尼克松就职演讲
1969年美国总统尼克松就职演说
First Inaugural Address of Richard Milhous NixonMONDAY, JANUARY 20, 1969Senator Dirksen, Mr. Chief Justice, Mr. Vice President, President Johnson, Vice President Humphrey, my fellow Americans--and my fellow citizens of the world community:I ask you to share with me today the majesty of this moment. In the orderly transfer of power, we celebrate the unity that keeps us free.Each moment in history is a fleeting time, precious and unique. But some stand out as moments of beginning, in which courses are set that shape decades or centuries.This can be such a moment.Forces now are converging that make possible, for the first time, the hope that many of man's deepest aspirations can at last be realized. The spiraling pace of change allows us to contemplate, within our own lifetime, advances that once would have taken centuries.In throwing wide the horizons of space, we have discovered new horizons on earth.For the first time, because the people of the world want peace, and the leaders of the world are afraid of war, the times are on the side of peace.Eight years from now America will celebrate its 200th anniversary as a nation. Within the lifetime of most people now living, mankind will celebrate that great new year which comes only once in a thousand years--the beginning of the third millennium.What kind of nation we will be, what kind of world we will live in, whether we shape the future in the image of our hopes, is ours to determine by our actions and our choices.The greatest honor history can bestow is the title of peacemaker. This honor now beckons America--the chance to help lead the world at last out of the valley of turmoil, and onto that high ground of peace that man has dreamed of since the dawn of civilization.If we succeed, generations to come will say of us now living that we mastered our moment, that we helped make the world safe for mankind.This is our summons to greatness.I believe the American people are ready to answer this call.The second third of this century has been a time of proud achievement. We have made enormous strides in science and industry and agriculture. We have shared our wealth more broadly than ever. We have learned at last to manage a modern economy to assure its continued growth.We have given freedom new reach, and we have begun to make its promise real for black as well as for white.We see the hope of tomorrow in the youth of today. I know America's youth.I believe in them. We can be proud that they are better educated, more committed, more passionately driven by conscience than any generation in our history.No people has ever been so close to the achievement of a just and abundant society, or so possessed of the will to achieve it. Because our strengths are sogreat, we can afford to appraise our weaknesses with candor and to approach them with hope.Standing in this same place a third of a century ago, Franklin Delano Roosevelt addressed a Nation ravaged by depression and gripped in fear. He could say in surveying the Nation's troubles: "They concern, thank God, only material things."Our crisis today is the reverse.We have found ourselves rich in goods, but ragged in spirit; reaching with magnificent precision for the moon, but falling into raucous discord on earth.We are caught in war, wanting peace. We are torn by division, wanting unity. We see around us empty lives, wanting fulfillment. We see tasks that need doing, waiting for hands to do them.To a crisis of the spirit, we need an answer of the spirit.To find that answer, we need only look within ourselves.When we listen to "the better angels of our nature," we find that they celebrate the simple things, the basic things--such as goodness, decency, love, kindness.Greatness comes in simple trappings.The simple things are the ones most needed today if we are to surmount what divides us, and cement what unites us.To lower our voices would be a simple thing.In these difficult years, America has suffered from a fever of words; from inflated rhetoric that promises more than it can deliver; from angry rhetoric that fans discontents into hatreds; from bombastic rhetoric that postures instead of persuading.We cannot learn from one another until we stop shouting at oneanother--until we speak quietly enough so that our words can be heard as well as our voices.For its part, government will listen. We will strive to listen in new ways--to the voices of quiet anguish, the voices that speak without words, the voices of the heart--to the injured voices, the anxious voices, the voices that have despaired of being heard.Those who have been left out, we will try to bring in.Those left behind, we will help to catch up.For all of our people, we will set as our goal the decent order that makes progress possible and our lives secure.As we reach toward our hopes, our task is to build on what has gone before--not turning away from the old, but turning toward the new.In this past third of a century, government has passed more laws, spent more money, initiated more programs, than in all our previous history.In pursuing our goals of full employment, better housing, excellence in education; in rebuilding our cities and improving our rural areas; in protecting our environment and enhancing the quality of life--in all these and more, we will and must press urgently forward.We shall plan now for the day when our wealth can be transferred from the destruction of war abroad to the urgent needs of our people at home.The American dream does not come to those who fall asleep.But we are approaching the limits of what government alone can do.Our greatest need now is to reach beyond government, and to enlist the legions of the concerned and the committed.What has to be done, has to be done by government and people together or it will not be done at all. The lesson of past agony is that without the people we can do nothing; with the people we can do everything.To match the magnitude of our tasks, we need the energies of ourpeople--enlisted not only in grand enterprises, but more importantly in those small, splendid efforts that make headlines in the neighborhood newspaper instead of the national journal.With these, we can build a great cathedral of the spirit--each of us raising it one stone at a time, as he reaches out to his neighbor, helping, caring, doing.I do not offer a life of uninspiring ease. I do not call for a life of grim sacrifice.I ask you to join in a high adventure--one as rich as humanity itself, and as exciting as the times we live in.The essence of freedom is that each of us shares in the shaping of his own destiny.Until he has been part of a cause larger than himself, no man is truly whole.The way to fulfillment is in the use of our talents; we achieve nobility in the spirit that inspires that use.As we measure what can be done, we shall promise only what we know we can produce, but as we chart our goals we shall be lifted by our dreams.No man can be fully free while his neighbor is not. To go forward at all is to go forward together.This means black and white together, as one nation, not two. The laws have caught up with our conscience. What remains is to give life to what is in the law: to ensure at last that as all are born equal in dignity before God, all are born equal in dignity before man.As we learn to go forward together at home, let us also seek to go forward together with all mankind.Let us take as our goal: where peace is unknown, make it welcome; where peace is fragile, make it strong; where peace is temporary, make it permanent.After a period of confrontation, we are entering an era of negotiation.Let all nations know that during this administration our lines of communication will be open.We seek an open world--open to ideas, open to the exchange of goods and people--a world in which no people, great or small, will live in angry isolation.We cannot expect to make everyone our friend, but we can try to make no one our enemy.Those who would be our adversaries, we invite to a peacefulcompetition--not in conquering territory or extending dominion, but in enriching the life of man.As we explore the reaches of space, let us go to the new worldstogether--not as new worlds to be conquered, but as a new adventure to be shared.With those who are willing to join, let us cooperate to reduce the burden of arms, to strengthen the structure of peace, to lift up the poor and the hungry.But to all those who would be tempted by weakness, let us leave no doubt that we will be as strong as we need to be for as long as we need to be.Over the past twenty years, since I first came to this Capital as a freshman Congressman, I have visited most of the nations of the world.I have come to know the leaders of the world, and the great forces, the hatreds, the fears that divide the world.I know that peace does not come through wishing for it--that there is no substitute for days and even years of patient and prolonged diplomacy.I also know the people of the world.I have seen the hunger of a homeless child, the pain of a man wounded in battle, the grief of a mother who has lost her son. I know these have no ideology, no race.I know America. I know the heart of America is good.I speak from my own heart, and the heart of my country, the deep concern we have for those who suffer, and those who sorrow.I have taken an oath today in the presence of God and my countrymen to uphold and defend the Constitution of the United States. To that oath I now addthis sacred commitment: I shall consecrate my office, my energies, and all the wisdom I can summon, to the cause of peace among nations.Let this message be heard by strong and weak alike:The peace we seek to win is not victory over any other people, but the peace that comes "with healing in its wings"; with compassion for those who have suffered; with understanding for those who have opposed us; with the opportunity for all the peoples of this earth to choose their own destiny.Only a few short weeks ago, we shared the glory of man's first sight of the world as God sees it, as a single sphere reflecting light in the darkness.As the Apollo astronauts flew over the moon's gray surface on Christmas Eve, they spoke to us of the beauty of earth--and in that voice so clear across the lunar distance, we heard them invoke God's blessing on its goodness.In that moment, their view from the moon moved poet Archibald MacLeish to write:"To see the earth as it truly is, small and blue and beautiful in that eternal silence where it floats, is to see ourselves as riders on the earth together, brothers on that bright loveliness in the eternal cold--brothers who know now they are truly brothers."In that moment of surpassing technological triumph, men turned their thoughts toward home and humanity--seeing in that far perspective that man's destiny on earth is not divisible; telling us that however far we reach into the cosmos, our destiny lies not in the stars but on Earth itself, in our own hands, in our own hearts.We have endured a long night of the American spirit. But as our eyes catch the dimness of the first rays of dawn, let us not curse the remaining dark. Let us gather the light.Our destiny offers, not the cup of despair, but the chalice of opportunity. So let us seize it, not in fear, but in gladness-- and, "riders on the earth together," let us go forward, firm in our faith, steadfast in our purpose, cautious of the dangers; but sustained by our confidence in the will of God and the promise of man.我们都是地球的乘客-理查德-尼克松第一次就职演讲星期一,1969年1月20日历史的每一个时刻转瞬即逝，它既珍贵又独特。
美国第37任总统尼克松就职演说(全文)
美国第37任总统尼克松就职演说(全文)时间：1969年1月20日地点：国会大厦德克森参议员、最高法院首席法官先生、副总统先生、约翰逊总统、汉弗莱副总统、美国同胞们、全世界的公民们：今天，在这个时刻，我要求你们和我分享这种崇高肃穆的感情。
在有秩序的权力交接中，我们欢庆我们的团结一致，它使我们保有自由。
历史巨轮飞转，分分秒秒的时间都十分宝贵，也独具意义。
但是有些瞬间却成为新的起点，定下其后数十年及至几个世纪的行程。
现在，由于世界人民要求和平，各国领导人惧怕战争，所以在历史上第一次，时代站到了和平方面。
历史能授予的最光荣称号莫过于“和平的缔造者”了。
这最高荣誉现在正召唤美国。
美国有机会引导世界最终从动乱的深渊中拔足，走向人类自有文明以来即梦寐以求的和平宽阔高地。
如果我们能够成功，后辈子孙提到我们现在活着的人时，将会说我们驾驭了我们的时代，为人类求得了世界安全。
三分之一世纪以前，富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福曾经站在这里向全国演说，当时国家正受经济不景气困扰，陷于惶恐中。
他看到国家当时的种种困难，却仍然能够说：“感谢上帝，我国的困难毕竟只在物质方面。
”今天我们的危机正相反。
我们物质丰富，却精神贫乏；我们以非凡的准确程度登上了月球，但地球上却陷入了一片混乱。
我们卷人了战争，没有和平。
我们四分五裂，没有团结。
我们看到周围的人生活空虚，没有充实的内容；我们看到许多工作需要完成，却没有人手去做。
对于精神的危机，我们需要精神的解决办法。
为了找到解决办法，我们只需省视自身。
当我们估量能够做什么时，我们只应许诺能做到的事。
但在制订目标时，却要有远大的理想。
如果你的邻舍没有自由，你就不会得到完全的自由。
只有共同前进才能前进。
这就是说黑人和白人共有一个国家，不是分为两个。
法律是按照我们的良心制订的。
剩下的问题就是赋予法律条文以生命：保证既然一切人在上帝面前生来就有同等的尊严，在人的面前也应有同等的尊严。
我们在国内要学会团结所有人共同前进，让我们也努力求得全人类的共同前进吧。
尼克松总统英文演讲稿
尼克松总统英文演讲稿第一篇：尼克松总统英文演讲稿晚上好!亲爱的同胞们：Tonight I want to talk to you on a subject of deep concern to all Americans and to many people in all parts of the world, the war in Vietnam.今晚，我想与各位探讨一个问题，这是所有美国人和全球无数人所深切关注的一个问题——越南战争。
I believe that one of the reasons for the deep division about Vietnam is that many Americans have lost confidence in what their Government has told them about our policy.The American people cannot and should not be asked to support a policy which involves the overriding issues of war and peace unless they know the truth about that policy.我认为，在关于越南战争一事上，大家的观点出现了严重分歧的一个重要原因在于：很多美国民众对我们的政府所宣扬的政策已失去了信心。
当前情况下，除非美国人民真正认清政策本质，否则不能也不应该被要求去支持涉及战争与和平等重大问题的政策。
Tonight, therefore, I would like to answer some of the questions that I know are on the minds of many of you listening to me.所以，今晚，我想借此机会回答一些问题，一些萦绕在你们许多人脑海中的问题。
尼克松总统就职演讲：共同奋进的时刻
尼克松总统就职演讲：共同奋进的时刻尼克松总统就职演讲：共同奋进的时刻尊敬的议长先生、尊敬的尼克松夫人、尊敬的尼克松总统，以及各位尊敬的贵宾们：在这历史性的时刻，我感到无比荣幸能站在这里，代表美国人民，作为美利坚合众国的第37任总统就职。
今天是一个值得庆祝的日子，标志着我们共同奋进的时刻，一个新的篇章即将开启。
尼克松总统就职演讲的主题是“共同奋进的时刻”，这体现出了他对国家发展、国民团结的期许和承诺。
同时，这也是对历史上曾经的困境和挑战的回顾，以及未来发展的展望。
在这篇演讲中，尼克松总统传递了一种深入人心、令人动容的情感，以及他对美国未来的远见和决心。
尼克松总统在演讲中提到了过去的困境和挑战。
他说：“长久以来，我们一直面临着许多困境，内部矛盾和分歧导致了我们的不断衰退。
”这种真诚的反思，让人们不禁回想起美国历史上的苦难时期，如经济大萧条和民主制度的动荡期。
然而，尼克松总统并未止步于对问题的描述，而是呼吁全美国民众要携手共建一个更加美好的未来。
尼克松总统强调了国家团结的重要性。
他说：“团结是我们追求未来荣耀的基石。
”他明确指出，唯有在全体国民紧密团结的基础上，才能迈向更广阔的前进道路。
尼克松总统寄语全国人民，呼吁不分派别、不分敌我，彼此信任和支持，共同为国家的利益奋斗。
这种团结，不仅仅是政府和国会的团结，更是全社会各阶层的团结，包括工人、农民、学生、企业家、知识分子等。
只有当我们众志成城，释放出团结的力量，我们才能在接下来的岁月里跨越困难，赢得更大的成功。
尼克松总统还谈到了国内外的挑战。
他提到了停止战争、重建和平的重要性，同时也强调了国内经济和社会的稳定与发展。
他强调：“我们需要制定一个在对国内问题和对外政策上都能够坚守的方针。
”这体现出了他对外交政策的关注和重视。
尼克松总统的就职演讲充满着对于国家发展的理念和远见，他认为只有通过坚持和平、国内外政策的平衡，我们才能推动国家的繁荣和发展。
尼克松总统在演讲中还强调了国家的道德观念和公共负担。
尼克松总统就职演讲：实现和平的机会
尼克松总统就职演讲：实现和平的机会：今天，我非常荣幸地站在这里向全球宣誓：我将尽我的全力，保护和支持美国宪法，为了实现和平，我将全身心地服务于美国。
在我就职之前，我想表达我对于我前任总统林登·约翰逊在多年领导期间所付出的努力和贡献的敬意。
尽管我们有很多分歧，但他为美国所做的事情是值得我们感激和尊重的。
今天，我站在这里接受美国人民的信任和重托，成为这个伟大国家的第37任总统。
我非常感激美国人民给予我的机会，以及选择我领导我们国家的信任。
我很清楚，我就任总统之时，美国和其他国家面临着很多挑战，我们的世界正面临着各种各样的威胁和风险。
但我相信，这些挑战也是我们机遇的一部分。
我们要以全新的思维方式和方法来解决这些问题，并利用这些机遇，推动我们的国家和整个世界向更加美好的未来发展。
我相信，实现和平的机会从来没有像现在这样强大。
尽管我们面临着恐怖主义、贫穷、疾病、环境和人权等问题，但我相信，这些问题并不是无法解决的。
我们所有的人都要为实现和平和繁荣而努力奋斗，我们要为我们的未来而努力工作，为我们子孙后代留下一个更美好的世界。
我认为，我们应该以创新和开放的精神去思考，利用先进的科技、方法和策略，加强我们与其他国家和地区之间的合作，共同着眼于为更广大的人民谋求福祉。
我们要在全球范围内加强国际关系和合作。
这不仅需要我们像以往一样维护自身国家利益，还需要我们思考、关注其他国家的利益，以及对全球化和国际贸易等问题的看法。
我们要多方位交流、多方位探讨，一起为实现和平、安全和繁荣而努力奋斗。
只有这样，我们才能创造出一个受益广泛、相互依存的世界。
此外，我们也要在国内继续努力，确保我们的人民能够过上更加美好的生活。
我们要加强经济发展，提高教育水平，改善医疗和社会保障体系等，让所有美国人有机会获得实现自我价值的机会，并为我们的社会发展做出贡献。
我要再次向全球宣誓：我将尽我的全力，保护和支持美国宪法，为了实现和平，我将全身心地服务于美国。
尼克松总统就职演讲：为国家带来希望的时刻
尼克松总统就职演讲：为国家带来希望的时刻为国家带来希望的时刻尊敬的各位国会议员、联邦最高法院大法官、各位外宾以及所有美国人民：今天，我们在这里共同见证了一个令人振奋的时刻——我正式就任美利坚合众国总统。
我深感荣幸和谦逊地站在这个宏伟而富有历史意义的国会大厦的讲台上，与你们分享我对国家的愿景和期望。
我们的国家面临着重大的挑战。
经历了长期的内外困境，美国人民渴望找回自己的身份和自豪感。
我们的经济发展受到了困扰，就业率下降，通胀问题严重，社会不公平现象日益严重。
此外，冷战的阴霾继续笼罩着国际舞台，国与国之间的紧张局势时刻威胁着世界和平。
然而，尽管我们面临的困难重重，我坚信，这个时刻蕴含着巨大的希望。
因为我相信，只要我们团结一心，共同努力，我们就能够化解困境，为国家和人民带来更加美好的未来。
在经济方面，我们将致力于重振美国的经济实力。
我们将采取必要的措施，鼓励企业创新和投资，减少税负和繁琐的监管，改善商业环境。
同时，我们也会加大对教育、科技和基础设施的投资，以提高我们的人力资本和国家竞争力。
我们将努力实现全民就业，促进经济增长，消除贫困和不平等现象，让每个美国人都能够分享到国家繁荣的成果。
在国际事务中，我们将积极推动世界和平与合作。
我们将本着互相尊重和互利共赢的原则，与世界各国展开对话与合作，共同应对气候变化、恐怖主义、贫困等全球性挑战。
我们将坚守国际法治和多边主义原则，维护国际关系稳定，推动解决世界各地的冲突与纷争。
我们将加强与盟友的合作，拓展与新兴国家的伙伴关系，共同构建一个和平、稳定、繁荣的世界。
此外，为了重塑国家精神和凝聚人民力量，我们将加强国内的社会改革和文化建设。
我们将推动公民意识的培养，倡导公正、平等、宽容和尊重多元化的价值观。
我们将投入更多的资源，改善教育体系，提高人民的素质和能力。
我们将加大社会福利和医疗保障的覆盖范围，确保每个人都能够享受到基本的生活保障和公平的机会。
我要向所有美国人民发出呼吁：我们需要团结一心，共同为国家的未来努力奋斗。
尼克松辞职演讲中文稿
尼克松辞职演讲中文稿尊敬的美国人民：今天，我在这里宣布，我将辞去美国总统的职务。
尽管这是我作为总统的最后一天，但我仍然对我的领导承诺感到无比荣幸和自豪。
我深深意识到，我提出这项决定的根本原因是为了避免进一步的争议和分裂。
我相信，美国需要一个团结的领导者，一个能够使国家重新建立起和谐和信心的领导者。
然而，我也要承认，作为总统，我曾犯下一些错误，而这些错误可能会给国家和人民带来伤害。
因此，我决定辞去总统职务，为了避免对国家和人民造成进一步的伤害。
当我担任总统时，我有幸带领美国迈向繁荣和和平。
我们取得了许多重大的成就，包括结束越南战争、改善与中国的关系以及实现两大超级大国的军事平衡。
我引入了一系列的政策和法案，以推动经济增长和社会发展。
这些成就是共和党和民主党的努力的结果，是每个美国人民的共同努力的结果。
然而，我也要诚实地面对过去的错误和误判。
1972年的水门事件给我个人和政府带来了极大的困扰。
虽然我并非直接参与这些违法行为，但我承认在调查过程中存在着误导和掩盖真相之嫌。
这些丑闻严重损害了公众对政府的信任，对我们民主体制的稳定和合法性造成了质疑。
在这里，我要向所有受到水门事件影响的人表示真诚的歉意。
我深感愧疚，因为我没有提供足够的领导力来防止这些违法行为的发生。
我对国家和人民的这种背叛深感痛心，并为此深感忧虑。
作为美国总统，我对我的行为和决策负有最终的责任。
相信我，我从中吸取了深刻的教训，并且我深信，这个伟大的国家拥有能够带领它走向更加辉煌未来的能力和智慧。
因此，我决定辞去总统职务，以允许一个更能够团结整个国家的领导者上任。
我呼吁全体美国人民团结起来，共同促进国家的发展和繁荣。
我们需要摆脱分裂和争议，重新回到团结和进步的轨道上。
我相信，只有通过合作和相互尊重，我们才能够实现这一目标。
尽管我今天将离开这个职位，但我永远都会热爱和关心美国，愿意为这个国家做出贡献。
我要感谢那些一直支持我的人，以及所有为国家和人民服务的人们。
美国历届总统就职演讲稿
美国历届总统就职演讲稿美国历届总统就职演讲稿美国是世界上最强大的国家之一，每当一个新总统上任时，他都需要在国会大厦的就职典礼上发表演讲，宣誓就职并介绍他的政治愿景。
这些就职演讲稿是美国历史上一些最重要的政治讲话之一，它们描绘了该国的未来方向，同时向全世界展示该国的价值和道德标准。
现在，让我们回顾一下一些重要而难忘的美国历届总统就职演讲稿。
华盛顿的就职演讲(1789)乔治·华盛顿成为美国第一任总统时，他在1789年4月30日在联邦大厦前宣誓就职。
在他的演讲中，华盛顿强调了联邦政府的重要性，并试图消除各个州之间的分歧，奠定了美国政府的基础。
林肯第二次就职演讲(1865)林肯第二次就职演讲是美国历史上最有名的就职演讲之一。
在恢复国家的艰难时期，林肯在典礼上提出了“和平、团结、正义”的口号，他的讲话也被认为是对奴隶制度废除的胜利在道义上的肯定。
罗斯福第一次就职演讲(1933)富兰克林·罗斯福在他的第一次就职演讲中，承诺通过“新政”政策扭转大萧条的局面。
他提出了“唯有恐惧本身才是我们所应害怕的”这一名言，鼓舞了美国人的信心，促进了国家的复苏。
肯尼迪就职演讲(1961)约翰·肯尼迪的就职演讲被誉为美国历史上最具启发性和激情澎湃的演讲之一。
他在演讲中提出了“不要问国家为你们能做些什么，而要问你们可以为国家做些什么”的名言，这真正地激励了所有的美国人为自己的国家做出贡献。
尼克松第一次就职演讲(1969)理查德·尼克松在他的第一次就职演讲中，承诺结束越南战争，并带领美国人民消除一切分裂。
他表示，他的首要任务是在极其分裂的美国社会中建立和谐。
这一演讲推动了美国的社会改革，缩小了美国社会的分裂。
奥巴马第一次就职演讲(2009)巴拉克·奥巴马成为第一个非白人美国总统，并在他的第一次就职典礼典礼上表达了自己对2008年大选的胜利兴奋以及对美国人民的期望。
他的演讲中，奥巴马渲染了美国困境，特别是经济上的困境，并谈到了一个更加团结的美国。
辞职演讲(尼克松
Resignation Speech辞职演讲（尼克松）This is the 37th time I have spoken to you from this office where so many decisions have been made that shape the history of this nation. Each time I have done so to discuss with you some matters that I believe affected the national interest. And all the decisions I have made in my public life I have always tried to do what was best for the nation.Throughout the long and difficult period of Watergate, I have felt it was my duty to persevere, to make every possible effort to complete the term of office to which you elected me.In the past few days, however, it has become evident to me that I no longer have a strong enough political base in the Congress to justify continuing that effort. As long as there was such a base, I felt strongly that it was necessary to see the constitutional process through to its conclusion, that to do otherwise would be unfaithful to the spirit of that deliberately difficult process, and a dangerously destabilizing precedent for the future.But with the disappearance of that base, I now believe that the constitutional purpose has been served. And there is no longer a need for the process to be prolonged.I would have preferred to carry through to the finish whatever the personal agony it would have involved, and my family unanimously urged me to do so. But the interests of the nation must always come before any personal considerations. From the discussions I have had with Congressional and other leaders I have concluded that because of the Watergate matter I might not have the support of the Congress that I would consider necessary to back the very difficult decisions and carry out the duties of this office in the way the interests of the nation will require. I have never been a quitter.To leave office before my term is completed is opposed to every instinct in my body. But as President I must put the interests of America first.America needs a full-time President and a full-time Congress, particularly at this time with problems we face at home and abroad.To continue to fight through the months ahead for my personal vindication would almost totally absorb the time and attention of both the President and the Congress in a period when our entire focus should be on the great issues of peace abroad and prosperity without inflation at home.Therefore, I shall resign the Presidency effective at noon tomorrow. Vice President Ford will be sworn in as President at that hour in this office.注释：注释：Watergate 水门事件agony n. 苦恼，极大的痛苦Unanimously 全体一致地,无异议地Quitter n.轻易停止的人, 懦夫Vindication n.辩护, 辩明, 拥护中文对照(晚上好！)这是我第37次在这里对你们讲话。
美国总统尼克松的讲话英汉对照五篇
美国总统尼克松的讲话英汉对照五篇第一篇：美国总统尼克松的讲话英汉对照美国总统尼克松的讲话英汉对照PRESIDENT NIXON’S SPEECH1Mr.Prime Minister and all of your distinguished guests this evening, On behalf of all of your American guests, I wish to thank you2 for the incomparable hospitality for which3 the Chinese people are justly famous throughout the world.I particularly want to pay tribute, not only to those who prepared the magnificent dinner, but also to4 those who have provided5 the splendid music.Never have I heard American music played better in a foreign land.Mr.Prime Minister, I wish to thank you for your very gracious and eloquent remarks.At this very moment6 through the wonder7 of telecommunications, more people are seeing and hearing what we say than on any other such occasion in the whole history of the world.Yet, what we say here will not be long remembered.What we do here can change the world.As you said in your toast, the Chinese people are a great people, the American people are a great people.If our two people are enemies the future of this world we share together is dark indeed.But if we can find common ground8 to work together, the chance for world peace9 is immeasurably increased.In the spirit of frankness which10 I hope will characterize our talks this week, let us recognize at the outset11 these points: we have at times in the past been enemies.We have great differences today.What brings us together is that we have common interests which transcend those differences.As we discuss our differences, neither of us will compromise our principles.But while we cannot close the gulf between us, we can try to bridge it so that we maybe able to talk across it.So, let us, in these next five days, start a long march together, not in lockstep12, but on different roads leading to the same goal, the goal of building a world structure of peace and justice in which13 all14 may stand together with equal dignity and in which each nation, large or small, has a right to determine its own form of government, free of outside interference or domination15.The world watches.The world listens.The world waits to see what we will do.What is the world? In a personal sense, I think of my eldest daughter whose birthday is today.As I think of her, I think of all the children in the world, in Asia, in Africa, in Europe, in the Americas, most of whom were born since the date of the foundation of the People’s Republic of China.What legacy shall we leave our children? Are they destined to die for the hatreds which have plagued the old world, or are they destined to live because we had the vision16 to build a new world? There is no reason for us to be enemies.Neither of us seeks the territory of the other;neither of us seeks domination over the other, neither of us seeks to stretch out our hands and rule the world.Chairman Mao has written, “So many deeds cry out to be done, and always urgently;the world rolls on , time presses.Ten thousand years are too long, seize the day, seize the hour!”This is the hour.This is the day for our two peoples to rise to the heights of greatness which can build a new and a better world.In that spirit, I ask all of you present to join me in raising your glasses to Chairman Mao, to Prime Minister Chou, and to the friendship of the Chinese and American people which can lead to friendship and peace for all people in the world.美国总统尼克松的讲话总理先生及今晚在座的诸位贵宾：我谨代表你们的所有美国客人向你们表示感谢，感谢你们的无可比拟的盛情款待。
历届美国总统就职演讲大全
美国历届总统就职演讲（大全）内容简介美国总统的就职演讲是美国政治的一种形式，但它已经成为了美国的一种文化，美国总统的演讲辞更成为美国、乃至世界的文化遗产。
美国是实行总统制的典型国家。
美国总统身兼国家元首和行政首脑，在三权分立的政治结构中居重要地位。
美国实行总统内阁制，每四年选举一次总统，可连选连任一次。
每当新总统当选后，便要举行庄严而隆重的就职典礼。
这是美国政治生活中的一项重大的庆典。
总统就职典礼一般有4个程序：首先是就职宣誓；宣誓之后，总统发表就职演说；演说完毕，便开始盛大的庆祝游行；最后举行舞会。
美国总统借就职演说，表明自己政见和立场，起着鼓舞人民、教育人民的作用。
为了给人民留下良好的印象，总统对演说词斟酌推敲，以求打动人心。
好的演说词常常诞生在重大历史时刻，时势造英雄，这演说词也造就了传诵千古的名篇。
这里收集的《美国历届总统就职演讲（大全）》主要参考了李其荣《美国历届总统就职演讲辞》，另有一部分是从网络媒体下载的，并增加了最新的2013年奥巴马第二次就职演讲内容。
但第二十四届第二十一任切斯特·艾伦·阿瑟、第二十九届第二十六任西奥多•罗斯福、第三十四届第三十任卡尔文-柯立芝、第四十届第三十三任哈里·杜鲁门和第四十四届第三十六任林顿·约翰逊的就职演讲译文未找到。
截至目前，这个版本应该是收集的美国总统就职演讲大全了。
另附李其荣《美国历届总统就职演讲辞》“前言”。
目录第一届第一任乔治·华盛顿（1789～1793）首次就职演讲第二届第一任乔治·华盛顿（1793～1797）第二次就职演讲第三届第二任约翰·亚当斯（1797～1801）就职演讲第四届第三任托马斯·杰斐逊（1801～1805）首次就职演讲第五届第三任托马斯·杰斐逊（1805～1809）第二次就职演讲第六届第四任詹姆斯·麦迪逊（1809～1813）首次就职演讲第七届第四任詹姆斯·麦迪逊（1813-1817）第二次就职演讲第八届第五任詹姆斯·门罗（1817-1821）首次就职演讲第九届第五任詹姆斯·门罗（1821～1825）第二次就职演讲第十届第六任约翰·昆西·亚当斯（1825～1829）就职演讲第十一届第七任安德鲁·杰克逊（1829-1833）首次就职演讲第十二届第七任安德鲁·杰克逊（1833～1837）第二次就职演讲第十三届第八任马丁·范·布伦（1837～1841）就职演讲第十四届第九任威廉·亨利·哈里森（1841）就职演讲第十四届第十任约翰·泰勒（1841～1845）就职演讲第十五届第十一任詹姆斯·波尔克（1845～1849）就职演讲第十六届第十二任扎卡里·泰勒（1849～1850）就职演讲第十六届第十三任米勒德·菲尔莫尔（1850～1853）就职演讲第十七届第十四任富兰克林·皮尔斯（1853～1857）就职演讲第十八届第十五任詹姆斯·布坎南（1857～1861）就职演讲第十九届第十六任亚伯拉罕·林肯（1861～1865）首次就职演讲第二十届第十六任亚伯拉罕·林肯（1865）第二次就职演讲第二十届第十七任安德鲁·约翰逊（1865～1869）就职演讲第二十一届第十八任尤利西斯·格兰特（1869-1873）首次就职演讲第二十二届第十八任尤利西斯·格兰特（1873～1877）第二次就职演讲第二十三届第十九任拉瑟福德·海斯（1877～1881）就职演讲第二十四届第二十任詹姆斯·加菲尔德（1881）就职演讲第二十四届第二十一任切斯特·艾伦·阿瑟（1881～1885）就职演讲（暂无演讲词）第二十五届第二十二任格罗弗·克利夫兰（1885～1889）就职演讲第二十六届第二十三任本杰明·哈里森（1889-1893）就职演讲第二十七届第二十四任格罗弗·克利夫兰（1893～1897）就职演讲第二十八届第二十五任威廉·麦金莱（1897～1901）首次就职演讲第二十九届第二十五任威廉·麦金莱（1901）第二次就职演讲第二十九届第二十六任西奥多·罗斯福（1901～1905）首次就职演讲第三十届第二十六任西奥多·罗斯福（1905～1909）第二次就职演讲第三十一届第二十七任威廉·塔夫特（1909～1913）就职演讲第三十二届第二十八任伍德罗·威尔逊（1913-1917）首次就职演讲第三十三届第二十八任伍德罗·威尔逊（1917～1921）第二次就职演讲第三十四届第二十九任华伦·哈丁（1921～1923）就职演讲第三十四届第三十任卡尔文-柯立芝（1923～1925）就职演讲第三十五届第三十任卡尔文-柯立芝（1925-1929）就职演讲第三十六届第三十一任赫伯特·胡佛（1929～1933）就职演讲第三十七届第三十二任富兰克林·罗斯福（1933～1937）首次就职演讲第三十八届第三十二任富兰克林·罗斯福（1937～1941）第二次就职演讲第三十九届第三十二任富兰克林·罗斯福（1941～1945）第三次就职演讲第四十届第三十二任富兰克林·罗斯福（1945）第四次就职演讲第四十届第三十三任哈里·杜鲁门（1945～1949）首次就职演讲（暂无演讲词）第四十一届第三十三任哈里·杜鲁门（1949～1953）第二次就职演讲第四十二届第三十四任德怀特·艾森豪威尔威尔（1953-1957）首次就职演讲第四十三届第三十四任德怀特·艾森豪威尔威尔（1957～1961）第二次就职演讲第四十四届第三十五任约翰·肯尼迪（1961～1963）就职演讲第四十四届第三十六任林顿·约翰逊（1963～1965）首次就职演讲（无演讲词）第四十五届第三十六任林顿·约翰逊（1965～1969）第二次就职演讲第四十六届第三十七任理查德德·尼克松（1969～1973）首次就职演讲第四十七届第三十七任理查德德·尼克松（1973～1974）第二次就职演讲第四十七届第三十八任杰拉德·鲁道夫·福特（1974～1977）就职演讲第四十八届第三十九任杰米·卡特（1977～1981）就职演讲第四十九届第四十任罗纳德·里根（1981-1985）首次就职演讲第五十届第四十任罗纳德·里根（1985-1989）第二次就职演讲第五十一届第四十一任乔治·布什（1989～1993）就职演讲第五十二届第四十二任比尔·克林顿（1993～1997）首次就职演讲第五十三届第四十二任比尔·克林顿（1997-2001）第二次就职演讲第五十四届第四十三任乔治·沃克·布什（2001～2005）首次就职演讲第五十五届第四十三任乔治·沃克·布什（2005～2009）第二次就职演讲第五十六届第四十四任巴拉克·奥巴马（2008～2013）首次就职演讲第五十七届第四十四任巴拉克·奥巴马（2013～2017）第二次就职演讲（注：以下所谓届、任——届：根据美国宪法，总统选举每四年举行一次，总统任期四年，任满四年为一届。
最新-1974年美国总统福特就职演说1 精品
1974年美国总统福特就职演说篇一：美国总统富尼克松的就职演讲稿美国总统富尼克松的就职演讲稿历史的每一个时刻转瞬即逝，它既珍贵又独特。
可是，其中某些显然是揭开序幕的时刻，此时，一代先河得以开创，它决定了未来数十年或几个世纪的航向。
现在可能就是这样一个时刻。
现在，各方力量正在汇聚起来，使我们第一次可以期望人类的许多夙愿最终能够实现。
不断加快的变革速度，使我们能在我们这一代期望过去花了几百年才出现的种种进步。
由于开辟了大空的天地，我们在地球上也发现了新的天地。
由于世界人民希望和平，而世界各国领袖害怕战争，因此，目前形势第一次变得有利于和平。
从现在起，再过8年，美国将庆祝建国200周年。
在现在大多数人的有生之年，人类将庆祝千载难逢的、辉煌无比的新年——第三个百年盛世的开端。
我们的国家将变成怎样的国家，我们将生活在怎样的世界上，我们要不要按照我们的希望铸造未来，这些都将由我们根据自己的行动和选择来决定。
历史所能赐予我们的最大荣誉，莫过于和平缔造者这一称号。
这一荣誉现在正在召唤美国——这是领导世界最终脱离动乱的幽谷，走向自文明开端以来人类一直梦寐以求的和平高坛的一个机会。
我们若获成功，下几代人在谈及现在在世的我们时会说，正是我们掌握了时机，正是我们协力相助，使普天之下国泰民安。
这是要我们创立宏伟大业的召唤。
我相信，美国人民准备响应这一召唤。
经过一段对抗时期，我们正进入一个谈判时代。
让所有国家都知道，在本届政府任期内，交流通道是敞开的。
我们谋求一个开放的世界——对各种思想开放，对物资和人员的交流开放，在这个世界中，任何民族，不论大小，都不会生活在怏怏不乐的孤立之中。
我们不能指望每个人都成为我们的朋友，可是我们能设法使任何人都不与我们为敌。
我们邀请那些很可能是我们对手的人进行一场和平竞赛——不是要征服领土或扩展版图，而是要丰富人类的生活。
在探索宇宙空间的时候，让我们一起走向新的世界——不是走向被征服的新世界，而是共同进行一次新的探险。
美国第任总统尼克松告别演说
美国第任总统尼克松告别演说Final approval draft on November 22, 2020美国第37任总统尼克松告别演说(全文)时间：1974年8月9日地点：白宫各位内阁成员，各位白宫的职员，所有在场的朋友：我想记录会表明，这只是一次自发的聚会。
每当总统要发表演说时，都会有这样的场面。
新闻媒体也会这样报道。
我们不必担心这个问题，他们只要看到这个现场，自然就会这样报道。
但是我们自己一定要很清楚，这确实是自发的聚会，相信我。
你们来到这里，同我们说再见。
这种仪式在英语里没有特别好的名称，最好的说法是法语的au revoir（欢送会）。
我们还会再相见的。
我刚才已经接见过白宫的职员了，你们知道，他们天天都在白宫里提供服务，已经很多年了。
我对他们的要求，同对你们的要求是一样的。
我要求你们大家尽力，当然这本来就是你们的职责，为下一任总统服务，就像你们为我和为历任总统服务一样。
你们中的很多人已经在这里工作多年，无比忠诚和具有奉献精神。
你们要知道，这座楼之所以是一座伟大的楼，完全是因为那些和总统一起工作或者为总统工作的男男女女本身就同这幢楼一样伟大。
比如说，当我走过大厅的时候，我会想到这座楼，我会将它同另一些世界上我到过的伟大的楼做比较。
它不是最大的楼，很多小国里有比它大得多的楼。
它也不是最漂亮的楼。
欧洲的许多楼，中国的许多楼，里面有价值连城的绘画，有许多我们这里没有的东西，再过1000年，我们这里也未必会有。
但是，它是世界上最好的楼。
因为它里面有一些东西，有一些比人员的数量、比房间的数目、比空间的大小、比艺术品的多寡更重要的东西。
这座楼有一颗伟大的心。
这颗心来自于那些为这座楼工作的人们。
我相当遗憾，他们没有下来。
我们在楼上同他们道别了。
但是，他们的伟大是的的确确的。
回想起来，我曾经做过很多次演讲，有些还是难度很高的演讲，当演讲结束以后，经过劳累的一天，我回到这座楼里，通常我的工作时间是很长的，我也许有些疲惫不堪，但是我总是能从他们身上感到鼓励，他们总是对我微笑着。
尼克松就职演讲
This can be such a moment.
Forces now are converging that make possible, for the first time, the hope that many of man's deepest aspirations can at last be realized. The spiraling pace of change allows us to contemplate, within our own lifetime, advances that once would have taken centuries.
As we reach toward our hopes, our task is to build on what has gone before--not turning away from the old, but turning toward the new.
In this past third of a century, government has passed more laws, spent more money, initiated more programs, than in all our previous history.
ቤተ መጻሕፍቲ ባይዱ
Our crisis today is the reverse.
We have found ourselves rich in goods, but ragged in spirit; reaching with magnificent precision for the moon, but falling into raucous discord on earth.
名人演讲：尼克松 沉默的大多数 The Great Silent Majority
名人演讲：尼克松沉默的大多数TheGreat Silent Majority演讲者简介：理查德·米尔豪斯·尼克松(Richard Milhous Nixon，1913年1月9日-1994年4月22日)，第36任美国副总统(1953年-1961年)与第37任美国总统(1969年-1974年)。
尼克松是美国史上唯一当过两届总统与两届副总统的人，但也是唯一于在位期间，以辞职的方式离开总统职位的美国总统。
演讲背景介绍：1969年，美国深陷越南战争的泥潭，为了应付国内国外的压力弄的焦头烂额。
在越南，美军损兵折将，而在国内，反战运动风起云涌(看过《阿甘正传》的应该对反战运动的“盛况”有所认识)。
越战这个烫手的山芋于是如同现在的伊拉克一般，成了食之无味而弃之可惜的鸡肋。
当时的美国总统尼克松为了应对危局，在国内寻求广泛的人民的首肯，提出了“沉默的大多数”这个说法。
尼克松说，那些站出来游行示威、强烈反对越战、甚至攻击警察机关的人们，虽然显得声势浩大，但实际上却并非是多数，而绝大多数美国人的声音却被这些激进的呼喊所掩盖;绝大多数美国人都是爱国的，不希望国家走入颓势，只是种种原因，他们并未站出来表达自己的意见，而是处于沉默状态。
虽然，也有批评人士认为这是尼克松为自己的越战政策涂脂抹粉。
但他们也不得不承认，尼克松的这番话还真取得了不俗的效果，听过其演说的人，对他的支持率将近八成，而随后1972年的大选，尼克松以压倒性的胜利获得连任，也不能不提这“沉默的大多数”的功劳。
Good evening, my fellow Americans.晚上好!亲爱的同胞们：Tonight I want to talk to you on a subject of deep concern to all Americans and to many people in all parts of the world, the war in Vietnam.今晚，我想与各位探讨一个问题，这是所有美国人和全球无数人所深切关注的一个问题——越南战争。
美国总统尼克松的就职演讲稿
美国总统尼克松的就职演讲稿以下整理的美国总统尼克松就职演讲稿,供大家参考,希望大家能够有所收获!美国总统尼克松的就职演讲稿Senator Dirksen, Mr. Chief Justice, Mr. Vice President, President Johnson, Vice President Humphrey, my fellow Americans--and my fellow citizens of the world community:I ask you to share with me today the majesty of this moment. In the orderly transfer of power, we celebrate the unity that keeps us free.Each moment in history is a fleeting time, precious and unique. But some stand out as moments of beginning, in which courses are set that shape decades or centuries.This can be such a moment.Forces now are converging that make possible, for the first time, the hope that many of man's deepest aspirations can at last be realized. The spiraling pace of change allows us to contemplate, within our own lifetime, advances that once would have taken centuries.In throwing wide the horizons of space, we have discovered new horizons on earth.For the first time, because the people of the world want peace, and the leaders of the world are afraid of war, the times are on the side of peace.Eight years from now America will celebrate its 200th anniversary as a nation. Within the lifetime of most people now living, mankind will celebrate that great new year which comes only once in a thousand years--the beginning of the third millennium.What kind of nation we will be, what kind of world we will live in, whether we shape the future in the image of our hopes, is ours to determine by our actions and our choices.The greatest honor history can bestow is the title of peacemaker. This honor now beckons America--the chance to help lead the world at last out of the valley of turmoil, and onto that high ground of peace that man has dreamed of since the dawn of civilization.If we succeed, generations to come will say of us now living that we mastered our moment, that we helped make the world safe for mankind.This is our summons to greatness.I believe the American people are ready to answer this call.The second third of this century has been a time of proud achievement. We have made enormous strides in science and industry and agriculture. We have shared our wealth more broadly than ever. We have learned at last to manage a modern economy to assure its continued growth.We have given freedom new reach, and we have begun to make its promise real for black as well as for white.We see the hope of tomorrow in the youth of today. I knowAmerica's youth. I believe in them. We can be proud that they arebetter educated, more committed, more passionately driven by conscience than any generation in our history.No people has ever been so close to the achievement of a just and abundant society, or so possessed of the will to achieve it. Because our strengths are so great, we can afford to appraise our weaknesses with candor and to approach them with hope.Standing in this same place a third of a century ago, Franklin Delano Roosevelt addressed a Nation ravaged by depression and gripped in fear. He could say in surveying the Nation's troubles: "They concern, thank God, only material things."Our crisis today is the reverse.We have found ourselves rich in goods, but ragged in spirit; reaching with magnificent precision for the moon, but falling into raucous discord on earth.We are caught in war, wanting peace. We are torn by division, wanting unity. We see around us empty lives, wanting fulfillment. We see tasks that need doing, waiting for hands to do them.To a crisis of the spirit, we need an answer of the spirit.To find that answer, we need only look within ourselves.When we listen to "the better angels of our nature," we find that they celebrate the simple things, the basic things--such as goodness, decency, love, kindness.Greatness comes in simple trappings.The simple things are the ones most needed today if we are to surmount what divides us, and cement what unites us.To lower our voices would be a simple thing.In these difficult years, America has suffered from a fever of words; from inflated rhetoric that promises more than it can deliver; from angry rhetoric that fans discontents into hatreds; from bombastic rhetoric that postures instead of persuading.We cannot learn from one another until we stop shouting at one another--until we speak quietly enough so that our words can be heard as well as our voices.For its part, government will listen. We will strive to listen in new ways--to the voices of quiet anguish, the voices that speak without words, the voices of the heart--to the injured voices, the anxious voices, the voices that have despaired of being heard.Those who have been left out, we will try to bring in.Those left behind, we will help to catch up.For all of our people, we will set as our goal the decent order that makes progress possible and our lives secure.As we reach toward our hopes, our task is to build on what has gone before--not turning away from the old, but turning toward the new.In this past third of a century, government has passed more laws, spent more money, initiated more programs, than in all our previous history.In pursuing our goals of full employment, better housing, excellence in education; in rebuilding our cities and improving our rural areas; in protecting our environment and enhancing the quality of life--in all these and more, we will and must press urgently forward.We shall plan now for the day when our wealth can be transferred from the destruction of war abroad to the urgent needs of our peopleat home.The American dream does not come to those who fall asleep.But we are approaching the limits of what government alone can do.Our greatest need now is to reach beyond government, and toenlist the legions of the concerned and the committed.What has to be done, has to be done by government and people together or it will not be done at all. The lesson of past agony is that without the people we can do nothing; with the people we can do everything.To match the magnitude of our tasks, we need the energies of our people--enlisted not only in grand enterprises, but more importantlyin those small, splendid efforts that make headlines in the neighborhood newspaper instead of the national journal.With these, we can build a great cathedral of the spirit--each of us raising it one stone at a time, as he reaches out to his neighbor, helping, caring, doing.I do not offer a life of uninspiring ease. I do not call for alife of grim sacrifice. I ask you to join in a high adventure--one as rich as humanity itself, and as exciting as the times we live in.The essence of freedom is that each of us shares in the shapingof his own destiny.Until he has been part of a cause larger than himself, no man is truly whole.The way to fulfillment is in the use of our talents; we achieve nobility in the spirit that inspires that use.As we measure what can be done, we shall promise only what we know we can produce, but as we chart our goals we shall be lifted by our dreams.No man can be fully free while his neighbor is not. To go forward at all is to go forward together.This means black and white together, as one nation, not two. The laws have caught up with our conscience. What remains is to give life to what is in the law: to ensure at last that as all are born equal in dignity before God, all are born equal in dignity before man.As we learn to go forward together at home, let us also seek to go forward together with all mankind.Let us take as our goal: where peace is unknown, make it welcome; where peace is fragile, make it strong; where peace is temporary, make it permanent.After a period of confrontation, we are entering an era of negotiation.Let all nations know that during this administration our lines of communication will be open.We seek an open world--open to ideas, open to the exchange of goods and people--a world in which no people, great or small, will live in angry isolation.We cannot expect to make everyone our friend, but we can try to make no one our enemy.Those who would be our adversaries, we invite to a peaceful competition--not in conquering territory or extending dominion, butin enriching the life of man.As we explore the reaches of space, let us go to the new worlds together--not as new worlds to be conquered, but as a new adventure to be shared.With those who are willing to join, let us cooperate to reducethe burden of arms, to strengthen the structure of peace, to lift up the poor and the hungry.But to all those who would be tempted by weakness, let us leave no doubt that we will be as strong as we need to be for as long as we need to be.Over the past twenty years, since I first came to this Capital as a freshman Congressman, I have visited most of the nations of the world.I have come to know the leaders of the world, and the great forces, the hatreds, the fears that divide the world.I know that peace does not come through wishing for it--thatthere is no substitute for days and even years of patient and prolonged diplomacy.I also know the people of the world.I have seen the hunger of a homeless child, the pain of a man wounded in battle, the grief of a mother who has lost her son. I know these have no ideology, no race.I know America. I know the heart of America is good.I speak from my own heart, and the heart of my country, the deep concern we have for those who suffer, and those who sorrow.I have taken an oath today in the presence of God and my countrymen to uphold and defend the Constitution of the United States. To that oath I now add this sacred commitment: I shall consecrate my office, my energies, and all the wisdom I can summon, to the cause of peace among nations.Let this message be heard by strong and weak alike:The peace we seek to win is not victory over any other people,but the peace that comes "with healing in its wings"; with compassion for those who have suffered; with understanding for those who have opposed us; with the opportunity for all the peoples of this earth to choose their own destiny.Only a few short weeks ago, we shared the glory of man's first sight of the world as God sees it, as a single sphere reflectinglight in the darkness.As the Apollo astronauts flew over the moon's gray surface on Christmas Eve, they spoke to us of the beauty of earth--and in that voice so clear across the lunar distance, we heard them invoke God's blessing on its goodness.In that moment, their view from the moon moved poet Archibald MacLeish to write:"To see the earth as it truly is, small and blue and beautiful in that eternal silence where it floats, is to see ourselves as riderson the earth together, brothers on that bright loveliness in the eternal cold--brothers who know now they are truly brothers."In that moment of surpassing technological triumph, men turned their thoughts toward home and humanity--seeing in that far perspective that man's destiny on earth is not divisible; telling us that however far we reach into the cosmos, our destiny lies not in the stars but on Earth itself, in our own hands, in our own hearts.We have endured a long night of the American spirit. But as our eyes catch the dimness of the first rays of dawn, let us not curse the remaining dark. Let us gather the light.Our destiny offers, not the cup of despair, but the chalice of opportunity. So let us seize it, not in fear, but in gladness-- and, "riders on the earth together," let us go forward, firm in our faith, steadfast in our purpose, cautious of the dangers; but sustained by our confidence in the will of God and the promise of man.。
尼克松访华演讲
尼克松访华演讲1972, US president Richard M. Nixon visited China, below was his Speech at a Welcoming Banquet Mr。
Prime Minister，I wish to thank you for your very gracious and eloquent remarks. At this very moment through the wonder of telecommunications，more people are seeing and hearing what we say to them than on any other such occasion in the whole history of the world。
Yet，what we say here will not be long remembered。
What we do here can change the world。
As you said in your toast, the Chinese people are a great people, and the American people are a great people. If our two peoples are enemies，the future of this world we share together is dark indeed。
But if we can find common ground to work together, the change for world peace is immeasurably increased。
What legacy shall we leave our children？Are they destined to die for the hatreds which have plagued the old world，or are they destined to live because we had the vision to build a newworld?There is no reason for us to be enemies。
尼克松总统就职演讲：搭起美国与世界的桥梁
尼克松总统就职演讲：搭起美国与世界的桥梁1973年1月20日，美国历史上著名的尼克松总统就职演讲在华盛顿特区的国会山庄隆重举行。
这是美国政治历史上具有重大意义的一天，标志着尼克松正式宣誓就职成为美国总统。
在这个特别的场合，尼克松向全世界发表了一篇激动人心的演讲，重点强调了需要搭起美国和世界之间的桥梁，建立更加和平、繁荣、自由和友好的国际关系。
尼克松在他的演讲中认为，作为美国的总统，他的首要任务是加强国际合作，推动美国和世界各国之间的友好关系。
他强调了美国必须建立一种新的国际秩序，这个秩序必须以多边主义为基础，并且尊重各国的独立和主权。
尼克松认为，仅靠单方面的行动和利益不会产生持久的价值，只有通过合作、互惠和共同努力才能创造真正的财富、安全和幸福。
尼克松表达了对维护和平的强烈渴望。
他承诺将继续支持联合国和其他国际组织，坚持和平解决国际争端，在和平外交方面具有开创性的实践。
他强调通过减少对外军事干预、加强外交合作、积极寻求和平的解决方式来促进国际和平与安全。
他还提出了同苏联和其他世界大国展开谈判的想法，以促进相互了解、相互尊重、相互协作，并最终实现全球和平的使命。
此外，尼克松还谈到了为全球经济发展做出的贡献。
尼克松呼吁在经济的领域中加强合作，推动经济的自由化和开放化，旨在促进世界各国的共同繁荣。
他提出了建立多边贸易关系、促进技术转移以及加强技术合作的措施，以实现共同的目标。
并且，尼克松强调鼓励美国的企业家们去支持外交政策，促进美国和世界各国之间的商业合作和交流。
这将不仅为美国经济的发展带来好处，也将使美国和其他国家之间的关系变得更加友好。
总的来说，尼克松的演讲是一个极度激动人心，充满了希望和信心的演讲。
他的话语充满了对未来美国和全球和平繁荣的期望。
他提出了很多具有深远意义的想法，展示了他作为一个领袖的远见卓识和智慧。
他的演讲也成为了一道重要的标志，代表着美国的政治实力和世界领导地位。
总之，尼克松总统的就职演讲充满了意义和影响，尤其强调了美国和世界之间要建立桥梁，实现和平、繁荣、自由和友好的国际关系。
理查德尼克松的演说稿.doc
理查德尼克松的演说稿Richard M. Nixon: “Checkers”My Fellow Americans,I e before you tonight as a candidate for the Vice Presidency and as a man whose honesty and integrity has been questioned.Now, the usual political thing to do when charges are made against you is to either ignore them or to deny them without giving details. I believe we've had enough of that in the United States, particularly with the present Administration in Washington, D.C. To me the office of the Vice Presidency of the United States is a great office, and I feel that the people have got to have confidence in the integrity of the men who run for that office and who might obtain it.I have a theory, too, that the best and only answer toa smear or to an honest misunderstanding of the facts is to tell the truth. And that's why I'm here tonight. I want to tell you my side of the case. I'm sure that you have read the charge, and you've heard it, that I, Senator Nixon, took 18,000 dollars from a group of my supporters.Now, was that wrong? And let me say that it was wrong. I'm saying, incidentally, that it was wrong, not just illegal, because it isn't a question of whether it waslegal or illegal, that isn't enough. The question is, wasit morally wrong? I say that it was morally wrong if any of that 18,000 dollars went to Senator Nixon, for my personal use. I say that it was morally wrong if it was secretly given and secretly handled. And I say that it was morally wrong if any of the contributors got special favors for the contributions that they made.And now to answer those questions let me say this: Not one cent of the 18,000 dollars or any other money of that type ever went to me for my personal use. Every penny of it was used to pay for political expenses that I did not think should be charged to the taxpayers of the United States. It was not a secret fund. As a matter of fact, when I was on "Meet the Press" -- some of you may have seen it last Sunday -- Peter Edson came up to me after the program, and he said, "Dick, what about this "fund" we hear about?" And I said, "Well, there's no secret about it. Go out and see Dana Smith who was the administrator of the fund." And I gave him [Edson] his [Smith's] address. And I said you will find that the purpose of the fund simply was to defray political expenses that I did not feel should be charged to the Government.。
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6. Richard Nixon - Checkers
My Fellow Americans,
I come before you
tonight as a candidate for the Vice Presidency and as a man whose honesty and integrity has been questioned.
Now, the usual political thing to do when
charges are made against you is to either ignore
them or to deny them without giving details. I believe we've had enough of that
in the United States, particularly with the present
Administration in Washington, D.C. To me the office of
the Vice Presidency of the United States is a great office, and I feel that the people have got to have confidence in
the integrity of the men who run for that office and who might obtain it.
I have a theory, too, that the best and only answer to a smear or to an honest misunderstanding of the facts is to
tell the truth. And that's why I'm here tonight. I want to tell you my side of the case. I'm sure that you
have read the charge, and you've heard it, that
I, Senator Nixon, took 18,000 dollars from a group of my supporters.
Now, was that wrong? And let me say that it was wrong.
I'm saying, incidentally, that it was
wrong, not just illegal, because it isn't a question of whether it was legal or illegal, that
isn't enough. The question is, was it morally wrong? I say that it was morally wrong if
any of that 18,000 dollars went to Senator Nixon, for my personal use.
I say that it was morally
wrong if it was secretly given and secretly handled. And I say that it was morally wrong if any
of the contributors got special favors for the contributions that they made.
And now to answer those questions let
me say this: Not one cent of the 18,000 dollars or any
other money of that type ever went to
me for my personal use. Every penny of it was used to
pay for political expenses that I did not think should be charged to the taxpayers of the United States. It was not a secret
fund.
As a matter of fact, when
I was on "Meet the Press" some
of you may have seen it last Sunday Peter
Edson came up to me after the program, and he
said, "Dick, what about
this "fund" we hear about?" And I said, "Well, there's no
secret about
it. Go out and see Dana Smith who was the administrator of the fund." And I gave him
[Edson] his [Smith's] address. And I said you will
find that the purpose of the fund simply was to defray political expenses that I did not feel should be charged to
the Government.。