赖斯的演讲加翻译

As we work for a more just economic order, we must also work to promote a freer and more democratic world –a world that will one day include a democratic Cuba, a democratic Burma, and a fully democratic Middle East. 当我们要想建立一个公平的经济秩序，同时我们也必须得努力去营造一个更自由、更民主的世界，这个世界将包含一个民主的古巴、缅甸和完全民主的中东。

Now, this emphasis on democracy in the Middle East is controversial, I admit, and some would say, “Well, we’ve actually made the situation worse.”
如今中东的民主已经变得有争议了，我承认这一点。

因此可能就会有人说：好吧，我们让情况变得更糟了。

I would ask: Worse compared to what?
而我不禁想反问他们：比什么更糟了？
Worse than when the Syrian army occupied Lebanon for nearly 30 years? Worse than when the Palestinian people could not hold their leaders accountable, and watched as a chance for peace was squandered and evaporated into the second intifada?
比叙利亚军队侵占黎巴嫩将近30年更糟糕吗？能比巴勒斯坦人民再也不相信他们的政府且眼睁睁地看着和平的时机被浪费了并再次进入混乱更糟嘛？
Worse than the tyranny of Saddam Hussein at the heart of the Middle East, who terrified his neighbors and whose legacy is the bodies of 300,000 innocent people that he left in unmarked mass graves?
能比萨达姆侯赛因在中东的暴行，如恐吓其邻国，它的遗产是那无名坟冢中的三十万具无辜的尸体，能比这更糟糕么？
Or worse perhaps than the false stability which masked a freedom gap, spawned hopelessness, and fed hatreds so deep that 19 men found cause to fly airplanes into American cities on a fine September morning?
或者是这虚假的稳定掩饰了自由的鸿沟，给人们带来无望，同时带来的仇恨之深以至于19个人在一个美好的九月的早晨空袭了美国城市，能比这更糟嘛？
No, ladies and gentlemen, the past order in the Middle East is nothing to extol, but it does not make the challenges of the present less difficult. Even when you cherish democratic ideals, it is never easy to turn them into effective democratic institutions. This process will take decades, and it will be driven, as it should be, and as it only can be, by courageous leaders and citizens in the region.
没有，女士们先生们，中东过去的秩序并不值得赞扬，但其现今所面临的挑战也并不因此而减轻，把民主制度付诸行动也并不是一件容易的事。

这一过程将需要数十年的时间，并且将由也只会由这个城市的勇敢的领导者们和市民们推进！Different nations will find ways to express democratic values that reflect their own cultures and their own ways of life. And yet the basics are universal and we know them – that men and women have the right to choose those who will govern them, to speak their minds, to worship freely, and to find protection from the arbitrary power of the state.
不通国家将会找到表达其民主观念的方式，且这将反映出他们国家自己的文化和其人民自己的生活方式。

这些基本观念是众所周知的，那就是男性和女性都有权选择谁来统治他们、有权诉说自己的观点、有崇拜自由权和有权从国家的强权里寻求保护。

The main problem for democracy in the Middle East has not been that people are not ready for it. The problem is that there are violent forces of reaction that cannot be allowed to triumph.
中东主要的民主矛盾并不是人们还没准备好接受民主，而是过激的反应而导致人们不能取得最终的胜利。

The problem is that too many Lebanese journalists and parliamentarians are being assassinated in a campaign of intimidation, and that the Lebanese have not been permitted to elect their president freely.
问题是有太多的丽娜嫩记者和国会议员在恐怖行动中被刺杀了，这也就是为什么黎巴嫩未能选出其总统的原因。

The problem is that too many peaceful human rights activists, and journalists, and bloggers are sitting in prison for actions that should not be considered crimes in any country.
问题是存在有太多的人权激进分子、记者和博客进了监狱，而他们所做的在任何国家都不能构成罪名。

The problem is not that a group like Hamas won one free election; it is that the leaders of Hamas still refuse to make the fundamental choice that is required for any democracy to function: You can be a political party, or you can be a terrorist group, you cannot be both.
问题是没有能像哈马斯这样的团体一样能够赢得自由选举。

哈马斯的领导者仍然拒绝做出能够使民主生效的决定：你可以成为一个政治团体，或者你也可以变成一个恐怖组织，二者不能兼得。

We should be under no illusions that the challenges in the Middle East will get any better if we approach them in a less principled fashion. In fact, the only
truly effective solutions to many of these challenges will emerge not in spite of democracy, but because of it.
我们对中东所面临的挑战能够变好不要抱任何梦想，如果我们去达成这个目标时没有原则的话。

而事实是，唯一能够真正有效地解决这些挑战的方法将会涌现，尽管没有民主，而是因为民主的存在才会这样。

Democracy is the most realistic way for diverse peoples to resolve their differences, and share power, and heal social divisions without violence or repression.
民主是人们解决分歧、共享权利和不通过武力或镇压来完善社会差异的最有效的方式。

Democracy is the most likely way to ensure that women have an equal place in society and an equal right to make the basic choices that define their lives. 民主是最能够确保女性能够有平等的社会地位和平等的权利来做出维护她们的生活的基本决定的方式。

And democracy is the most realistic path to lasting peace among nations. In the short run, there will surely be struggles and setbacks. There will be stumble and even falls. But delaying the start of the democratic enterprise will only mask tensions and breed frustrations that will not be suppressed forever.
民主还是能够实现国家之间的长久和平的最正确方法。

而短期内，迷住必然将会遇到困难、挫折、停顿甚至是倒退。

但是民主的延迟实现所带来的紧张和沮丧不会永远持续下去。

Now this brings us, finally, to the matter of diplomacy. Do optimism and idealism play a role in this endeavor, which is by its very nature the art of the
possible? Is it as Lord Palmerston said –that “nations have no permanent enemies and no permanent allies, only permanent interests?”
而现在这一过程给我们带来的最终会是一系列外交事宜。

乐观主义与理想主义在民主的实现过程中也做出了奉献，但是这会是实现民主这一可能性的本质么？是不是正如真主帕默斯顿说的那样：国家之间没有永久的敌人也没有永久的朋友，只有永久的利益呢？
Well, I can assure you that America has no permanent enemies, because we harbor no permanent hatreds. The United States is sometimes thought of as a nation that perhaps does not dwell enough on its own history. To that, I say: Good for us. Because too much focus on history can become a prison for nations.
那么我能很明确地告诉你美国没有永久的敌人，这是因为我们没有永久的仇恨。

美国有时被认为是一个不是那么吸取历史经验的国家。

鉴于此我想说，还好我们是这样做了，因为太过于注重历史就被被其禁锢住。

Diplomacy, if properly practiced, is not just talking for the sake of talking. It requires incentives and disincentives to make the choice clear to those with whom you are dealing that you will change your behavior if they are willing to change theirs. Diplomacy can make possible a world in which old enemies can become, if not friends, then no longer adversaries.
民主，如果我们合理实施的话，就不能只说不做了。

这就需要约束与激励来让你对于你交往的人做出明确的选择，因为于你交往的人如果要改变他们自己的话这也会影响你的行为。

Consider the case of Libya. Just a few years ago, the United States and Libya were locked in a state of hostility. But as Libya has chosen to reject
terrorism, to renounce its pursuit of weapons of mass destruction, and to rejoin the international community, the United States has reached out, and today, though we still have our differences, we have nothing to fear from one another.
就拿利比亚的例子来说。

就在几年前，美国与利比亚处于敌对状态。

但随着利比亚选择决定反恐时，决定放弃追求大规模杀伤性武器和加入国际社会时，美国也决定伸出援手。

到如今，即使我还是存在着差异，但是我们却不会害怕彼此了。

The United States is building a similarly positive relationship with Vietnam, which would have been unthinkable 30 years ago – and of course with China, we have built a productive relationship that redounds to the benefits of both our peoples.
美国与越南建立了同样积极的关系，这在30年前是无法想象的，美国与中国的关系也是一样，我们已经建立了一个富有成效的关系,对我们两国人民都有好处。

But perhaps nowhere is it clearer that we have no permanent enemies than in our relationship with Russia. Ladies and gentlemen, the recent talk about a new Cold War is hyperbolic nonsense. Our relations today are fundamentally different than they were when all we shared was the desire to avoid mutual annihilation.
但是我们与俄罗斯之间的关系可能是最好证明我们没有永久敌人的这一特点。

女士们先生们，最近有关美国与俄罗斯之间的冷战一说简直是无稽之谈。

比起之前我们互相共享以此来防止相互之间的消灭的关系来，我们现在的关系已经根本上不同了。

The fact is that the United States and Russia are working constructively today on many issues of mutual interest –from counter-proliferation, to
counter-terrorism, to the pursuit of peace in the Middle East. And we are determined to remember this, even when we hear unwise and irresponsible rhetoric from Russia itself that harkens back to an earlier time.
事实上是美国与俄罗斯为了共同的利益而做了许多有建设性的工作，这些从反扩散到反对恐怖主义，再到寻求中东的和平。

且我们也决定铭记这一点，即使我们听到来自俄罗斯的不明智和不负责任的言论,这些言论会让两国关系回归到一个更早的时间。

To be sure, there have been disappointments. Though we recognize that Russians today enjoy considerable personal and economic freedom, we believe that Russi a’s greatness will ultimately be secured best through greater political freedom for its people – and through the establishment of strong institutions that check the power of the state, rather than serve the interests of a few.
诚然，这其中也包括沮丧。

即使我们知道如今的俄罗斯享有大量的个人和经济自由时，我们仍然以为俄罗斯的伟大最终将能够保卫得最好，而这是通过给予人们更大的政治自由,通过建立强有力的机构来衡量国力，而不是为少数人的利益服务的方式来到达。

We also believe that Russia should contribute to a transparent and open global energy economy, not a monopolistic one. But whatever the difficulties, no one can imagine a world in which the absence of U.S.-Russian cooperation will make any of our challenges easier to solve.
我们同时也相信俄罗斯应该对透明且开放的全球能源经济做出奉献，而不是对其进行垄断。

但是不管是什么困难,我们无法想象想象在一个没有美国与俄罗斯合作的世界里，我们所面临的任何挑战能够更容易地解决。

It is because America desires no permanent enemies that we can imagine a better relationship with North Korea, and we are working to build it through the Six Party Talks. North Korea is disabling its Yongbyon nuclear facility, but there are other obligations that have yet to be met and must be, including the provision of a complete and accurate declaration of all nuclear programs and activities.
由于美国不渴望永久的敌人，因此我们想与朝鲜建立更好的关系，且我们希望在六方会谈期间就能解决。

朝鲜朝鲜正在废除其核设施，但是其还有其他的义务没有履行，但是其必须履行，这包括包括提供一个完整的和准确的有关所有核项目和活动声明。

Still, we continue to believe that we can use the Six Party Talks for even larger purposes: to finally end the conflict on the Korean Peninsula; to forge a mechanism for security cooperation in Northeast Asia; to make peninsular issues a source of regional cooperation, not conflict; and to improve relations between North Korea and the international community, which would benefit no one more than the North Korean people themselves.
我们仍然坚信我们能够以六方会谈来达成更大的目标：如终结朝鲜半岛的冲突、建立亚洲东北的安全合作机制、实现半岛问题的来源区域合作,且不冲突、且要改善朝鲜于国际社会之间的关系，这将不仅仅只是对朝鲜人民有好处。

Let me assure you that the United States also has no desire to have a permanent enemy in Iran, even after 29 years of difficult history. Iranians are a proud people with a great culture, and we respect the contributions that they have made to world civilization. We have no conflict with Iran’s
people, but we have real differences with Iran’s government –from its support for terrorism, to its destabilizing policies in Iraq, to its pursuit of technologies that could lead to a nuclear weapon.
我可以很明确的说：美国也不想与伊朗成为永久的敌人，即使是在经历过长达29年的冲突后。

伊朗人是一个自豪的民族且有着伟大的文化，且我们也尊重他们为世界文明所作出的奉献。

文明与伊朗人民没有冲突，但是我们与伊朗政府确实有着差异：这是因为其支持恐怖主义，其在伊拉克的政策不稳定和其追求可以导致核战争的武器。

With our agreement yesterday to pass a third Chapter 7 sanctions resolution, the permanent members of the Security Council plus Germany showed that we remain united, that we do not want Iran to become a nuclear weapons power, and that we will continue to hold Iran to its international obligations. 通过文明昨天所达成的第三章的7个制裁决议，联合国安理会的常任理事国与德国说明我们想保持团结，我们不希望伊朗成为一个核武器国家，且我们也将持续保持对伊朗的国际义务。

Ultimately, though, this problem can and should be resolved through diplomacy. Should Iran suspend its uranium enrichment and reprocessing activities – which is an international demand, not an American one – we could begin negotiations, and we could work over time to build a new, more normal relationship – one defined not by fear and mistrust, but growing cooperation, expanding trade and exchange, and the peaceful management of our differences.
最后，即使这样，这个问题可以而且应该通过外交手段解决。

伊朗暂停铀浓缩和后处理活动——这是一个国际需求而不是美国的单方面要求，我们可以开始对此进行
协商，且随着时间推移,我们还可以建立一个新的、更为正常的两国关系，这种关系将不再包含惧怕和互不信任，通过合作，扩大商贸和交流和和平地处理两国之间的不同。

Our confidence that there are no permanent enemies also gives us hope that two states, Israel and Palestine, will one day live side by side in peace and security. The Annapolis process will support the bilateral efforts of Prime Minister Olmert and President Abbas to end the conflict between their peoples. But we must not lose sight of what that peace will really mean.
没有永久的敌人这一信心让我们可以希望伊拉克与巴勒斯坦两国某天将携手共创和平与安全的关系。

安纳波利斯议程将支持奥尔默特总理和阿巴斯主席的共同努力,且会结束两国人民之间的冲突。

但我们决不能无视这和平的真正含义。

Peace will mean that Palestinians will never again suffer the humiliations of occupation and wasted hours spent in checkpoints – and will instead be free to work and prosper in a state of their own. Peace will mean that Israelis who have so justly and proudly defended the Jewish state for the past 60 years will finally see their right to exist affirmed and accepted by their neighbors. And peace will mean that the hatreds borne of this now 60 year-old conflict will pass away with this current generation, not be passed on to infect new ones.
而和平就意味着巴勒斯坦人将永远不会再次遭受受屈辱的职业和费时的检查点，而是也会变成自由和繁荣的国家。

和平将意味着以色列人在过去60年公正、自豪地保卫这个犹太国家，且最终将看到他们的生存权受到肯定并接受他们的邻居。

且和平也将将意味着这个存在于60年的冲突中的仇恨将会消失这一代,而不是重新感染这一代。

All conflicts must end, and nations need not have permanent enemies. But Lord Palmerston was wrong on the other part of his quote – that nations have no permanent allies. The United States has permanent allies: They are the allies with whom we share values –allies like Japan, and South Korea, and Australia, the allies we have in our own hemisphere, and of course, the allies we have across this continent – within NATO and the European Union.
所有的冲突都必须终止，国与国之间没必要变成永久的敌人。

但是真主帕默斯顿言述的另一方面是错误的，那就是国与国之间没有永久的盟友。

美国就有永久的盟友：这些盟友是能够一起分担利益，如日本和韩国、澳大利亚这些盟友，在我们自己的半球也有我们的盟友，并且我们的盟友当然也在这大陆,其包括北约和欧盟。

Let me speak for a moment about this extraordinary alliance called the transatlantic alliance. The United States expects a lot of our allies. And our allies expect a lot of us. And the alliance has endured recent frictions, but it has never fractured. And the transatlantic alliance is defined today not by the differences between us, but by the work we do together to support the global success of our shared ideas – most importantly in Afghanistan.
让我来谈论这特别的联盟，即我们所谓的跨大西洋联盟。

美国对盟友的期望很高，同时我们的盟友对美国的期望也很高。

虽然最近联盟间经历了摩擦，但是并未因此而断裂。

且如今的跨大西洋联盟不再是由我们之间的鸿沟来定义了，而是通过我们共同努力去支持全球的我们所想的成功，其中最重要的是在阿富汗。

I recognize that this is not easy work. We have all struggled to master the challenge of counterinsurgency– of marrying our civilian reconstruction and development efforts with our military operations. NATO is not performing perfectly. Neither is America. And our publics need to be told honestly that
we are engaged in a real war in Afghanistan, that there will be sacrifices, that this is not just a peacekeeping operation, and that the stakes could not be higher for the Afghan people, for our alliance, and for international security.
我承认这不是一个容易的事。

我们都努力应对反叛乱所带来的挑战——即通过军事行动来维护我们平民的重建和发展成果。

北约确实没有进行的很完美，美国也是一样。

同时我们也要诚恳地告诉我们的公民，我们确实是在阿富汗策划了一场战争，而战争就会有牺牲，这不仅仅是一个维和行动，这赌注不能改善阿富汗人民的看法，也不能改善我们的盟友和国际安全。

But for all of the challenges NATO is facing, let us remember how far we have come. I remember when NATO saw the world in two parts: There was Europe, and then there was “out of area” – which was pretty much everything else. So who could have imagined seven years ago that our alliance today would be training troops in Iraq, providing air lift in Darfur, and rooting out terrorists in places like Kandahar? These are increasingly the challenges of the 21st century, and I am optimistic that NATO will meet them, just as it met the challenges of last century.
但是尽管我们面临着所有北约的挑战，让我们记住我们已经走了多远。

我还记得北约见证过世界分为两个部分：这就是欧洲和这时的“界外”——即其他所有的地方。

七年前谁能想到,我们今天的联盟将能够培训伊拉克军队,在达尔富尔提供空中支援和在坎大哈根除恐怖分子?
It is true, ladies and gentlemen, that optimism and confidence in our ideals are perhaps a part of the American character, and I admit that this can make us a somewhat impatient nation. Though we realize that our ideals and our
interests may be in tension in the short term, and that they are surely tested by the complexities of the real world, we know that they tend to be in harmony when we take the long view.
这是真的，女士们先生们，在我们的理想中乐观和信心也许是美国人性格的一部分，同时我承认,这能让我们有点不耐烦。

即使我们意识到了我们的理想和利益在短期内会处于尴尬境地，他们确实是在这复杂的现实世界中受到过检测的,我们知道当我们把目光放长远时他们就会变得和谐起来。

Like any nation, we have made mistakes throughout our history, and we are going to make them again. But our confidence in our principles, and our impatience with the pace of change, is also a source of our greatest successes –and this will ensure that the United States remains a strong, confident, and capable global leader in the 21st century.
就像任何其他国家一样，纵观历史，我们也会犯错误，且我们也将会继续犯错。

但我们原则中的自信和我们改变补发中的不耐烦，也是我们最大的成功。

且这也将确保美国能够保持一个强壮、自信国家和能够成为21世纪的领袖。

Yes, our ideals and our optimism make Americans impatient, but our history, our experience, should make us patient at the same time. We, of all people, realize how long and difficult the path of democracy really is. After all, when our Founding Fathers said “We the People,” they did not mean me. It took the Great Emancipator, Abraham Lincoln, to overcome the compromise in our Constitution that made the founding of the United States of America possible, but that made my ancestors three-fifths of a man.
是的,我们的理想和我们的乐观让美国人变得不耐烦，但我们的历史，我们所获得的
经验，同时会让我们变得有耐心。

我们所有的人都知道真是的民主之路的长远和要经历的困难。

毕竟，当我们的开国元勋说：我的人民啊，但这对我没有任何意义。

伟大的解放者亚伯拉罕·林肯，克服了我们宪法中的妥协成分，并使美利坚合众国的建立成为可能,但这便使我祖先有了3/5个人的精神。

So we Americans have no reason for false pride and every reason for humility. And we believe that human imperfection makes democracy more important, and all who are striving for it more deserving of patience and support. History provides so many affirming examples of this.
所以我们美国人没有理由妄自尊大或者过于谦卑。

且我们认为人类的瑕疵是的民主变得更重要，且所有为这一目标奋斗的人都更渴望耐心和支持。

历史为我们提供了如此多的强有力的例子。

After all, who would have thought that Japan would be a pillar of democratic stability in Asia? Once, that seemed impossible. Now, it seems inevitable.
毕竟,谁会想到日本将会成为亚洲的民主变稳定的支柱呢？这在过去看来是不肯呢过的，现在看来却是必然的。

Who would have thought that Germany and France would never go to war again and would instead join in union? Once, that too seemed impossible. Now, it too seems inevitable.
谁会想到德国和法国将不会再发生战争并一同加入了联盟呢？这对于过去是不可能的，但现在看来却是必然的。

And who would have thought that NATO and the European Union would erase old divisions of East and West, that they would unite democratic nations across Europe, and that the Alliance would hold its 2006 Summit in Latvia? Once, that seemed impossible. Now, it too seems inevitable.
谁又会想到北约和欧盟会抹去东方与西方过去的成见，而这将会团结所有欧洲民主的国家，且这个结盟使得在拉脱维亚的2006年峰会变成现实呢？这对于过去是不可能的，但现在看来却是必然的。

And even today, from time to time, we catch the occasional glimpse of what a better world could look like. I have seen it while sitting in a provincial council in Kirkuk, and watching as Iraqis search in peace for ways to resolve their differences. I have seen it when I watched the Saudi Foreign Minster applaud the Israeli Prime Minister’s speech about a new opportunity for peace.
即使是现在，我们也会时不时的看到更好的世界是个什么样子。

坐在在基尔库克省议会一会儿我就已看到，看着伊拉克人寻求解决他们的分歧的和平的方法。

我已经看到它时，也观看了沙特外长赞扬以色列总理讲话有关和平的新契机。

And I have seen what a better future could look like when, improbably, I have watched the American president stand with elected leaders under the flags of a democratic Iraq, a democratic Afghanistan, and the democratic future state of Palestine.
且我已经看到了美好的未来可能是什么样子的时候，我也仿佛看到美国总统与当选的领导人一同站在在一个民主的伊拉克、一个民主的阿富汗和巴勒斯坦的旗帜下，。

That ultimately is the role of confidence in the eventual triumph of our ideals: to face the world everyday as it is, but to know that it does not have to be that way –and to keep in sight the better, not perfect, but better world that it can be.
最终是我们理想中的信任对取得最终胜利的作用：我们要去面对每天所呈现的世界，但要知道它本可以不以这种方式呈现，并可以更好地看到这个虽不完美，但
更好的世界。

Thank you very much. 4楼非常感谢。