Franklin D就职演讲约翰·肯尼迪

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肯尼迪就职演讲

肯尼迪就职演讲

肯尼迪就职演讲1961年1月20日,美国历史上最有名的总统之一,约翰·F·肯尼迪在华盛顿特区的联邦大厦前发表了他的就职演讲。

这次演讲被广泛认为是20世纪美国最著名的演讲之一,影响了无数的人。

尊敬的男女同胞:今天,我们庆祝我们民主制度的伟大时刻。

这个制度已经有了200年的历史,已经成为世界上最为强大和最为有价值的社会制度之一。

今天,我站在这里,向全世界宣示,我们将不会怯懦,我们将不会放弃我们所拥有的自由,在我们继续前进的道路上,我们不会退缩,直到我们的意愿实现为止。

今天,我们承诺,不断地推动我们的社会,不断地完成我们的目标,不断地担当我们的责任。

这个国家的信仰在于,每个人的机会应该得到平等的引用,并为此而奋斗。

我们的信仰是,无论你出身或种族身份如何,你都应该有获得成功和成就的机会。

我们的国家将始终秉持这样的信仰,并为保护我们的自由和机会而奋斗。

今天,我们的目标之一就是实现和平。

在我们的时代,和平最为珍贵,但同时也最为脆弱。

我们要为实现和平而不遗余力。

我们要让和平成为我们时代的终极目标。

我们的国家创立在普通人的勇气之上。

我们渴望和平,但同时我们也备战。

我们要保卫我们的自由,保卫我们的制度,保卫我们的国家。

这是值得为之奋斗的目标,我们将在实现这个目标上不断努力。

今天,我们庆祝一个新的开始。

一个新的开始,让我们一起迎接未来。

让我们向着我们的目标不断前进,无论前方是怎样的坎坷道路,我们都要勇往直前,坚定不移,不屈服。

让我们铭记这个历史时刻,让我们永远挚爱我们的祖国。

谢谢大家。

肯尼迪就职演讲稿英文(共6篇)

肯尼迪就职演讲稿英文(共6篇)

篇一:肯尼迪总统就职演说(中英文)肯尼迪总统就职演说(1961年1月20日)inaugural address of john f. kennedy january 20, 1961vice president johnson, mr. speaker, mr. chief justice, presidenteisenhower, vice president nixon, president truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens:约翰逊副总统、议长先生、首席大法官先生、艾森豪威尔总统、尼克松副总统、杜鲁门总统、尊敬的牧师、同胞们:we observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom, symbolizing an end as well as a beginning, signifying renewal as well as change. for i have sworn before you and almighty god the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.我们今天所看到的,并非是某一党派的胜利,而是自由的庆典。

它象征着结束,亦象征着开始;意味着更新,亦意味着变化。

今天,我们不敢有忘,我们乃是那第一次革命的后裔。

此时,让这个声音从这里同时向我们的朋友和敌人传达:火炬现已传递到新一代美国人手中——他们生于本世纪,既经受过战火的锤炼,又经历过艰难严峻的和平岁月的考验。

let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty.这是我们矢志不移的承诺,且远不止此!to those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. united there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. divided there is little we can do, for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder. 对于那些与我们共享同一文化和精神源头的老朋友,我们许以朋友的忠诚。

约翰·肯尼迪就职演说稿英文

约翰·肯尼迪就职演说稿英文

约翰·肯尼迪就职演说稿英文vice president johnson, mr. speaker, mr. chief justice, president eisenhower, vice president nixon, president truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning--signifying renewal, as well as change. for i have sworn i before you and almighty god the same solemn oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.the world is very different now. for man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. and yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe--the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of god.we dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has beenpassed to a new generation of americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.this much we pledge--and more.to those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. united, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. divided, there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.to those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. we shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. but we shall always hope to find themstrongly supporting their own freedom--and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.to those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required--not because the communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. if a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.to our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge--to convert our good words into good deeds--in a new alliance for progress--to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. but this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the americas. and let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.to that world assembly of sovereign states, the united nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renewour pledge of support--to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective--to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak--and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.we dare not tempt them with weakness. for only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed. <p class=" *。

【约翰肯尼迪就职演说】Franklin,D就职演讲约翰·肯尼迪

【约翰肯尼迪就职演说】Franklin,D就职演讲约翰·肯尼迪

【约翰肯尼迪就职演说】Franklin,D就职演讲约翰·肯尼迪Franklind就职演讲约翰·肯尼迪(Franklind.Roosevelt)mar.4,1933.PresidentHoovermisterchiefJustice,myfriends: Thisisadayofnationalconsecration,andiamcertainthatonthisdaymyfellowa mericansexpectthatonmyinductioninthePresidencyiwilladdressthemwithac andorandadecisionwhichthepresentsituationofourpeopleimpeis.Thisispree minentlythetimetospeakthetruth,thewholetruth,franklyandboldlynorneedw eshrinkfrom honestlyfacingtheconditionsfacingourcountrytodayThisgreatnationwillend ureasithasendured,willreviveandwillprosperSofirstofall,letmeexpressmyfi rmbeliefthattheonlythingwehavetofearisfearitself-nameless,unreasoning,u njustifiedterror,whichparalyzesneededeffortstoconvertretreatintoadvance.i neverydarkhourofournationallife,aleadershipoffranknessandvigorhasmetw iththatunderstandingandsupportofthepeoplethemselves,whichisessentialto victoryandiamconvincedthatyouwillagaingivethatsupporttoleadershipinth esecriticaldays.insuchaspiritonmypartandonyours,wefaceourcommondifficulties.Theyconcern,thankGod,onlymaterialthings.Valueshaveshrunkentofantasticleve ls;taxeshaverisen,ourabilitytopayhasfallen,governmentofallkindsisfacedbyse riouscurtaiimentofincome,themeansofexchangearefrozeninthecurrentsoftr ade; thewitheredleavesofindustrialenterpriselieoneveryside,farmersfindnomark etsfortheirproduce,andthesavingsofmanyyearsandthousandsoffamiliesareg one.moreimportant,ahostofunemployedcitizensfacethegrimproblemofexistenc e,andanequalandgreatnumbertoilwithlittlereturn.onlyafoolishoptimistcand enythedarkrealitiesofthemoment.andyet,ourdistresscomesfromnofailureofsubstance,wearestrickenbynoplag paredwiththeperilswhichourforefathersconquered,becaus etheybelievedandwerenotafraid,wehavesomuchtobethankfulfornaturesurroundsuswithherbo untyandhuman,effortshavemultipliedit.Plentyisatourdoorstep,butagenerou suseofitlanguishesintheverysightofthesupplyPrimarilythisisbecausetherule rsoftheexchangeofmankind&#39;sgoodshavefailed,throughtheirownstubb ornnessandtheirownincompetence,haveadmittedtheirfailureandhaveabdica ted.Practicesofthe unscrupulousmoneychangersstandindictedinthecourtofpublicopinion,rejec tedbytheheartsandmindsofmen.True,theyhavetried,buttheireffortshavebeencastinthepattenofanoutworntra dition.Facedbyafailureofcredit,theyhaveproposedonlythelendingofmorem oneyStrippedofthelureofprofitbywhichtheyinduceourpeopletofollowtheirf alseleadership,theyhaveresortedtoexhortation,pleadingtearfullyforrestoredcon fidence.Theyonlyknowtherulesofagenerationofselfseekers.Theyhavenovis ion,andwhenthereisnovision,thepeopleperish.Yes,themoneychangershavefledfromtheirhighseatsinthetempleofourciviiiz ation.wemaynowrestorethattemp1etotheancienttruths.ameasureofthatresto rationliesintheextenttowhichweapplysocialvalue,morenoblethanmeremon etaryprofits. Happinessliesnotinthemerepossessionofmoneyitliesinthejoyofachievemen t,inthethrillofcreativeefforts,thejoyandmoralstimulationofworknolongerm ustbeforgotteninthemadchaseofevanescentprofits.Thesedarkdays,myfrien ds,willbeworthalltheycostus,iftheyteachusthatourtruedestinyisnottobemini steredonto,buttoministertoourselves,toourfellowmen. Recognitionofthefalsityofmaterialwealthasthestandardofsuccessgoeshandi nhandwiththeabandonmentofafalsebeliefthatpublicofficeandhighpoliticalp ositionaretobevaluedonlybythestandardsofprideofplaceandpersonalprofits, andtheremustbeanendtoourconductinbankingandinbusiness,whichtoooften hasgiventoasacredtrustthelikenessofcallousandselfishwrong-doing.Small wonderthatconfidencelanguishes,foritthrivesonlyonhonestyonhonononthesacrednessofourobligation,onfaithfulprotectionandonunselfishperformanc e.withoutthemitcannotlive.Restorationcalls,however,notforchangesinethicsalone.Thisnationisaskingf oraction,andactionnow. ourgreatestprimarytaskistoputpeopletowork.Thisisnounsolvableproblemif wetakeitwise1yandcourageouslyitcanbeaccomplishedinpartbydirectrecruit ingbythegovernmentitself,treatingthetaskaswewouldtreattheemergencyofawar,butatthe sametime,throughthisemployment,accomplishinggreatlyneededprojectstos timulateandreorganizetheuseofourgreatnaturalresources. Handinhandwiththat,wemustfranklyrecognizetheoverbalanceofpopulation inourindustrialcentersandbyengagingonanationalscaleinaredistributionina neffortto providebetteruseofthelandforthosebestfittedfortheland. Yesthetaskcanbehelpedbydefiniteeffortstoraisethevalueoftheagriculturalpr oductandwiththisthepowertopurchasetheoutputofourcities.itcanbehelpedb ypreventingrealisticallythetragedyofthegrowinglossesthroughforeclosures ofoursmallhomesandourfarms.itcanbehelpedbyinsistencethatthefederal,th estate,andthelocalgovernmentactforthwithonthedemandsthattheircostsbed rasticallyreduce.itcanbehelpedbytheunifyingofreliefactivitieswhichtodaya reoftenscattered,uneconomical,unequal.itcanbehelpedbynationalplanningfor,andsupervisionofallformsoftransportation,andofcommunications,andotherutilitiesthatha veadefinitelypubliccharacter.Therearemanywaysinwhichitcanbehelped,bu titcanneverbehelpedbymere1ytalkingaboutit.wemustact,wemustactquickly .andfinallyinourprogresstowardaresumptionofwork,werequiretwosafeguar dsagainstthereturnoftheevilsoftheoldorder; theremustbeastrictsupervisionofallbankingandcreditsandinvestments; theremustbeanendtospeculationwithotherpeople-smoney; andtheremustbeprovisionsforanadequatebutsoundcurrency.These,myfriends,arethelinesofattack.ishallpresentlyurgeuponanewcongres sinspecialsession,detailedmeasuresfortheirfulfillment,andishallseektheim mediateassistanceofthe48states.Throughthisprogramofaction,weaddressourselvestoputtingourownnational houseinorder,andmakingincomebalanceoutflowourinternationaltraderelati ons,thoughvastlyimportant,areinpointoftimeandnecessitysecondarytotheestabl ishmentofasoundnationaleconomyifavorasapracticalpolicytheputtingoffirs tthingsfirst.ishallsparenoefforttorestoreworldtradebyinternationaleconomi creadjustment,buttheemergencyathomecannotwaitonthataccomplishment. Thebasicthoughtthatguidesthesespecificmeansofnationalrecoveryisnotnarr owlynationalistic.itistheinsistence,asafirstconsiderationupontheinter-dependenceofthevariouselementsinallpartsoftheUnitedStatesofameri。

美国35届总统肯尼迪就职演说稿

美国35届总统肯尼迪就职演说稿

美国35届总统肯尼迪就职演说稿约翰-肯尼迪是美国第十一届总统,也是被公认的最具才华的总统之一,可惜被人刺杀而英年早逝,早早地结束了政治生涯,下面是为你提供的美国十一届总统肯尼迪就职演说稿,欢迎阅读。

想了解更多发言稿,请继续关注本栏目。

【约翰-肯尼迪简介】约翰·菲茨杰拉德·肯尼迪(John Fitzgerald Kennedy,通常被称作约翰·F·肯尼迪(John F. Kennedy)、JFK或杰克·肯尼迪(Jack Kennedy)),美国第35任总统,美国著名的肯尼迪家族成员,他的执政时间从1961年1月20日开始到1963年11月22日在达拉斯遇刺身亡为止。

肯尼迪在1946年—1960年期间曾先后任众议员和参议员,并于1960年当选为美国总统,成为美国历史上最年轻的当选总统,也是美国历史上唯一信奉罗马天主教的总统和唯一获得普利策奖的总统。

肯尼迪于1961年1月20日正式宣誓就任美国第三十五任总统,他在就职演说中对国际事物给予了极大关注。

他呼吁美国民众承担起更多的义务,做出更大的牺牲。

肯尼迪的就职演说与富兰克林•德拉诺•罗斯福的第一次就职演说被并称为20世纪最令人难忘的两次演说。

【-中文版】约翰.肯尼迪星期五,1961年1月20日首席法官先生、艾森豪威尔总统、尼克松总统、杜鲁门总统、尊敬的牧师、各位公民:我们今天庆祝的并不是一次政党的胜利,而是一次自由的胜利;它象征着结束,也象征着开始;意味着更新,也意味着变革。

因为我们的先辈在170多年前拟定的庄严誓言。

现今世界已经很不同了,因为人在自己血肉之躯的手中握有足以消灭一切形式的人类贫困和一切形式的人类生命的力量。

可是我们祖先奋斗不息所维护的革命信念,在世界各地仍处于争论之中。

那信念就是注定人权并非来自政府的慷慨施与,而是上帝所赐。

我们今天不敢忘记我们是那第一次革命的继承人,让我从此时此地告诉我们的朋友,并且也告诉我们的敌人,这支火炬已传交新一代的美国人,他们出生在本世纪,经历过战争的锻炼,受过严酷而艰苦的和平的熏陶,以我们的古代传统自豪,而且不愿目睹或容许人权逐步被褫夺。

就职演讲稿-约翰·肯尼迪就职演说稿中文

就职演讲稿-约翰·肯尼迪就职演说稿中文

就职演讲稿:约翰·肯尼迪就职演说稿中文S u m m a r y o f w o r k f o r r e f e r e n c e o n l y姓名:XXX职务:XXX时间:20XX年XX月XX日就职演讲稿:约翰·肯尼迪就职演说稿中文我们今天不是祝贺党派的胜利,而是参加自由的庆典:它象征着一个开始——也是一个结束;它代表换代——也是更新。

因为在你们和全能的上帝面前,我已经宣布了一百七十四年前我们祚告诫这同一个庄严的誓言。

现在的世界发生巨大的变化。

人类用自己的死亡之手握住了荡尽所有人间贫困和所有人类生命的势力。

然而,我们祚这战斗的这同一个革命信念,仍然围绕着地球在争论——这个信念就是:人类的权利并非来自政府的慷慨施舍,而是来自上帝的手赠送。

今天,我们不敢忘记我们是独立革命的后嗣。

让革命这个词从这个时刻,这个地点传给朋友,也传给敌人。

这个火把已经传给了新的一代美国人——他们诞生在这个国度,经历过战争的锻炼,又接受了一个艰苦、严峻的和平时期的考验;他们为自己继承的悠久传统自豪;他们不愿意目睹或容忍那些人类权利无休无止的躁蹭。

正是为了这些权利,这个国家一直在献身;也正是为了这些权利,我们今天在国内、在世界各地还在继续献身;也正是为了这些权利,我们今天在国内,在世界各地还在继续献身。

让每一个国家都知道,不论它是祝福我们,还是诅咒我们,我们将不惜任何代价、肩负任何重担、迎对任何艰难、支援任何朋友、反抗任何敌人,以保障自由的主权和胜利!这就是我们的保证,而且不仅如此:——对那些分享其文化、精神血统的昔日盟国,我们保证是他们忠实朋友。

团结起来我们在合作探险的广阔天地里就无所不能;一旦分裂,第 2 页共 6 页我们则将一事无成,因为在争吵与离异中,我们就不敢面对强有力的挑战。

——对那些我们欢迎加入自由行列的新独立国家,我们保证:决不允许殖民统治刚刚死亡,就又被一位变本加厉的专制暴君代替!我们并不总是期待着看到他们支持我们的观点,但是,我们将永远希望看见他们坚决维护自己的自由,并且记住:在以往,凡是愚蠢地骑在虎背上追求权力的人,无不葬身虎腹……——对我们国家南部的姐妹共和国,我们提出特别保证:把我们善意的词句变成善意的行动,在一个争取进步的联盟里,帮助自由人民共国和自由政府斩断贫穷的锁链。

就职演讲稿-约翰·肯尼迪就职演说稿中文

就职演讲稿-约翰·肯尼迪就职演说稿中文

就职演讲稿-约翰·肯尼迪就职演说稿中文尊敬的国家和各位同胞们:今天,我站在这里,肩负着重大的责任和使命,庄严宣誓就任美利坚合众国总统。

这是一个充满挑战和希望的时刻,我深感使命重大,责任重大。

我想回顾一下我们共同的历史,我们曾面临过很多困难,但我们总是能够战胜它们。

我们的祖先为了自由和正义而奋斗,建立了一个伟大的国家。

他们抵御了无数的困难和威胁,为我们铺就了成功的道路。

然而,我们的国家仍然面临很多重大挑战。

经济的不稳定、种族间的紧张关系、社会的不公平,这些问题摆在我们面前,需要我们共同努力解决。

我们需要团结一致,共同努力,才能够战胜困难,创造更加美好的未来。

这个国家属于所有的人民,不论肤色、宗教、种族。

我们必须摒弃偏见和歧视,追求平等和公正。

每个人都应该有机会追求自己的梦想,实现自己的价值。

我相信,只有在这样的社会里,每个人才能够充分发挥自己的潜力,实现真正的幸福和成功。

在国际舞台上,我们也面临着巨大的挑战。

不稳定的地区、恐怖主义的威胁、环境危机等等,这些问题需要我们的积极应对。

我们不仅要保护自己的国家和人民,也要为全世界的和平、稳定和繁荣做出贡献。

面对这些重大的挑战,我相信我们有能力、有智慧、有勇气来应对。

我相信美利坚合众国的人民,他们是勇敢、坚韧、充满智慧的。

只要我们团结一致、携手努力,我们一定能够战胜困难,实现我们的愿景。

我的政府将致力于改革和创新,推动经济增长,提高人民的生活水平。

我们将加强国内外的合作,共同应对各种挑战。

我们将为每个人提供平等的机会和公正的环境,让每个人都能够实现自己的梦想。

尊敬的国家和同胞们,我们站在一个新的时代的起点上。

让我们团结一致、携手前进,共同创造美好的未来。

让我们保持信心和勇气,相信我们的国家、我们的人民能够克服困难,创造更加繁荣和和平的明天。

谢谢大家!。

约翰·肯尼迪就职演说稿英文

约翰·肯尼迪就职演说稿英文

约翰·肯尼迪就职演说稿英文vice president johnson, mr. speaker, mr. chief justice, president eisenhower, vice president ni_on, president truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning--signifying renewal, as well as change. for i have sworn i before you and almighty god the same solemn oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.the world is very different now. for man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. and yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe--the belief that the rights of man e not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of god.we dare not forget today that we are the heirs ofthat first revolution. let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of americans--born inthis century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage--andunwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been mitted, and to which we are mitted today at home and around the world.let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.this much we pledge--and more.to those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. united, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. divided, there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.to those new states whom we wele to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonialcontrol shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. we shall not always e_pect to find them supporting our view. but we shall always hopeto find them strongly supporting their own freedom--andto remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.to those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required--not because the munists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. if a free society cannot help the many whoare poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.to our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge--to convert our good words into good deeds--in a new alliance for progress--to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. but this peaceful revolution of hope cannot bee the preyof hostile powers. let all our neighbors know that weshall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the americas. and let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.to that world assembly of sovereign states, theunited nations, our last best hope in an age where theinstruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from being merely a forum for invective--to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak--and to enlarge the areain which its writ may run.finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulfall humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.we dare not tempt them with weakness. for only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.but neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take fort from our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.so let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity isalways subject to proof. let us never negotiate out of fear. but let us never fear to negotiate.let both sides e_plore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms--and bring the absolute power to destroy othernations under the absolute control of all nations.let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. together let us e_plore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and merce.let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the mand of isaiah--to "undo the heavy burdens ... and to let the oppressed go free."and if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating anew endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.all this will not be finished in the first 100 days. nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor inthe life of this administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this pla. but let us begin.in your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course.since this country was founded, each generation of americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. the graves of young americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need; not as a call to battle, though embattled we are--but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out,"rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation"--a struggle against the mon enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, north and south, east and west, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? will you join inthat historic effort?in the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of ma_imum danger. i do not shankfrom this responsibility--i wele it. i do not believethat any of us would e_change places with any other people or any other generation. the energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it--and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.and so, my fellow americans: ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country.my fellow citizens of the world: ask not what america will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.finally, whether you are citizens of america or citizens of the world, ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. with a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking his blessing and his help, but knowing that here on earth god's work must truly be our own.。

影响深远的约翰肯尼迪就职演讲稿

影响深远的约翰肯尼迪就职演讲稿

影响深远的约翰肯尼迪就职演讲稿在美国历史上,有许多名人和事件都给人们带来了深远的影响,而其中一个最具有代表性的人物便是约翰·肯尼迪。

他作为美历史上最有影响力的总统之一,他在1961年的就职演说中,给全国人民留下了深刻的印象,甚至可以说是改变了美国历史的一面。

在肯尼迪的就职演说中,他使用了大量感人的语言,同步呼吁美国国民们秉持着一种新的民族信仰。

他强调了团结的必要性,寓意了全国人民应该多为国家考虑,而不是一味地为自己谋求利益。

这种民族信仰的号召,让全国人民更为珍视和维护民主、自由和平等三个信仰核心。

肯尼迪还强调了美国国家的世界地位,肯尼迪在演说中表示,“我们的国家以前是一个不那么强大的农业国家,但是现在,我们已经成为了一个世界上最强大的工业大国之一。

同时,我们的政治、经济和军事实力也是前所未有的。

我们应该不断进取,为其他发展中国家提供帮助与支持。

”这种号召,也让更多的人认识到了美国在全球经济和政治中的重要性,同时也表达出了维护全球和平与国家地位的愿望。

此外,在肯尼迪的就职演说中,他还调动了全国人民的爱国情绪。

他表达了毫不动摇地为国献身的信念,并呼吁全国人民应该在困难时刻团结一致。

他强调的是民族主义爱国情怀的标志和民族的百强游者不相让的精神。

这样的号召,让人们更加归属于这个地方,也坚定了抵御敌对势力和保卫国家荣耀的信念。

此外,在肯尼迪就职演说中,他还强调了全球和局势的重要性。

他阐述了在后冷战时期,在美国维护世界和平和稳定的角色,以及对突尼斯、哥伦比亚等第三世界国家的援助和支持。

这样的号召,也让人们意识到世界和平、稳定和抗争的重要性,同时也促进了未来美国的经济、军事和文化发展。

因此,肯尼迪的就职演说是一篇具有极大影响的演说,从许多方面影响了美国和全球的发展。

他所倡导的民族、爱国和国际意识,有着深刻的现实意义和深远的历史意义。

因此,我们应该珍视和传承这种精神,并努力为我们的国家和世界做出更大的贡献。

约翰·肯尼迪就职演讲稿

约翰·肯尼迪就职演讲稿

约翰·肯尼迪就职演讲稿FRIDAY, JANUARY 20, 1961Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning--signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn I before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe--the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this Nation has always beencommitted, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.This much we pledge--and more.To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided, there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.To those new States whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom--and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.To those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required--not because theCommunists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge--to convert our good words into good deeds--in a new alliance for progress--to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective--to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak--and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.So let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to negotiate.Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms--and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah--to "undo the heavy burdens ... and to let the oppressed go free."And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.All this will not be finished in the first 100 days. Nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.Now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need; not as a call to battle, though embattled we are--but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation"--a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shank from this responsibility--I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it--and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country.My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.约翰-肯尼迪就职演讲星期五,1961年1月20日首席法官先生、艾森豪威尔总统、尼克松副总统、杜鲁门总统、尊敬的牧师、各位公民:今天我们庆祝的不是政党的胜利,而是自由的胜利。

约翰·肯尼迪就职演说稿中文

约翰·肯尼迪就职演说稿中文

千里之行,始于足下。

约翰·肯尼迪就职演说稿中文尊敬的各位,亲爱的美国同胞们,今天,我带着无比荣幸和诚挚的心情站在这里,站在这个伟大的国家的领导者的位置上。

我感谢上帝以及各位为我提供这个机会,使我能够为美国的未来做出更大的贡献。

我也感谢我的前任们,特别是我敬爱的艾森豪威尔总统。

他领导我们度过了艰难的时期,维护了世界和平。

他的领导力和智慧对我的影响深远,我将继续学习他的优点,为国家和人民进行最佳的管理和决策。

上个世纪50年代,美国经历了许多挑战和变革。

在那个动荡的时期,我们看到了世界的急剧变化,我们看到了贫富差距的加剧,我们看到了种族间的紧张。

然而,正是在这些危机中,我们也看到了美国人民的伟大勇气和战斗精神。

我们一起面对了困难,一起奋斗着前行。

我坚信,今天的美国同样面临着巨大的挑战和机遇。

我们面临着持续不断的经济问题,面临着日益激烈的全球竞争,面临着诸多不平等现象。

然而,我们有信心,有能力去克服这些困难,去建设一个更加公正、繁荣和和谐的美国。

我要郑重承诺,我将以最大的热情和责任感履行总统的职责。

我将全力以赴实现以下愿景:首先,我们要创造就业机会和繁荣经济。

我会采取一系列的措施来促进创新和创业,支持中小企业的发展,减少税负和监管,创造更多的就业机会。

我会着力解决贫富差距问题,确保每个人都能够分享经济增长的成果。

第1页/共2页锲而不舍,金石可镂。

第二,我们要建立一个更加公平和包容的社会。

我会致力于提高教育质量,确保每个孩子都能接受到优质的教育,无论他们来自何处。

我会努力改善医疗保健体系,让每个人都能够获得合理的医疗保障。

我会坚决支持平等权利和社会正义,消除种族、性别等各种歧视现象。

第三,我们要维护国家安全和世界和平。

我会保持对外政策的稳定性和连续性,与盟友加强合作,共同应对全球挑战,包括恐怖主义、气候变化、贸易纷争等。

我会通过外交手段解决冲突,推动全球合作,为世界带来更多和平与进步。

最后,我要呼吁每个美国人都参与到国家建设中来。

世界名人经典演讲

世界名人经典演讲

世界名人经典演讲精选经典演讲排行1、约翰·肯尼迪:1961年1月20日发表的就职演说2、曼德拉:1990年2月11日《种族隔离制度绝无前途》3、埃及前总统萨达特:1977年11月20日在以色列国会上的演说4、美国前总统卡特:1977年1月20日就职时发表的演讲《美国的理想》5、马丁·路德·金:l963年8月28日在林肯纪念堂前《我有一个梦》6、孙中山:在东京中国留学生欢迎大会上的演说7、奥巴马:2009年1月20日美国总统就职演说Part ⅠInaugural Addresses1.Franklin D.Roosevelt's Third Inaugural Address2.Bill Clinton's First Inaugural Address3.Bill Clinton's Second Inaugural Address4.George W.Bush's Fast Inaugural Address5.George W.Bush's Second Inaugural Address6.Nelson Mandela's Inaugural AddressPart ⅡFarewell Addrmses1.Harry Truman's Farewell Address2.Abdic ation Speech3.Richard Nixon's Resignation Speech4.Farewell to BaseballPart ⅢSocial Issues1.Give Me Liberty or Give Me Death2.Atlanta Compromise3.Franklin D.Roosevelt's Fast Fireside Chat4.Preserving Civil Liberties5.The Strggle for Human Rights6.Choices and Change7.A Moral Necessity for Birth Control8.The Children's EraPart ⅣPolitical Issues1.Lincoln's Gettysburg Address2.My Side of the Story [Checkers]3.I Have a Dream4.Statement on the Assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr.5.Foreign Policy of Great Britain Speech6.Speech to the Greater Houston Ministerial Assoc iation7.We Choose to Go to the Moon8.Tear Down This WallPart V Wars&Disasters1.Franklin D.Roosevelt’s war Message-Asking Congress to Dec lare War on Japan2.Normandy Address-Final Pep-Talk Speech3.Iron Curtain Speech4.Pope John Paul It's Speech at hrael’s Holocaust Memorial5.Challenger Space Shuttle Explosion SDocCh6.Responding to Landmines:A Modem Tragedy and It’8 Consequences7.Obituary to Diana,McC88 0f Wales8.9/11 Address to the Nation9.George w.Bush’s Address to Congress and the American People After 9/11。

美国英文十大震撼演讲稿

美国英文十大震撼演讲稿

美国英文十大震撼演讲稿在美国历史上,有许多令人震撼的演讲,这些演讲不仅激励着美国人民,也深深地影响着世界。

下面,我将为大家介绍美国英文十大震撼演讲稿,让我们一起感受这些伟大时刻。

1. Abraham Lincoln Gettysburg Address。

亚伯拉罕·林肯在葛底斯堡演讲中提出了“民有、民治、民享”的理念,呼吁团结一致,坚定信念。

他用简洁而有力的语言,激励了全国人民,成为美国历史上最伟大的演讲之一。

2. Martin Luther King Jr. I Have a Dream。

马丁·路德·金在这次演讲中表达了对种族平等的渴望,他梦想着一个没有种族歧视的世界。

这场演讲激励了无数人,成为美国民权运动的标志性时刻。

3. John F. Kennedy Inaugural Address。

约翰·肯尼迪在就职演讲中提出了“不要问国家能为你做什么,而要问你能为国家做什么”的号召,号召美国人民为国家的繁荣和和平作出贡献。

4. Franklin D. Roosevelt Pearl Harbor Address。

富兰克林·罗斯福在珍珠港袭击后的演讲中,以坚定的语气宣布美国加入二战,激励了整个国家团结一心,为战争胜利而奋斗。

5. Ronald Reagan Tear Down This Wall。

罗纳德·里根在柏林墙演讲中,呼吁苏联领导人拆除柏林墙,实现德国的统一。

这场演讲成为冷战时期的转折点,展现了美国对自由和民主的坚定信念。

6. Barack Obama Yes We Can。

巴拉克·奥巴马在总统竞选演讲中,提出了“是的,我们能够”的口号,号召全国人民团结一致,共同创造美好的未来。

7. Winston Churchill We Shall Fight on the Beaches。

温斯顿·丘吉尔在二战期间的演讲中,以坚定的决心宣布英国将与德国进行殊死抗争,激励了整个国家坚定不移地抵抗敌人。

美国35届总统肯尼迪就职演说稿

美国35届总统肯尼迪就职演说稿

美国35届总统肯尼迪就职演说稿
约翰-肯尼迪是美国第十一届总统,也是被公认的最具才华的总统之一,可惜被人刺杀而英年早逝,早早地结束了政治生涯,下面是为你提供的美国十一届总统肯尼迪就职演说稿,欢迎阅读。

想了解更多发言稿,请继续关注本栏目。

【约翰-肯尼迪简介】
约翰·菲茨杰拉德·肯尼迪(John Fitzgerald Kennedy,通常被称作约翰·F·肯尼迪(John F. Kennedy)、JFK或杰克·肯尼迪(Jack Kennedy)),美国第35任总统,美国著名的肯尼迪家族成员,他的执政时间从1961年1月20日开始到1963年11月22日在达拉斯遇刺身亡为止。

肯尼迪在1946年—1960年期间曾先后任众议员和参议员,并于1960年当选为美国总统,成为美国历史上最年轻的当选总统,也是美国历史上唯一信奉罗马天主教的总统和唯一获得普利策奖的总统。

肯尼迪总统就职演说

肯尼迪总统就职演说

肯尼迪总统就职演说篇一:肯尼迪总统就职演说(中英文)肯尼迪总统就职演说(1961年1月20日)inauguraladdressofJohnF.KennedyJanuary20,1961 VicePresidentJohnson,mr.Speaker,mr.chiefJustice,President Eisenhower,VicePresidentnixon,PresidentTruman,Reverendclergy,fellowc itizens:约翰逊副总统、议长先生、首席大法官先生、艾森豪威尔总统、尼克松副总统、杜鲁门总统、尊敬的牧师、同胞们:weobservetodaynotavictoryofpartybutacelebrationoffreedom,symbolizing anendaswellasabeginning,signifyingrenewalaswellaschange.Forihaveswor nbeforeyouandalmightyGodthesamesolemnoathourforebearsprescribedne arlyacenturyandthree-quartersago.我们今天所看到的,并非是某一党派的胜利,而是自由的庆典。

它象征着结束,亦象征着开始;意味着更新,亦意味着变化。

因为我已在你们及万能的上帝面前,依着我们先辈175年前写下的誓言宣誓。

Theworldisverydifferentnow.Formanholdsinhismortalhandsthepowertoab olishallformsofhumanpovertyandallformsofhumanlife.andyetthesamerevo lutionarybeliefsforwhichourforebearsfoughtarestillatissuearoundtheglobe--thebeliefthattherightsofmancomenotfromthegenerosityofthestatebutfromthehandofGod.世界已然今非昔比,因为人类手中已经掌握了巨大的力量,既可以用来消除各种形式的贫困,亦可用以毁灭人类社会。

肯尼迪就职演讲稿

肯尼迪就职演讲稿

肯尼迪就职演讲稿-约翰·肯尼迪今天我们庆祝的不是政党的胜利,而是自由的胜利。

这象征着一个结束,也象征着一个开端;意味着延续也意味着变革。

因为我已在你们和全能的上帝面前,宣读了我们的先辈在170年前拟定的庄严誓言。

现在的世界已大不相同了。

人类的巨手掌握着既能消灭人间的各种贫困,又能毁灭人间的各种生活的力量。

但我们的先辈为之奋斗的那些革命信念,在世界各地仍然有着争论。

这个信念就是人的权利并非国家的慷慨,而是上帝恩赐。

今天,我们不敢忘记我们是第一次革命的继承者。

让我们的朋友和敌人同样听见我此时此地的讲话:火炬已经传给新一代美国人。

这一代人在本世纪诞生,在战争中受过锻炼,在艰难困苦的和平时期受过陶冶,他们为我国悠久的传统感到自豪——他们不愿目睹或听任我国一向保证的、今天仍在国内外作出保证的人权渐趋毁灭。

让每个国家都知道——不论它希望我们繁荣还是希望我们衰落一为确保自由的存在和自由的胜利,我们将付出任何代价,承受任何负担,应付任何艰难,支持任何朋友,反抗任何敌人。

这些就是我们的保证——而且还有更多的保证。

对那些和我们有着共同文化和精神渊源的老盟友,我们保证待以诚实朋友那样的忠诚。

我们如果团结一致,就能在许多合作事业中无往不胜:我们如果分歧对立,就会一事无成——因为我们不敢在争吵不休、四分五裂时迎接强大的挑战。

对那些我们欢迎其加入到自由行列中来的新国家,我们恪守我们的誓言:决不让一种更为残酷的暴-政来取代一种消失的殖民统治。

我们并不总是指望他们会支持我们的观点。

但我们始终希望看到他们坚强地维护自己的自由——而且要记住,在历史上,凡愚蠢地狐假虎威者,终必葬身虎口。

对世界各地身居茅舍和乡村,为摆脱普遍贫困而斗争的人们,我们保证尽最大努力帮助他们自立,不管需要花多长时间——之所以这样做,并不是因为共-产-党可能正在这样做,也不是因为我们需要他们的选票,而是因为这样做是正确的。

自由社会如果不能帮助众多的穷人,也就无法挽救少数富人。

约翰·肯尼迪就职演说稿英文就职演说

约翰·肯尼迪就职演说稿英文就职演说

约翰·肯尼迪就职演说稿英文就职演说Fellow Americans,Today, we gather here to witness the peaceful transition of power and to celebrate the promise of a new era in our great nation. I stand before you honored and humbled to take the oath of office as the President of the United States.In the face of great challenges, we must remember the ideals that our forefathers fought and died for, the principles that have guided and shaped our nation. It is in the pursuit of these ideals that we find our common ground, our shared destiny.We are a nation built on freedom, liberty, and justice for all. It is these values that have made America great, and it is these values that will guide us forward. But we must also recognize that our journey is far from complete. There are still barriers to be broken, injustices to be righted, and divisions to be healed.Today, I stand here before you with a vision for a better tomorrow. A tomorrow where every American has equal access to opportunity and prosperity. A tomorrow where no child goes to bed hungry or without hope. A tomorrow where the American Dream is within reach for all.To achieve this vision, we must come together as one nation, one people. We must set aside our differences and work towards a common purpose. We must remember that we are stronger together than we are apart.I pledge to you, my fellow Americans, that I will lead with integrity, honesty, and compassion. I will listen to your voices and be guided by your wisdom. I will work tirelessly to build a government that serves the people, not special interests or personal agendas.But I cannot do it alone. I call on each and every one of you to join me in this grand endeavor. Together, we can overcome any obstacle, achieve any goal, and build a brighter future for ourselves, our children, and generations to come.As I take this oath of office, I am reminded of the words of President Abraham Lincoln, who once said, \。

史上最著名的十大演讲英文

史上最著名的十大演讲英文

史上最著名的十大演讲英文English:1. Martin Luther King Jr. - "I Have a Dream"2. John F. Kennedy - "Inaugural Address"3. Winston Churchill - "We Shall Fight on the Beaches"4. Franklin D. Roosevelt - "The only thing we have to fear is fear itself"5. Abraham Lincoln - "The Gettysburg Address"6. Ronald Reagan - "Tear Down this Wall"7. Nelson Mandela - "I Am Prepared to Die"8. Barack Obama - "Yes We Can"9. Steve Jobs - "Stay Hungry, Stay Foolish"10. Malala Yousafzai - "Address to the United Nations Youth Assembly"Translated content:1. 马丁·路德·金 - "我有一个梦想"2. 约翰·肯尼迪 - "就职演说"3. 温斯顿·丘吉尔 - "我们将在海滩上战斗"4. 富兰克林·罗斯福 - "我们唯一要害的就是恐惧本身"5. 亚伯拉罕·林肯 - "葛底斯堡演说"6. 罗纳德·里根 - "拆掉这堵墙"7. 纳尔逊·曼德拉 - "我愿意为自由付出一切"8. 巴拉克·奥巴马 - "Yes We Can"9. 史蒂夫·乔布斯 - "保持饥饿,保持愚蠢"10. 马拉拉·优素福扎伊 - "联合国青年大会发言"。

美国最年轻总统肯尼迪的就职演说

美国最年轻总统肯尼迪的就职演说

约翰·菲兹吉拉德·肯尼迪1917年5月29日生于马萨诸塞州波士顿市布鲁克林郊区富豪之家,父亲曾任驻英大使。

1935年在伦敦经济学院曾就教于有名的政治学教授拉斯基。

1940年哈佛大学毕业。

1941年10月应征入伍。

曾到鱼雷艇中队服役。

1945年退役后在国际新闻社任记者。

1946年当选国会众议员,1952年当选参议员,1956年作为史蒂文森的伙伴竞选副总统失败。

1958年连任参议员。

1960年7月在加利福尼亚州洛杉矶民主党全国代表大会上被提名为该党总统候选人。

1960年11月8日当选为美国第35任总统。

1963年11月22日在得克萨斯州达拉斯市竞选旅行时遇刺身亡。

任内提出了“新边疆”政纲。

主张振兴教育事业,发展农业,重视城市建设和老人与儿童的健康保险。

1961年制造入侵古巴的吉隆滩事件;提出“援助”拉美的十年“争取进步联盟”计划,建立“和平队”。

1962年利用军事威胁手段迫使赫鲁晓夫撤出运进古巴的“防御”导弹。

1963年与苏联和英国签署禁止在大气层试验核武器条约,还同意设置美苏“热线”。

同年9月发表入侵越南的政策讲话,并派25000名美军到越南,扩大侵越战争。

另二篇:肯尼迪遇刺之迷;评价。

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(Franklin D. Roosevelt)Mar. 4, 1933.President Hoover Mister Chief Justice, my friends:This is a day of national consecration, and I am certain that on this day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction in the Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impeIs. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly Nor need we shrink from honestly facing the conditions facing our country today This great nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper So first of all, let me express my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself - nameless, unreasoning, un justified terror, which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves, which is essential to victory And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.In such a spirit on my part and on yours, we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen, our ability to pay has fallen, government of all kinds is faced by serious curtaiIment of income, the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side, farmers find no markets for their produce, and the savings of many years and thousands of families are gone.More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equal and great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.And yet, our distress comes from no failure of substance, we are stricken by no plagUe of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed andwere not afraid, we have so much to be thankful for Nature surrounds us with her bounty and human, efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply Primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure and have abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.True, they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the patten of an outworn tradition. Faced by a failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money Stripped of the lure of profit by which they induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortation, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They only know the rules of a generation of self seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision, the people perish.Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civiIization. We may now restore that temp1e to the ancient truths. A measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social value, more noble than mere monetary profits.Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative efforts, the joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us, if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered on to, but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.Recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of a false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profits, and there must be an end to our conduct in banking and in business, which too of ten has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrong-doing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty on honon on the sacredness of our obligation, on faithful protection and on unselfish performance. Without them it cannot live.Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This nation is asking for action, and action now.Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we take it wise1y and courageously It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.Hand in hand with that, we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution in an effort toprovide better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.Yes the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the value of the agricultural product and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing losses through fore closures of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by insistence that the federal, the state, and the local government act forthwith on the demands that their costs be drastically reduce. It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are of ten scattered, uneconomical, unequal. It can be helped by national planning for, and supervision of all forms of transportation, and of communications, and other utilities that have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by mere1y talking about it. We must act, we must act quickly.And finally in our progress toward a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against the return of the evils of the old order; there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments; there must be an end to speculation with other people-s money; and there must be provisions for an adequate but sound currency.These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special session, detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 states.Through this program of action, we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order, and making income balance outflow Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time and necessity secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy I favor as a practical policy the putting of first things first. I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first consideration upon theinter-dependence of the various elements in all parts of the United States of America - a recognition of the old and the permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to recovery it is the immediate way it is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.In the field of world policy I would dedicate this nation to the policy of the good neighbor. The neighbor who resolutely respects himself, and because he does so,respects the rights ofothers. The neighbor who respects his ob1igation, and respects the sanctity of his agreement, in and with, a world of neighbor.If I read the temper of our people correctly we now realize what we have never realized before, our inter-dependence on each other, that we cannot merely take, but we must give as well. That if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discip1ine, no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective. We are all ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline because it makes possible a1eadership which aims at the larger good. This, I propose to offet we are going to larger purposes, bind upon us, bind upon us all, as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly, the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems. Action in this image, action to this end, is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from my ancestors. Our constitution is so simple, so practical, that it is possible always, to meet extraordinary needs, by changes in emphasis and arrangements without loss of a central form, that is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen. It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authoritywi1l be fully equal, fully adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for underlay action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity in the clearest consciousness of seeking all and precious moral values, with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike, we aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.We do not distrust the future of essential democracy The people of the United States have not failed. In their need, they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline, and direction under leadership, they have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift, I take it.In this dedication, in this dedication of a nation, we humbly ask the b1essings of God, may He protect each and every one of us, may He guide me in the days to come.We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom. Symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning, signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you, and almighty God, the same solemn oath our forbears prescribed [3] nearly a century and three quarters ago.The world is very different now, for man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty, and all forms of human life. And yet, the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forbears fought are still at issue [4] around the globe. The belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth [5], from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans, born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage and unwilling to witness, or permit, the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today, at home and around the world.Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well of ill, that we shall payany price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and success of liberty. This much we pledge and more.To those old allies, whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do, in a host of [6] cooperative ventures [7]. Divided there is little we can do. For we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split us asunder.To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our words that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view, but we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom, and to remember that in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe, struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required, not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.To our sister republics [8] south of our border, we offer a special pledge, to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress to assist free men and free governments in casting off [9] the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.。

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