名英语演讲全球有许多著名的英语演讲，以下是一些著名的例子：1.Martin Luther King Jr.'s "I Have a Dream" speech - Martin Luther King Jr.的演讲《我有一个梦想》是全球最著名的演讲之一，它在美国历史上留下了深刻的印记，并成为了美国民权运动的象征。

2.Winston Churchill's "We Shall Fight on the Beaches" speech - 温斯顿·丘吉尔的《我们将战斗在海滩上》演讲是二战时期最著名的演讲之一，它鼓舞了英国和盟军士兵的士气，并成为了二战历史的一部分。

3.John F. Kennedy's Inaugural Address - 约翰·F·肯尼迪的就职演说《新边疆》是20世纪最著名的就职演说之一，它提出了美国的新方向和目标，成为了美国现代历史上最重要的演讲之一。

4.Ronald Reagan's "Tear Down This Wall" speech - 罗纳德·里根的《推倒这堵墙》演讲是冷战时期最著名的演讲之一，它呼吁苏联领导人拆除柏林墙，并成为了冷战结束的一部分。

5.Barack Obama's "Yes, We Can" speech - 巴拉克·奥巴马的《是的，我们可以》演讲是21世纪最著名的演讲之一，它在美国历史上留下了深刻的印记，并成为了美国政治和社会变革的一部分。

这些演讲都是历史上非常重要的演讲，它们不仅对演讲者本人产生了深远的影响，而且对整个世界产生了重要的影响。

John F. Kennedy’ Inaugural Address 就职演说

肯尼迪就职演说

肯尼迪就职演说(John F. Kennedy: Inaugural Address)约翰·肯尼迪自幼受到良好的教育，最后读了哈佛大学和斯坦福大学，1940年毕业。

第二次世界大战中肯尼迪加入美国海军，在对日作战中负伤。

战后，肯尼迪29岁即当选为议员，后三次连任。

他在1953 年9月12 日与杰奎琳·布维尔结婚，生有二子一女。

1960年肯尼迪参加总统竞选。

他提出“新边疆”的竞选口号，倡导在科学技术、经济发展、战争与和平等各个领域开拓新天地。

1961年，肯尼迪在选民投票过程中以极小的差距赢得总统的位置，击败了共和党人尼克松，成为美国历史上最年轻的总统，也是第一个罗马天主教总统。

在肯尼迪的就职演说中说道：“不要问你的国家能为你做什么？而要问你能为你的国家做什么。

”作为总统，他开始履行他的竞选承诺再次使美国运转起来。

他上台后并非一切如愿。

任职开始就遇到了美国入侵古巴惨败的事实。

他为了寻得平等的权利采取有力措施，要求新公民权利立法。

他给予民族文化的质量和艺术在一起至关重要的社会中心角色。

他希望美国恢复老的任务作为致力于人权的革命的最早的民族。

由于发展和和平小组的联盟，他对发展中国家的帮助为美国人带来理想主义。

1963年，正当肯尼迪踌躇满志要进一步干一番事业的时候，他遇刺身亡。

我的美国同胞们，不要问你的国家能为你做些什么，而要问你能为你的国家做些什么。

my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country. Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, Reverend Clergy, fellow citizens:We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning -- signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans -- born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty.This much we pledge -- and more.To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided there is little we can do -- for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required -- not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support -- to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course -- both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.So let us begin anew -- remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah -- to "undo the heavy burdens, and [to] let the oppressed go free."?And, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor -- not a new balance of power, but a new world of law -- where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved.All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days; nor in the life of this Administration; nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.Now the trumpet summons us again -- not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need -- not as a call to battle, though embattled we are -- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope; patient in tribulation,"?a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility -- I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it. And the glow from that fire can truly light the world.And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country.My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.。

inauguraladdressofjohnf.kennedy（中文翻译）[整理版]

火炬已经传给新一代美国人约翰-肯尼迪就职演讲星期五,1961年1月20日首席法官先生、艾森豪威尔总统、尼克松副总统、杜鲁门总统、尊敬的牧师、各位公民：0今天我们庆祝的不是政党的胜利，而是自由的胜利。

这象征着一个结束，也象征着一个开端，表示了一种更新，也表示了一种变革。

因为我已在你们和全能的上帝面前，宣读了我们的先辈在170多年前拟定的庄严誓言。

现在的世界已大不相同了，人类的巨手掌握着既能消灭人间的各种贫困，又能毁灭人间的各种生活的力量。

但我们的先辈为之奋斗的那些革命信念，在世界各地仍然有着争论。

这个信念就是：人的权利井非来自国家的慷慨，而是来自上帝恩赐。

0今天，我们不敢忘记我们是第一次革命的继承者。

让我们的朋友和敌人同样听见我此时此地的讲话：火炬已经传给新一代美国人。

这一代人在本世纪诞生，在战争中受过锻炼，在艰难困苦的和平时期受过陶冶，他们为我国悠久的传统感到自豪——他们不愿目睹或听任我国一向保证的、今天仍在国内外作出保证的人权渐趋毁灭。

让每个国家都知道——不论它希望我们繁荣还是希望我们衰落——为确保自由的存在和自由的胜利，我们将付出任何代价，承受任何负担，应付任何艰难，支持任何朋友，反抗任何敌人。

0这些就是我们的保证——而且还有更多的保证。

对那些和我们有着共同文化和精神渊源的老盟友，我们保证待以诚实朋友那样的忠诚。

我们如果团结一致，就能在许多合作事业中无在而下胜；我们如果分歧对立，就会一事无成——因为我们不敢在争吵下休、四分五裂时迎接强大的挑战。

对那些我们欢迎其加入到自由行列中来的新国家，我们格守我们的誓言：决不让一种更为残酷的暴政来取代一种消失的殖民统治。

我们并不总是指望他们会支持我们的观点。

但我们始终希望看到他们坚强地维护自己的自由——而且要记住，在历史上，凡愚蠢地骑在虎背上谋求权力的人，都是以葬身虎口而告终。

0对世界各地身居茅舍和乡村，为摆脱普遍贪困而斗争的人们，我们保证尽量大努力帮助他们自立，不管需要花多长时间——之所以这样做，并不是因为共产党可能正在这样做，也不是因为我们需要他们的选票，而是因为这样做是正确的，自由社会如果不能帮助众多的穷人，也就无法保全少数富人。

1、下载文档前请自行甄别文档内容的完整性，平台不提供额外的编辑、内容补充、找答案等附加服务。
2、"仅部分预览"的文档,不可在线预览部分如存在完整性等问题,可反馈申请退款(可完整预览的文档不适用该条件!)。
3、如文档侵犯您的权益，请联系客服反馈,我们会尽快为您处理(人工客服工作时间：9:00-18:30)。

Military service
• Lieutenant (junior grade) John F. Kennedy (standing at right) with his PT-109 crew • In September 1941, after medical disqualification by the Army for his chronic lower back problems, Kennedy joined the U.S. Navy, with the influence of the director of the Office of Naval Intelligence, former naval attachéto Joseph Kennedy. Kennedy was an ensign serving in the office of the Secretary of the Navy when the attack on Pearl Harbor occurred. He attended the Naval Reserve Officer Training Corps and Motor Torpedo Boat Squadron Training Center, was assigned duty in Panama and later in the Pacific theater, where he earned the rank of lieutenant, commanding a patrol torpedo (PT) boat.
John F. Kennedy’ Inaugural Address
邓春玲
John F. Kennedy
-35th President of U.S.
Personal details
Born :May 29, 1917 Died :November 22, 1963 Political party: Democratic Party In office: 20,1961-November 22,1963
1960 presidential election
• On January 2, 1960, Kennedy initiated his campaign for President in the Democratic primary election, where he faced challenges from Senator Hubert Humphrey of Minnesota and Senator Wayne Morse of Oregon. Kennedy defeated Humphrey in Wisconsin and West Virginia, Morse in Maryland and Oregon, as well as from token opposition (often write-in candidates) in New Hampshire, Indiana, and Nebraska. Kennedy visited a coal mine in West Virginia; most miners and others in that predominantly conservative, Protestant state were quite wary of Kennedy's Roman Catholicism. His victory in West Virginia confirmed his broad popular appeal. At the Democratic Convention, he gave his well-known "New Frontier" speech, saying: "For the problems are not all solved and the battles are not all won—and we stand today on the edge of a New Frontier ... But the New Frontier of which I speak is not a set of promises—it is a set of challenges. It sums up not what I intend to offer the American people, but what I intend to ask of them."
Senate
• In the 1952 election, he defeated incumbent Republican Henry Caboபைடு நூலகம் Lodge, Jr.for the U.S. Senate seat. The following year he was married to Jacqueline. • Kennedy underwent several spinal operations over the following two years. Often absent from the Senate, he was at times critically ill and received Catholic last rites. During his convalescence in 1956, he published Profiles in Courage, a book about U.S. Senators who risked their careers for their personal beliefs, and which received the Pulitzer Prize for Biography in 1957.Rumors that this work was co-authored by his close adviser and speechwriter, Ted Sorensen, were confirmed in Sorensen's 2008 autobiography.
• In September 1935, he made his first trip abroad, with his parents and sister Kathleen, to London, with the intent of studying under Harold Laski at the London School of Economics (LSE), as his older brother Joe had done. Ill health forced his return to America in October 1935, when he enrolled late and spent six weeks at Princeton University. He was then hospitalized for observation at Peter Bent Brigham Hospital in Boston. He convalesced further at the Kennedy winter home in Palm Beach, then spent the spring of 1936 working as a ranch hand on a 40,000 acres (160 km2) cattle ranch outside Benson, Arizona. • As an upperclassman at Harvard, Kennedy became a more serious student and developed an interest in political philosophy. In his junior year he made the Dean's List.In 1940 Kennedy completed his thesis, "Appeasement in Munich", about British participation in the Munich Agreement. The thesis became a bestseller under the title Why England Slept He graduated from Harvard College with a Bachelors of Science cum laude in international affairs in 1940. Kennedy enrolled and audited classes at the Stanford Graduate School of Business that fall.In early 1941, he helped his father write a memoir of his three years as an American ambassador and then traveled throughout South America.
House of Representatives
• While Kennedy was still serving, his older brother, Joseph P. Kennedy, Jr., was killed in action on August 12, 1944, while part of Operation Aphrodite. Since Joe Jr. had been the family's political standard-bearer, the task now fell to John. • In 1946, U.S. Representative James Michael Curley vacated his seat in the strong Democratic 11th Congressional district in Massachusetts—at Joe's urging— to become mayor of Boston. Kennedy ran for the seat, beating his Republican opponent by a large margin.He served as a congressman for six years.