“约翰.肯尼迪 政教要绝对分离”的英文演讲稿
肯尼迪就职演讲稿英文(共6篇)
篇一：肯尼迪总统就职演说(中英文)肯尼迪总统就职演说（1961年1月20日）inaugural address of john f. kennedy january 20, 1961vice president johnson, mr. speaker, mr. chief justice, presidenteisenhower, vice president nixon, president truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens:约翰逊副总统、议长先生、首席大法官先生、艾森豪威尔总统、尼克松副总统、杜鲁门总统、尊敬的牧师、同胞们：we observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom, symbolizing an end as well as a beginning, signifying renewal as well as change. for i have sworn before you and almighty god the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.我们今天所看到的，并非是某一党派的胜利，而是自由的庆典。
它象征着结束，亦象征着开始；意味着更新，亦意味着变化。
今天，我们不敢有忘，我们乃是那第一次革命的后裔。
此时，让这个声音从这里同时向我们的朋友和敌人传达：火炬现已传递到新一代美国人手中——他们生于本世纪，既经受过战火的锤炼，又经历过艰难严峻的和平岁月的考验。
let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty.这是我们矢志不移的承诺，且远不止此！to those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. united there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. divided there is little we can do, for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder. 对于那些与我们共享同一文化和精神源头的老朋友，我们许以朋友的忠诚。
经典英文演讲 肯尼迪Towards a Strategy of Peace kennedy
Modern History Sourcebook:President John F. Kennedy:Towards a Strategy of Peace, June 10, 1963--------------------------------------------------------------------------------Address by President Kennedy at The American University, Washington, D.C., June 10, 1963[]I have . . . chosen this time and this place to discuss a topic on which ignorance too often abounds and the truth is too rarely perceived-yet it is the most important topic on earth: world peace.What kind of peace do I mean? What kind of peace do we seek? Not a Pax Americana enforced on the world by American weapons of war. Not the peace of the grave or the security of the slave.I am talking about genuine peace, the kind of peace that makes life on earth worth living, the kind that enables men and nations to grow and to hope and to build a better life for their children-not merely peace for Americans but peace for all men and women, not merely peace in our time but peace for all time. .First: Let us examine our attitude toward peace itself. Too many of us think it is impossible. Too many think it unreal. But that is a dangerous, defeatist belief. It leads to the conclusion that war is inevitable, that mankind is doomed, that we are gripped by forces we cannot control.We need not accept that view. Our problems are manmade; therefore they can be solved by man. And man can be as big as be wants. No problem of human destiny is beyond human beings. Man's reason and spirit have often solved the seemingly unsolvable, and we believe they can do it again.I am not referring to the absolute, infinite concept of universal peace and good will of which some fantasies and fanatics dream. I do not deny the values of hopes and dreams, but we merely invite discouragement and incredulity by making that our only and immediate goal.Let us focus instead on a more practical, more attainable peace, based not on a sudden revolution in human nature but on a gradual evolution in human institutions -on a series of concrete actions and effective agreements which are in the interest of all concerned. There is no single, simple key to this peace, no grand or magic formula to be adopted by one or two powers. Genuine peace must be the product of many nations, the sum of many acts. It must be dynamic, not static, changing to meet the challenge of each new generation. For peace is a process, a way of solving problems.With such a peace there will still be quarrels and conflicting interests, as there are within families and nations. World peace, like community peace, does not require that each man love hisneighbor; it requires only that they live together in mutual tolerance, submitting their disputes to a just and peaceful settlement. . . .Second: Let us reexamine our attitude toward the Soviet Union.No government or social system is so evil that its people must be considered as lacking in virtue. As Americans we find communism profoundly repugnant as a negation of personal freedom and dignity. But we can still hail the Russian people for their many achievements-in science and space, in economic and industrial growth, in culture and in acts of courage.Among the many traits the peoples of our two countries have in common, none is stronger than our mutual abhorrence of war. Almost unique among the major world powers, we have never been at war with each other. And no nation in the history of battle ever suffered more than the Soviet Union suffered in the course of the Second World War. . . .Today, should total war ever break out again-no matter how-our two countries would become the primary targets. It is an ironical but accurate fact that the two strongest powers are the two in the most danger of devastation. All we have built, all we have worked for, would be destroyed in the first 24 hours. And even in the cold war, which brings burdens and dangers to so many countries - including this nation's closest allies - our two countries bear the heaviest burdens. For we are both devoting massive sums of money to weapons that could be better devoted to combating ignorance, poverty, and disease. We are both caught up in a vicious and dangerous cycle in which suspicion on one side breeds suspicion on the other and new weapons beget counter-weapons.In short, both the United States and its allies, and the Soviet Union and its allies, have a mutually deep interest in a just and genuine peace and in halting the arms race. Agreements to this end arc in the interests of the Soviet Union as well as ours, and even the most hostile nations can be relied upon to accept and keep those treaty obligations, and only those treaty obligations, which are in their own interest. . . .Third: Let us reexamine our attitude toward the cold war, remembering that we are not engaged in a debate, seeking to pile up debating points. We are not here distributing blame or pointing the finger of judgment. We must deal with the world as it is and not as it might have been bad the history of the last 18 years been different. . . .Speaking of other nations, I wish to make one point clear. We are bound to many nations by alliances. Those alliances exist because our concern and theirs substantially overlap. Our commitment to defend Western Europe and West Berlin, for example, stands undiminished because of the identity of our vital interests. The United States will make no deal with the Soviet Union at the expense of other nations and other peoples, not merely because they are our partners but also because their interests and ours converge.Our interests converge, however, not only in defending the frontiers of freedom but in pursuingthe paths of peace. It is our hope-and the purpose of Allied policies-to convince the Soviet Union that she, too, should let each nation choose its own future, so long as that choice does not interfere with the choices of others. The Communist drive to impose their political and economic system on others is the primary cause of world tension today. For there can be no doubt that, if all nations could refrain from interfering in the self-determination of others, the peace would be much more assured. . . .I am taking this opportunity . . . to announce two important decisions . . .First: Chairman Khrushchev, Prime Minister Macmillan, and I have agreed that high-level discussions will shortly begin in Moscow looking toward early agreement on a comprehensive test ban treaty. Our hopes must be tempered with the caution of history, but with our hopes go the hopes of all mankind.Second: To make clear our good faith and solemn convictions on the matter, I now declare that the United States does not propose to conduct nuclear tests in the atmosphere so long as other states do not do so. We will not be the first to resume. Such a declaration is no substitute for a formal binding treaty, but I hope it will help us achieve one. Nor would such a treaty be a substitute for disarmament, but I hope it will help us achieve it.Finally, my fellow Americans, let us examine our attitude toward peace and freedom here at home. The quality and spirit of our own society must justify and support our efforts abroad. . . .It is the responsibility of the executive branch at all levels of government -local, State, and national-to provide and protect that freedom for all of our citizens by all means within their authority. It is the responsibility of the legislative branch at all levels, wherever that authority is not now adequate, to make it adequate. And it is the responsibility of all citizens in all sections of this country to respect the rights of all others and to respect the law of the land. . . .While we proceed to safeguard our national interests, let us also safeguard human interests. And the elimination of war and arms is clearly in the interest of both. No treaty, however much it may be to the advantage of all, however tightly it may be worded, can provide absolute security against the risks of deception and evasion. But it can, if it is sufficiently effective in its enforcement and if it is sufficiently in the interests of its signers, offer far more security and far fewer risks than an unabated, uncontrolled, unpredictable arms race.The United States, as the world knows, will never start a war. We do not want a war. We do not now expect a war. This generation of Americans has already had enough - more than enough-of war and hate and oppression. We shall be prepared if others wish it. We shall be alert to try to stop it. But we shall also do our part to build a world of peace where the weak are safe and the strong are just. We are not helpless before that task or hopeless of its success. Confident and unafraid, we labor on-not toward a strategv of annihilation but toward a strategy of peace.。
肯尼迪就职演讲稿,中英文
friday, january 20, 1961vice president johnson, mr. speaker, mr. chief justice, president eisenhower, vice president nixon, president truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning--signifying renewal, as well as change. for i have sworn i before you and almighty god the same solemn oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.this much we pledge--and more.to those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. united, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. divided, there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.we dare not tempt them with weakness. for only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.so let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. let us never negotiate out of fear. but let us never fear to negotiate.let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.all this will not be finished in the first 100 days. nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. but let us begin.in your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. since this country was founded, each generation of americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. the graves of young americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, north and south, east and west, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? will you join in that historic effort?and so, my fellow americans: ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country.my fellow citizens of the world: ask not what america will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.finally, whether you are citizens of america or citizens of the world, ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. with a goodconscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking his blessing and his help, but knowing that here on earth gods work must truly be our own.约翰-肯尼迪就职演讲星期五,1961年1月20日首席法官先生、艾森豪威尔总统、尼克松副总统、杜鲁门总统、尊敬的牧师、各位公民：今天我们庆祝的不是政党的胜利，而是自由的胜利。
“约翰.肯尼迪 政教要绝对分离”的英文演讲稿2
'I Believe in an America Where the Separation of Church and State is Absolute'September 12, 1960, address to the Greater Houston Ministerial Association BY: John F. KennedyWhile the so-called religious issue is necessarily and properly the chief topic here tonight, I want to emphasize from the outset that we have far more critical issues to face in the 1960 election; the spread of Communist influence, until it now festers 90 miles off the coast of Florida--the humiliating treatment of our President and Vice President by those who no longer respect our power--the hungry children I saw in West Virginia, the old people who cannot pay their doctor bills, the families forced to give up their farms--an America with too many slums, with too few schools, and too late to the moon and outer space.These are the real issues which should decide this campaign. And they are not religious issues--for war and hunger and ignorance and despair know no religious barriers.But because I am a Catholic, and no Catholic has ever been elected President, the real issues in this campaign have been obscured--perhaps deliberately, in some quarters less responsible than this. So it is apparently necessary for me to state once again--not what kind of church I believe in, for that should be important only to me--but what kind of America I believe in.I believe in an America where the separation of church and state isabsolute--where no Catholic prelate would tell the President (should he be Catholic) how to act, and no Protestant minister would tell his parishioners for whom to vote--where no church or church school is granted any public funds or political preference--and where no man is denied public office merely because his religion differs from the President who might appoint him or the people who might elect him.I believe in an America that is officially neither Catholic, Protestant norJewish--where no public official either requests or accepts instructions on publicpolicy from the Pope, the National Council of Churches or any other ecclesiastical source--where no religious body seeks to impose its will directly or indirectly upon the general populace or the public acts of its officials--and where religious liberty is so indivisible that an act against one church is treated as an act against all.For while this year it may be a Catholic against whom the finger of suspicion is pointed, in other years it has been, and may someday be again, a Jew--or a Quaker--or a Unitarian--or a Baptist. It was Virginia's harassment of Baptist preachers, for example, that helped lead to Jefferson's statute of religious freedom. Today I may be the victim--but tomorrow it may be you--until the whole fabric of our harmonious society is ripped at a time of great national peril.Finally, I believe in an America where religious intolerance will somedayend--where all men and all churches are treated as equal--where every man has the same right to attend or not attend the church of his choice--where there is no Catholic vote, no anti-Catholic vote, no bloc voting of any kind--and where Catholics, Protestants and Jews, at both the lay and pastoral level, will refrain from those attitudes of disdain and division which have so often marred their works in the past, and promote instead the American ideal of brotherhood.That is the kind of America in which I believe. And it represents the kind of Presidency in which I believe--a great office that must neither be humbled by making it the instrument of any one religious group nor tarnished by arbitrarily withholding its occupancy from the members of any one religious group. I believe in a President whose religious views are his own private affair, neither imposed by him upon the nation or imposed by the nation upon him as a condition to holding that office.I would not look with favor upon a President working to subvert the first amendment's guarantees of religious liberty. Nor would our system of checks and balances permit him to do so--and neither do I look with favor upon those who would work to subvert Article VI of the Constitution by requiring a religioustest--even by indirection--for it. If they disagree with that safeguard they should be out openly working to repeal it.I want a Chief Executive whose public acts are responsible to all groups and obligated to none--who can attend any ceremony, service or dinner his office may appropriately require of him--and whose fulfillment of his Presidential oath is not limited or conditioned by any religious oath, ritual or obligation.This is the kind of America I believe in--and this is the kind I fought for in the South Pacific, and the kind my brother died for in Europe. No one suggested then that we may have a "divided loyalty," that we did "not believe in liberty," or that we belonged to a disloyal group that threatened the "freedoms for which our forefathers died."And in fact this is the kind of America for which our forefathers died--when they fled here to escape religious test oaths that denied office to members of less favored churches--when they fought for the Constitution, the Bill of Rights, and the Virginia Statute of Religious Freedom--and when they fought at the shrine I visited today, the Alamo. For side by side with Bowie and Crockett died McCafferty and Bailey and Carey--but no one knows whether they were Catholic or not. For there was no religious test at the Alamo.I ask you tonight to follow in that tradition--to judge me on the basis of my record of 14 years in Congress--on my declared stands against an Ambassador to the Vatican, against unconstitutional aid to parochial schools, and against any boycott of the public schools (which I have attended myself)--instead of judging me on the basis of these pamphlets and publications we all have seen that carefully select quotations out of context from the statements of Catholic church leaders, usually in other countries, frequently in other centuries, and always omitting, of course, the statement of the American Bishops in 1948 which strongly endorsed church-state separation, and which more nearly reflects the views of almost every American Catholic.I do not consider these other quotations binding upon my public acts--why should you? But let me say, with respect to other countries, that I am wholly opposed to the state being used by any religious group, Catholic or Protestant, to compel, prohibit, or persecute the free exercise of any other religion. And I hope that you and I condemn with equal fervor those nations which deny their Presidency to Protestants and those which deny it to Catholics. And rather than cite the misdeeds of those who differ, I would cite the record of the Catholic Church in such nations as Ireland and France--and the independence of such statesmen as Adenauer and De Gaulle.But let me stress again that these are my views--for contrary to common newspaper usage, I am not the Catholic candidate for President. I am the Democratic Party's candidate for President who happens also to be a Catholic. I do not speak for my church on public matters--and the church does not speak for me.Whatever issue may come before me as President--on birth control, divorce, censorship, gambling or any other subject--I will make my decision in accordance with these views, in accordance with what my conscience tells me to be the national interest, and without regard to outside religious pressures or dictates. And no power or threat of punishment could cause me to decide otherwise.But if the time should ever come--and I do not concede any conflict to be even remotely possible--when my office would require me to either violate my conscience or violate the national interest, then I would resign the office; and I hope any conscientious public servant would do the same.But I do not intend to apologize for these views to my critics of either Catholic or Protestant faith--nor do I intend to disavow either my views or my church in order to win this election.If I should lose on the real issues, I shall return to my seat in the Senate, satisfied that I had tried my best and was fairly judged. But if this election is decided on the basis that 40 million Americans lost their chance of being President on the day they were baptized, then it is the whole nation that will be the loser, in the eyes of Catholics and non-Catholics around the world, in the eyes of history, and in the eyes of our own people.But if, on the other hand, I should win the election, then I shall devote every effort of mind and spirit to fulfilling the oath of the Presidency--practically identical, I might add, to the oath I have taken for 14 years in the Congress. For without reservation, I can "solemnly swear that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States, and will to the best of my ability preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution...so help me God.。
约翰·肯尼迪就职演说稿英文就职演说2篇
约翰·肯尼迪就职演说稿英文就职演说约翰·肯尼迪就职演说稿英文就职演说精选2篇（一）Fellow Americans,Today, we gather here to witness the peaceful transition of power and to celebrate the promise of a new era in our great nation. I stand before you honored and humbled to take the oath of office as the President of the United States.In the face of great challenges, we must remember the ideals that our forefathers fought and died for, the principles that have guided and shaped our nation. It is in the pursuit of these ideals that we find our common ground, our shared destiny.We are a nation built on freedom, liberty, and justice for all. It is these values that have made America great, and it is these values that will guide us forward. But we must also recognize that our journey is far from complete. There are still barriers to be broken, injustices to be righted, and divisions to be healed.Today, I stand here before you with a vision for a better tomorrow. A tomorrow where every American has equal access to opportunity and prosperity. A tomorrow where no child goes to bed hungry or without hope. A tomorrow where the American Dream is within reach for all.To achieve this vision, we must come together as one nation, one people. We must set aside our differences and work towards a common purpose. We must remember that we are stronger together than we are apart.I pledge to you, my fellow Americans, that I will lead with integrity, honesty, and compassion. I will listen to your voices and be guided by your wisdom. I will work tirelessly to build a government that serves the people, not special interests or personal agendas.But I cannot do it alone. I call on each and every one of you to join me in this grand endeavor. Together, we can overcome any obstacle, achieve any goal, and build a brighter future for ourselves, our children, and generations to come.As I take this oath of office, I am reminded of the words of President Abraham Lincoln, who once said, \约翰·肯尼迪就职演说稿英文就职演说精选2篇（二）尊敬的各位贵宾，国内外的朋友们，亲爱的同胞们：我非常感谢你们出席今天的就职仪式，并给予我如此隆重的荣誉和信任，让我有机会成为这个伟大国家的总统。
约翰·肯尼迪就职演说稿英文
约翰·肯尼迪就职演说稿英文vice president johnson mr. speaker mr. chief justice president eisenhower vice president nixon president truman reverend clergy fellow citizens we observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end as well as a beginning--signifying renewal as well as change. for i have sworn i before you and almighty god the same solemn oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.the world is very different now. for man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. and yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe--the belief that the rights of man e not from the generosity of the state but from the hand of god.we dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. let the word go forth from this time and place to friend and foe alike that the torch has been passed to a new generation of americans--born in this century tempered by war disciplined by a hard and bitter peace proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been mitted and to which we are mitted today at home and around the world.let every nation know whether it wishes us well or ill that we shall pay any price bear any burden meet any hardship support any friend oppose any foe in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.this much we pledge--and more.to those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. united there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. divided there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.to those new states whom we wele to the ranks of the free we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. we shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. but we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom--and to remember that in the past those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.to those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves for whatever period is required--not because the munists may be doing it not because we seek their votes but because it is right. if a free society cannot help the many who are poor it cannot save the few who are rich.to our sister republics south of our border we offer a special pledge--to convert our good words into good deeds--in a new alliance for progress--to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. but this peaceful revolution of hope cannot bee the prey of hostile powers. let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the americas. and let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.to that world assembly of sovereign states the united nations our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from being merely a forum for invective--to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak--and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.finally to those nations who would make themselves our adversary we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.we dare not tempt them with weakness. for only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.but neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take fort from our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.so let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness and sincerity is always subject to proof. let us never negotiate out of fear. but let us never fear to negotiate.let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.let both sides for the first time formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms--and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. together let us explore the stars conquer the deserts eradicate disease tap the ocean depths and encourage the arts and merce.let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the mand of isaiah--to "undo the heavy burdens ... and to let the oppressed go free."and if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion let both sides join in creating a new endeavor not a new balance of power but a new world of law where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.all this will not be finished in the first 100 days. nor will it be finished in the first 1000 days nor in the life of this administration nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. but let us begin.in your hands my fellow citizens more than in mine will rest the final success or failure of our course. since this country was founded each generation of americans has beensummoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. the graves of young americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms though arms we need;not as a call to battle though embattled we are--but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle year in and year out "rejoicing in hope patient in tribulation"--a struggle against the mon enemies of man: tyranny poverty disease and war itself.can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance north and south east and west that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? will you join in that historic effort?in the long history of the world only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. i do not shank from this responsibility--i wele it. i do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. the energy the faith the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it--and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.and so my fellow americans: ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country.my fellow citizens of the world: ask not what america will do for you but what together we can do for the freedom of man.finally whether you are citizens of america or citizens of the world ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. with a good conscienceour only sure reward with history the final judge of our deeds let us go forth to lead the land we love asking his blessing and his help but knowing that here on earth god's work must truly be our own.纪委一带四模式工作汇报省委常委、省纪委书记尚勇同志提出：乡镇便民服务中心要达到“便民办事、为民理财、帮民致富、促进和谐”的要求。
肯尼迪演讲稿中英对照
肯尼迪演讲稿中英对照Kennedy's Speech: Inaugural Address。
On January 20, 1961, John F. Kennedy delivered his Inaugural Address as the 35th President of the United States. In his speech, Kennedy addressed the challenges facing the nation and called for unity and cooperation in overcoming these challenges. His words have since become some of the most famous in American history, and his message of hope and inspiration continues to resonate with people around the world.Kennedy began his speech by acknowledging the significance of the moment, stating, "We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom." He emphasized the importance of the peaceful transfer of power and the responsibility that comes with leadership. Kennedy's words set the tone for his presidency, emphasizing the need for cooperation and collaboration in addressing the issues facing the nation.Throughout his address, Kennedy spoke of the need for global cooperation and understanding. He famously stated, "Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to negotiate." This call for diplomacy and dialogue resonated with people around the world and reflected Kennedy's commitment to finding peaceful solutions to international conflicts.Kennedy also spoke of the challenges facing the nation, including poverty, injustice, and the threat of nuclear war. He called on Americans to take action and work together to address these issues, stating, "And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you—ask what you can do for your country." This powerful call to service and sacrifice inspired a generation of Americans to work towards a better future for their country.In addition to addressing the challenges facing the nation, Kennedy also spoke of the opportunities and potential for progress. He stated, "The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it—and the glowfrom that fire can truly light the world." Kennedy's words conveyed a sense of optimism and hope, inspiring people to believe in the possibility of a better future.Kennedy's Inaugural Address has become one of the most famous speeches in American history, and its message continues to resonate with people around the world. His call for unity, cooperation, and service has inspired generations of Americans to work towards a better future for their country. As we reflect on Kennedy's words, we are reminded of the power of leadership and the importance of working together to overcome the challenges we face. Kennedy's legacy continues to inspire us to strive for a world of peace, justice, and progress.。
经典英文演讲肯尼迪TowardsaStrategyofPeacekennedy（最终版）
经典英文演讲肯尼迪TowardsaStrategyofPeacekennedy（最终版）第一篇：经典英文演讲肯尼迪Towards a Strategy of Peace kennedy（最终版）Modern History Sourcebook:President John F.Kennedy:Towards a Strategy of Peace, June 10, 1963------------------Address by President Kennedy at The American University, Washington, D.C., June 10, 1963[]I have...chosen this time and this place to discuss a topic on which ignorance too often abounds and the truth is too rarely perceived-yet it is the most important topic on earth: world peace.What kind of peace do I mean? What kind of peace do we seek? Not a Pax Americana enforced on the world by American weapons of war.Not the peace of the grave or the security of the slave.I am talking about genuine peace, the kind of peace that makes life on earth worth living, the kind that enables men and nations to grow and to hope and to build a better life for their children-not merely peace for Americans but peace for all men and women, not merely peace in our time but peace for all time..First: Let us examine our attitude toward peace itself.Too many of us think it is impossible.T oo many think it unreal.But that is a dangerous, defeatist belief.It leads to the conclusion that war is inevitable, that mankind is doomed, that we are gripped by forces we cannot control.We need not accept that view.Our problems are manmade;therefore they can be solved by man.And man can be as big as be wants.No problem of human destiny isbeyond human beings.Man's reason and spirit have often solved the seemingly unsolvable, and we believe they can do it again.I am not referring to the absolute, infinite concept of universal peace and good will of which some fantasies and fanatics dream.I do not deny the values of hopes and dreams, but we merely invite discouragement and incredulity by making that our only and immediate goal.Let us focus instead on a more practical, more attainable peace, based not on a sudden revolution in human nature but on a gradual evolution in human institutionsincluding this nation's closest alliesmore than enough-of war and hate and oppression.We shall be prepared if others wish it.We shall be alert to try to stop it.But we shall also do our part to build a world of peace where the weak are safe and the strong are just.We are not helpless before that task or hopeless of its success.Confident and unafraid, we labor on-not toward a strategv of annihilation but toward a strategy of peace.第二篇：肯尼迪演讲就职演说今天我们欢庆的不是一次政党的胜利，而是一个自由的盛典；它象征着结束，也象征着开始；意味着改良，也意味着革新。
约翰·肯尼迪就职演讲稿
约翰·肯尼迪就职演讲稿FRIDAY, JANUARY 20, 1961Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning--signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn I before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe--the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this Nation has always beencommitted, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.This much we pledge--and more.To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided, there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.To those new States whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom--and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.To those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required--not because theCommunists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge--to convert our good words into good deeds--in a new alliance for progress--to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective--to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak--and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.So let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to negotiate.Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms--and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah--to "undo the heavy burdens ... and to let the oppressed go free."And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.All this will not be finished in the first 100 days. Nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.Now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need; not as a call to battle, though embattled we are--but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation"--a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shank from this responsibility--I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it--and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country.My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.约翰-肯尼迪就职演讲星期五，1961年1月20日首席法官先生、艾森豪威尔总统、尼克松副总统、杜鲁门总统、尊敬的牧师、各位公民：今天我们庆祝的不是政党的胜利，而是自由的胜利。
肯尼迪精彩演讲中英对照
Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens:我们今天庆祝的并不是一次政党的胜利，而是一次自由的庆典；它象征着结束，也象征着开始；意味着更新，也意味着变革。
因为我已在你们和全能的上帝面前，作了跟我们祖先将近一又四分之三世纪以前所拟定的相同的庄严誓言。
We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning -- signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.现今世界已经很不同了，因为人在自己血肉之躯的手中握有足以消灭一切形式的人类贫困和一切形式的人类生命的力量。
可是我们祖先奋斗不息所维护的革命信念，在世界各地仍处于争论之中。
那信念就是注定人权并非来自政府的慷慨施和，而是上帝所赐。
The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans ——born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.我们今天不敢忘记我们是那第一次革命的继承人，让我从此时此地告诉我们的朋友，并且也告诉我们的敌人，这支火炬已传交新一代的美国人，他们出生在本世纪，经历过战争的锻炼，受过严酷而艰苦的和平的熏陶，以我们的古代传统自豪，而且不愿目睹或容许人权逐步被褫夺。
肯尼迪演讲稿英文
肯尼迪演讲稿英文Fellow Americans,We stand at a pivotal moment in history; a moment that will shape the course of our nation and the world. Today, I come before you to discuss the challenges and opportunities that lie before us, and to inspire a renewed sense of purpose and unity.Our nation has always been guided by the ideals of freedom, justice, and equality. These values are the foundation of our democracy and they have been tested and refined throughout our history. We have overcome great trials and tribulations, and each time we have emerged stronger, more resilient, and more united.But today, we face new challenges that threaten the fabric of our society. The forces of division and discord seek to tear us apart, to exploit our differences for their own gain. It is at times like these that we must remember the strength that comes from our diversity, the power that comes from our unity.We cannot allow ourselves to be defined by our differences. We must find common ground, build bridges of understanding, and worktogether to overcome the challenges that we face. It is through dialogue, compromise, and a shared commitment to the common good that we will be able to navigate the uncertain terrain that lies before us.In these uncertain times, it is more important than ever that we embrace the ideals and principles that have always defined us as a nation. We must reaffirm our commitment to upholding human rights, protecting the environment, and promoting social and economic justice. We must reject the voices of intolerance and hatred, and instead, embrace the principles of compassion, empathy, and respect.I have faith in the American people. I believe in our ability to rise above the challenges that we face and to build a brighter future for ourselves and for generations to come. We have done it before, and we will do it again.Let us stand together, shoulder to shoulder, as we face the challenges ahead. Let us remember the words of our founding fathers, who envisioned a nation that would be a beacon of hope and inspiration to the world. Let us remember the sacrifice of those who came before us and gave their lives for our freedom.It is up to us to write the next chapter of our nation's history. Let us not be defined by the challenges we face, but by our resilience and determination to overcome them. Together, we can build a future that is worthy of the sacrifices that have been made on our behalf.Thank you, and God bless America.。
肯尼迪总统就职演说英文版
肯尼迪总统就职演说英文版On January 20, 1961, John Fitzgerald Kennedy was inaugurated as the 35th President of the United States of America. This event marked the beginning of a new era in American history and signaled a transition toward a more idealistic and hopeful vision for the country's future. Kennedy's inaugural address, delivered on that day, remains one of the most memorable and influential speeches in American history.Kennedy's speech was the culmination of months of preparation and consultation with his team of advisors and speechwriters. Prior to the inauguration, he had spent hours working on his speech, practicing his delivery, and refining its message. The result was a powerful and evocative address that captured the spirit of the moment and laid out a bold vision for the future.The speech began with Kennedy's famous line, "Ask not what your country can do for you, ask what you can do for your country." This phrase would become one of the most enduring and iconic statements in American political history. It epitomized Kennedy's belief in the importance of civic duty, responsibility, and sacrifice, and underscored his commitment to a more engaged and active citizenry.The rest of the speech was equally inspiring, with Kennedy outlining his vision for America's future both at home and abroad. He spoke of the need to confront the challenges of poverty, racism, and inequality head-on, and to work toward a more just and equitable society. He also emphasized the importance of U.S. leadership on the global stage, calling for a renewed commitment to diplomacy, cooperation, and peace.As Kennedy spoke, his words resonated deeply with the American people, who were hungry for a new vision and a new direction. In the wake of the Cold War and the political and social upheavals of the 1950s, Kennedy's message of hope, idealism, and optimism struck a chord. He represented a break from the old politics of division and fear, and a new era of cooperation and progress.Over the years, Kennedy's inaugural address has become a touchstone for generations of Americans, serving as a symbol of America's commitment to justice, equality, and freedom. Its message of personal responsibility, sacrifice, and hard work continues to inspire and energize people both in the U.S. and around the world, encouraging them to see themselves as builders and creators of a better future.In the end, Kennedy's speech was more than just a call to action. It was a rallying cry for a new generation of Americans, a signpost pointing the way to a better, more inclusive, and more equitable future for all. And though Kennedy himself did not liveto see that future come to pass, his legacy lives on, inspiring countless others to take up the torch and carry forward his vision of a brighter tomorrow.。
肯尼迪总统演讲英语作文
肯尼迪总统演讲英语作文John F. Kennedy, the 35th President of the United States, delivered a famous speech on January 20, 1961,which has since been regarded as one of the greatest speeches in American history. In this speech, Kennedy addressed the challenges and responsibilities faced by the American people and emphasized the importance of unity, freedom, and global cooperation. This essay will provide an analysis and interpretation of Kennedy's speech,highlighting its historical significance and lasting impact.Kennedy's speech, commonly known as the Inaugural Address, was delivered during a time of great uncertainty and tension. The Cold War was at its peak, with the United States and the Soviet Union engaged in a fierce competition for global dominance. Kennedy recognized the need for a united front against the common threats of tyranny, poverty, disease, and war. He believed that the American people had the power to bring about positive change and shape a better future for themselves and the world.The speech began with a powerful and memorable opening line: "Ask not what your country can do for you, ask what you can do for your country." This call to action resonated with the American people, inspiring them to take an active role in the betterment of their nation. Kennedy emphasized the importance of individual and collective responsibility, urging citizens to contribute to the progress of their country and the well-being of their fellow citizens.Kennedy also touched upon the issue of freedom, highlighting its significance in both domestic and international contexts. He expressed his commitment to defending freedom and democracy, stating, "Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty." This statement demonstrated Kennedy's determination to protect the values that the United States held dear, while also signaling his willingness to engage in diplomatic efforts to promote freedom worldwide.Furthermore, Kennedy emphasized the importance of global cooperation, acknowledging that the challenges faced by the United States were not exclusive to its borders. He called upon the international community to join forces in addressing issues such as poverty, disease, and nuclear disarmament. Kennedy stated, "To those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace." This plea for peace and cooperation reflected Kennedy's belief in the power of diplomacy and negotiation to resolve conflicts and build a more stable world.Kennedy's Inaugural Address had a profound impact on the American people and the world at large. His words inspired a sense of unity and purpose among Americans, encouraging them to work together for the greater good. The speech also set the tone for Kennedy's presidency, as he went on to implement policies that reflected the ideals and aspirations expressed in his address.In conclusion, John F. Kennedy's Inaugural Address remains a powerful and influential speech in Americanhistory. Its message of unity, freedom, and global cooperation continues to resonate with people around the world. Kennedy's call to action and his commitment to defending freedom and promoting peace serve as a reminder of the enduring values that underpin the United States and its role in the international community.。
肯尼迪总统就职演说英文版
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If you want to learn about different formats and writing methods of sample essays, please stay tuned!肯尼迪总统就职演说英文版friday， january 20， 1961vice president johnson， mr.speaker， mr.chief justice，president eisenhower， vice president niXon， president truman，reverend clergy， fellow citizens， we observe today not a victory of party， but a celebration of freedom——symbolizing an end， as well as a beginning——signifying renewal， as well as change.for i have sworn i before you and almighty god the same solemn oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.the world is very different now.for man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.and yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe ——the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state， but from the hand of god.we dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.let the word go forth from this time and place， to friend and foe alike， that the torch has been passed to a new generation of americans——born in this century， tempered by war， disciplined by a hard and bitter peace， proud of ourancient heritage——and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed， and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.let every nation know， whether it wishes us well or ill，that we shall pay any price， bear any burden， meet any hardship，support any friend， oppose any foe， in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.this much we pledge——and more.to those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share， we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.united，there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.divided， there is little we can do——for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.to those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free，we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.we shall not always eXpect to find them supporting our view.but we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom——and to remember that， in the past， those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.to those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery， we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves， for whatever period is required——not because the communists may be doing it， not because we seek their votes， but because it is right.if a free society cannot help the many who are poor， it cannot save the few who are rich.to our sister republics south of our border， we offer a special pledge——to convert our good words into good deeds ——in a new alliance for progress——to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty.but this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers.let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the americas.and let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.to that world assembly of sovereign states， the united nations， our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace， we renew our pledge of support——to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective——to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak——and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.finally， to those nations who would make themselves our adversary， we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace， before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.we dare not tempt them with weakness.for only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.but neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course——both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons， both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom， yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankinds final war.so let us begin anew——remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness， and sincerity is always subject to proof.let us never negotiate out of fear.but let us never fear to negotiate.let both sides eXplore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.let both sides， for the first time， formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms——and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors.together let us eXplore the stars， conquer the deserts，eradicate disease，tap the ocean depths，and encourage the arts and commerce.let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of isaiah——to "undo the heavy burdens …… and to let the oppressed go free."and if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion， let both sides join in creating a new endeavor，not a new balance of power， but a new world of law， where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.all this will not be finished in the first 100 days.nor will it be finished in the first 1，000 days， nor in the life of this administration， nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.but let us begin.in your hands， my fellow citizens， more than in mine，will rest the final success or failure of our course.since this country was founded， each generation of americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty.the graves of young americans who answered the call to service surroundthe globe.now the trumpet summons us again——not as a call to bear arms， though arms we need; not as a call to battle， though embattled we are——but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle， year in and year out， "rejoicing in hope，patient in tribulation"——a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny， poverty， disease， and war itself.can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance， north and south， east and west， that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? will you join in that historic effort?in the long history of the world， only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maXimum danger.i do not shank from this responsibility——i welcome it.i do not believe that any of us would eXchange places with any other people or any other generation.the energy， the faith， the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it——and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.and so， my fellow americans: ask not what your country can do for you——ask what you can do for your country.my fellow citizens of the world: ask not what america willdo for you， but what together we can do for the freedom of man.finally， whether you are citizens of america or citizens of the world， ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.with a good conscience our only sure reward， with history the final judge of our deeds，let us go forth to lead the land we love， asking his blessing and his help， but knowing that here on earth gods work must truly be our own.。
约翰.肯尼迪演讲稿(中英文对照)
First Inaugural Address(John F. Kennedy)Jan. 2o, 1961.Brief introduction to the speaker:John F. Kennedy (1917-1963) John F. Kennedy was a war hero, a Pulitzer Prize-winning author, a U.S. senator for most of the 1950s. in November 1960, at the age of 43, John F. he became the youngest man ever elected president of the United States. on Nov. 22, 1963, Kennedy was shot to death in Dallas, Tex., the fourth United States president to die by an assassin’s bullet..*******************************************************************************We observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom. Symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning, signify- ing renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn betbre you,and almighty God, the same solemn oath our forbears prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.The worried is very different now for man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty, and all forms of human life. And yet, the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forbears fought are still at issue around the globe. The belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first, revolution. Let the word go forth, from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans, born in this century tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage and unwilling to witness, or permit, the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.Let every nation know whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival andsuccess of libertyThis much we pledge and more.To those old allies, whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do, in a host of cooperative ventures. Dividedthere is little we can do. For we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split us asunder.To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our words that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny We sha1l not always expect to tind them supporting our view, but we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom, and to remember that in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe, struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required, not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it ‘s cannot save thefew who are rich.To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge, to convert our good words into, good deeds, in a new alliance for progress to assist, free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile power s. Let al our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere ill the Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last and best hope in an age age where theinstruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support to prevent it from becoming merely a form for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which it’s written and run.Finally to those nations who would make themselves our adversary we offer not a pledge, but a request, that both sides begin a new quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self destruction.We dare not tempt them with weakness, for only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt, can we be certain beyond doubt, that they will never be employed.But neither can two great and powerful groups of nation take comfort from our present course, both sides over-burdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, and yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind’s final war.So let us begin aneW remembering on both sides that stability is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.Let both sides explore what problems unite us, instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals, for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together, let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encouragethe arts and commerce.Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah, to rsndo the herrny brrrdens rrnd let the oppressed go hee.And, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor not a new balance of powen but a new world of law, whel-e thestrong are just, and the weak secured, and the peace preserved. All this will not be finished in the first one hundrcd days, nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days, nor in the life of this administration, nor even perhaps in our lifietime on this planet. But let us begin.In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our cause. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned togive testimony to its national loyalty The graves of young Americans, who answered the caI1 to service, surround the globe.Now the trumpet summons us again, not as a cal1 to bear arms, though arms we need, not as a call to battle, though in battle we are, but a call to bear the burden of a long, twilightstruggle, year in and year out, rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation, a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny poverty disease, and war itselfCan we forge against these enemies, a grand and global alliance, north and south, east and west, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historiceffort?In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility Iwelcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people, or any other generation. The energy the faith, the devotion, which we bring to this endeavor,will light our country and all who serve it, and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.And so my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you, ask what you can do for your country My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do lbr the iieedom of men.Finally whether you are citizens of A1nerica, or citizens of the world, ask of us here, the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. Wth a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the Iand we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth, God’s work must truly be our own.火炬已经传给新一代美国人（约翰.肯尼迪）1961.1.20演讲者简介：约翰·肯尼迪是一位战争英雄，普利策奖获得者，五十年代大部分时间里的参议员。
约翰·肯尼迪就职演说稿英文-7页文档资料
约翰·肯尼迪就职演说稿英文vice president johnson, mr. speaker, mr. chief justice, president eisenhower, vice president nixon, president truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end, as well as abeginning--signifying renewal, as well as change. for i have sworn i before you and almighty god the same solemn oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.the world is very different now. for man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. and yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe--the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of god.we dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitterpeace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.this much we pledge--and more.to those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. united, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. divided, there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder. to those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. we shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. but we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom--and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.to those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required--not because the communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. if a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.to our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge--to convert our good words into good deeds--in a new alliance for progress--to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. but this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the americas. and let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house. to that world assembly of sovereign states, the united nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective--to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak--and to enlarge the area in which its writ mayrun.finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.we dare not tempt them with weakness. for only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.but neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.so let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. let us never negotiate out of fear. but let us never fear to negotiate.let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious andprecise proposals for the inspection and control ofarms--and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of isaiah--to "undo the heavy burdens ... and to let the oppressed go free."and if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.all this will not be finished in the first 100 days. nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. but let us begin.in your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. since this country was founded, each generation of americans has beensummoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. the graves of young americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need; not as a call to battle, though embattled we are--but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation"--a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself. can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, north and south, east and west, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? will you join in that historic effort?in the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. i do not shank from thisresponsibility--i welcome it. i do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. the energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it--and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.and so, my fellow americans: ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country. my fellow citizens of the world: ask not what america will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.finally, whether you are citizens of america or citizens of the world, ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. with a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking his blessing and his help, but knowing that here on earth god's work must truly be our own.。
2021年约翰 肯尼迪就职英语演讲稿(2)
约翰肯尼迪就职英语演讲稿(2)约翰.肯尼迪就职英语演讲稿And, if a beachhead of cooperation ___y push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor -- not a new balan ___ of power, but a new world of law -- where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the pea ___ preserved.All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days; nor in the life of this Administration; nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this pla. But let us begin.In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final suess or failure of our course. Sin ___ this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to servi___ surround the globe.Now the trumpet summons us again -- not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need -- not as a call to battle, though embattled we are -- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope; patient in tribulation," a struggle against the mon enemies of ___n: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global allian ___, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all ___nkind? Will you join inthat historic effort?In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending ___ in its hour of ___ximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility -- I wele it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange pla ___s with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it. And the glow from that fire can truly light the world.And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country.My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what Americawill do for you, but what together we can do for the ___ of ___n.Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifi ___ which we ask of you. With a good conscien ___ our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth Gods work must truly be our own.模板,内容仅供参考。
肯尼迪英文演讲稿
肯尼迪英文演讲稿John F. Kennedy: Inaugural Addressdelivered January 20, 1961Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, Reverend Clergy, fellow citizens:We observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom, symbolizing an end as well as a beginning, signifying renewal as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemnoath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal handsthe power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state but from the hand of God.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friendand foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans -- born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by ahard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage -- and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which thisnation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that weshall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty.This much we pledge -- and more.To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share,we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided there is little we can do, for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, wepledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall notalways expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the backof the tiger ended up inside.To those people in the huts and villages of half the globestruggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required -- not because the communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right.If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shalljoin with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas.And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support -- to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its hield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run. sFinally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace -- before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed. But neither can two great and powerful groups ofnations take comfort from our present course -- both sides overburdenedby the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war. So let us begin anew-- remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness,and sincerity is always subject to proof.Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to negotiate.Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts,eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah -- to "undo the heavy burdens . . . [and] let the oppressed go free."And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join increating a new endeavor -- not a new balance of power, but a new world of law -- where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved.All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Norwill it be finished in the first one thousand days; nor in the life of this Administration; nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest thefinal success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.Now the trumpet summons us again -- not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need -- not as a call to battle, though embattled we are -- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight truggle, year in and year out, rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation, a struggle against the scommon enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance,North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility -- I welcome it. I do not believethat any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it. And the glow from that fire can truly light the world.And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country.My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.。
美国克林顿演讲系列之肯尼迪—1960年对大休斯顿部长协会的演讲(中英双语)
美国克林顿演讲系列之肯尼迪—1960年对大休斯顿部长协会的演讲（中英双语）Reverend Meza, Reverend Reck,I'm grateful for your generous invitation to state my views.While the so-called religious issue is necessarily and properly the chief topic here tonight, I want to emphasize from the outset that I believe that we have far more critical issues in the 1960 campaign; the humiliating treatment of our President and Vice President by those who no longer respect our power—the hungry children I saw in West Virginia, the old people who cannot pay their doctors bills, the families forced to give up their farms—an America with too many slums, with too few schools, and too late to the moon and outer space. These are the real issues which should decide this campaign. And they are not religious issues—for war and hunger and ignorance and despair know no religious barrier.But because I am a Catholic, and no Catholic has ever been elected President, the real issues in this campaign have been obscured—perhaps deliberately, in some quarters less responsible than this. So it is apparently necessary for me to state once again—not what kind of church I believe in, for that should be important only to me—but what kind of America I believe in.I believe in an America where the separation of church and state is absolute; where no Catholic prelate would tell the President—should he be Catholic—how to act, and no Protestant minister would tell his parishioners for whom to vote; where no church or church school is granted any public funds or political preference, and where no man is denied public office merely because his religion differs from the President who might appoint him, or the people who might elect him.I believe in an America that is officially neither Catholic, Protestant nor Jewish; where no public official either requests or accept instructions on public policy from the Pope, the National Council of Churches or any other ecclesiastical source; where no religious body seeks to impose its will directly or indirectly upon the general populace or the public acts of its officials, and where religious liberty is so indivisible that an act against one church is treated as an act against all.For while this year it may be a Catholic against whom the finger of suspicion is pointed, in other years it has been—and may someday be again—a Jew, or a Quaker, or a Unitarian, or a Baptist. It was Virginia's harassment of Baptist preachers, for example, that led to Jefferson's statute of religious freedom. Today, I may be the victim, but tomorrow it may be you—until the whole fabric of our harmonious society is ripped apart at a time of great national peril.Finally, I believe in an America where religious intolerance will someday end, where all men and all churches are treated as equals, where every man has the same right to attend or not to attend the church of his choice, where there is no Catholic vote, no anti-Catholic vote, no bloc voting of any kind, and where Catholics, Protestants, and Jews, at both the lay and the pastoral levels, will refrain from those attitudes of disdain and division which have so often marred their works in the past, and promote instead the American ideal of brotherhood. That is the kind of America in which I believe.And it represents the kind of Presidency in which I believe, a great office that must be neither humbled by making it the instrument of any religious group nor tarnished by arbitrarilywithholding it—its occupancy from the members of any one religious group. I believe in a President whose views on religion are his own private affair, neither imposed upon him by the nation, nor imposed by the nation upon him as a condition to holding that office.I would not look with favor upon a President working to subvert the first amendment's guarantees of religious liberty; nor would our system of checks and balances permit him to do so. And neither do I look with favor upon those who would work to subvert Article VI of the Constitution by requiring a religious test, even by indirection. For if they disagree with that safeguard, they should be openly working to repeal it.I want a Chief Executive whose public acts are responsible to all and obligated to none, who can attend any ceremony, service, or dinner his office may appropriately require of him to fulfill; and whose fulfillment of his Presidential office is not limited or conditioned by any religious oath, ritual, or obligation.This is the kind of America I believe in—and this is the kind of America I fought for in the South Pacific, and the kind my brother died for in Europe. No one suggested then that we might have a divided loyalty, that we did not believe in liberty, or that we belonged to a disloyal group that threatened—I quote—"the freedoms for which our forefathers died."And in fact this is the kind of America for which our forefathers did die when they fled here to escape religious test oaths that denied office to members of less favored churches—when they fought for the Constitution, the Bill of Rights, the Virginia Statute of Religious Freedom—and when they fought at the shrine I visited today, the Alamo. For side by side with Bowie and Crockett died Fuentes, and McCafferty, and Bailey, and Badillo, and Carey—but no one knows whether they were Catholics or not. For there was no religious test there.I ask you tonight to follow in that tradition—to judge me on the basis of 14 years in the Congress, on my declared stands against an Ambassador to the Vatican, against unconstitutional aid to parochial schools, and against any boycott of the public schools—which I attended myself. And instead of doing this, do not judge me on the basis of these pamphlets and publications we all have seen that carefully select quotations out of context from the statements of Catholic church leaders, usually in other countries, frequently in other centuries, and rarely relevant to any situation here. And always omitting, of course, the statement of the American Bishops in 1948 which strongly endorsed Church-State separation, and which more nearly reflects the views of almost every American Catholic.I do not consider these other quotations binding upon my public acts. Why should you?But let me say, with respect to other countries, that I am wholly opposed to the State being used by any religious group, Catholic or Protestant, to compel, prohibit, or prosecute the free exercise of any other religion. And that goes for any persecution, at any time, by anyone, in any country. And I hope that you and I condemn with equal fervor those nations which deny their Presidency to Protestants, and those which deny it to Catholics. And rather than cite the misdeeds of those who differ, I would also cite the record of the Catholic Church in such nations as France and Ireland, and the independence of such statesmen as De Gaulle and Adenauer.But let me stress again that these are my views. For contrary to common newspaper usage, I amnot the Catholic candidate for President. I am the Democratic Party's candidate for President who happens also to be a Catholic.I do not speak for my church on public matters; and the church does not speak for me. Whatever issue may come before me as President, if I should be elected, on birth control, divorce, censorship, gambling or any other subject, I will make my decision in accordance with these views—in accordance with what my conscience tells me to be in the national interest, and without regard to outside religious pressure or dictates. And no power or threat of punishment could cause me to decide otherwise.But if the time should ever come—and I do not concede any conflict to be remotely possible—when my office would require me to either violate my conscience or violate the national interest, then I would resign the office; and I hope any conscientious public servant would do likewise.But I do not intend to apologize for these views to my critics of either Catholic or Protestant faith; nor do I intend to disavow either my views or my church in order to win this election.If I should lose on the real issues, I shall return to my seat in the Senate, satisfied that I'd tried my best and was fairly judged.But if this election is decided on the basis that 40 million Americans lost their chance of being President on the day they were baptized, then it is the whole nation that will be the loser, in the eyes of Catholics and non-Catholics around the world, in the eyes of history, and in the eyes of our own people.But if, on the other hand, I should win this election, then I shall devote every effort of mind and spirit to fulfilling the oath of the Presidency—practically identical, I might add, with the oath I have taken for 14 years in the Congress. For without reservation, I can, solemnly swear that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States, and will to the best of my ability preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution—so help me God.肯尼迪于1960年对大休斯顿部长协会的演讲中文版米扎牧师、雷克牧师：非常感谢你们盛情邀请我来谈谈自己的观点。
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'I Believe in an America Where the Separation of Church and State is Absolute' September 12, 1960, address to the Greater Houston Ministerial AssociationJohn F. KennedyWhile the so-called religious issue is necessarily and properly the chief topic here tonight, I want to emphasize from the outset that we have far more critical issues to face in the 1960 election; the spread of Communist influence, until it now festers 90 miles off the coast of Florida--the humiliating treatment of our President and Vice President by those who no longer respect our power--the hungry children I saw in West Virginia, the old people who cannot pay their doctor bills, the families forced to give up their farms--an America with too many slums, with too few schools, and too late to the moon and outer space.These are the real issues which should decide this campaign. And they are not religious issues--for war and hunger and ignorance and despair know no religious barriers.But because I am a Catholic, and no Catholic has ever been elected President, the real issues in this campaign have been obscured--perhaps deliberately, in some quarters less responsible than this. So it is apparently necessary for me to state once again--not what kind of church I believe in, for that should be important only to me--but what kind of America I believe in.I believe in an America where the separation of church and state is absolute--where no Catholic prelate would tell the President (should he be Catholic) how to act, and no Protestant minister would tell his parishioners for whom to vote--where no church or church school is granted any public funds or political preference--and where no man is denied public office merely because his religion differs from the President who might appoint him or the people who might elect him.I believe in an America that is officially neither Catholic, Protestant nor Jewish--where no public official either requests or accepts instructions on public policy from the Pope, the National Council of Churches or any other ecclesiastical source--where no religious body seeks to impose its will directly or indirectly upon the general populace or the public acts of its officials--and where religious liberty is so indivisible that an act against one church is treated as an act against all.For while this year it may be a Catholic against whom the finger of suspicion is pointed, in other years it has been, and may someday be again, a Jew--or a Quaker--or aUnitarian--or a Baptist. It was Virginia's harassment of Baptist preachers, for example, that helped lead to Jefferson's statute of religious freedom. Today I may be the victim--buttomorrow it may be you--until the whole fabric of our harmonious society is ripped at a time of great national peril.Finally, I believe in an America where religious intolerance will someday end--where all men and all churches are treated as equal--where every man has the same right to attend or not attend the church of his choice--where there is no Catholic vote, no anti-Catholic vote, no bloc voting of any kind--and where Catholics, Protestants and Jews, at both the lay and pastoral level, will refrain from those attitudes of disdain and division which have so often marred their works in the past, and promote instead the American ideal of brotherhood.That is the kind of America in which I believe. And it represents the kind of Presidency in which I believe--a great office that must neither be humbled by making it the instrument of any one religious group nor tarnished by arbitrarily withholding its occupancy from the members of any one religious group. I believe in a President whose religious views are his own private affair, neither imposed by him upon the nation or imposed by the nation upon him as a condition to holding that office.I would not look with favor upon a President working to subvert the first amendment's guarantees of religious liberty. Nor would our system of checks and balances permit him to do so--and neither do I look with favor upon those who would work to subvert Article VI of the Constitution by requiring a religious test--even by indirection--for it. If they disagree with that safeguard they should be out openly working to repeal it.I want a Chief Executive whose public acts are responsible to all groups and obligated to none--who can attend any ceremony, service or dinner his office may appropriately require of him--and whose fulfillment of his Presidential oath is not limited or conditioned by any religious oath, ritual or obligation.This is the kind of America I believe in--and this is the kind I fought for in the South Pacific, and the kind my brother died for in Europe. No one suggested then that we may have a "divided loyalty," that we did "not believe in liberty," or that we belonged to a disloyal group that threatened the "freedoms for which our forefathers died."And in fact this is the kind of America for which our forefathers died--when they fled here to escape religious test oaths that denied office to members of less favoredchurches--when they fought for the Constitution, the Bill of Rights, and the Virginia Statute of Religious Freedom--and when they fought at the shrine I visited today, the Alamo. For side by side with Bowie and Crockett died McCafferty and Bailey and Carey--but no one knows whether they were Catholic or not. For there was no religious test at the Alamo.I ask you tonight to follow in that tradition--to judge me on the basis of my record of 14 years in Congress--on my declared stands against an Ambassador to the Vatican, against unconstitutional aid to parochial schools, and against any boycott of the public schools (which I have attended myself)--instead of judging me on the basis of these pamphlets and publications we all have seen that carefully select quotations out of context from the statements of Catholic church leaders, usually in other countries, frequently in other centuries, and always omitting, of course, the statement of the American Bishops in 1948 which strongly endorsed church-state separation, and which more nearly reflects the views of almost every American Catholic.I do not consider these other quotations binding upon my public acts--why should you? But let me say, with respect to other countries, that I am wholly opposed to the state being used by any religious group, Catholic or Protestant, to compel, prohibit, or persecute the free exercise of any other religion. And I hope that you and I condemn with equal fervor those nations which deny their Presidency to Protestants and those which deny it to Catholics. And rather than cite the misdeeds of those who differ, I would cite the record of the Catholic Church in such nations as Ireland and France--and the independence of such statesmen as Adenauer and De Gaulle.But let me stress again that these are my views--for contrary to common newspaper usage, I am not the Catholic candidate for President. I am the Democratic Party's candidate for President who happens also to be a Catholic. I do not speak for my church on public matters--and the church does not speak for me.Whatever issue may come before me as President--on birth control, divorce, censorship, gambling or any other subject--I will make my decision in accordance with these views, in accordance with what my conscience tells me to be the national interest, and without regard to outside religious pressures or dictates. And no power or threat of punishment could cause me to decide otherwise.But if the time should ever come--and I do not concede any conflict to be even remotely possible--when my office would require me to either violate my conscience or violate the national interest, then I would resign the office; and I hope any conscientious public servant would do the same.But I do not intend to apologize for these views to my critics of either Catholic or Protestant faith--nor do I intend to disavow either my views or my church in order to win this election.If I should lose on the real issues, I shall return to my seat in the Senate, satisfied that I had tried my best and was fairly judged. But if this election is decided on the basis that 40 million Americans lost their chance of being President on the day they were baptized, thenit is the whole nation that will be the loser, in the eyes of Catholics and non-Catholics around the world, in the eyes of history, and in the eyes of our own people.But if, on the other hand, I should win the election, then I shall devote every effort of mind and spirit to fulfilling the oath of the Presidency--practically identical, I might add, to the oath I have taken for 14 years in the Congress. For without reservation, I can "solemnly swear that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States, and will to the best of my ability preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution...so help me God.。