附-84111-尼日利亚人学汉语Chinese-English dictionary
尼日利亚大个子的中国留学生活
尼日利亚大个子的中国留学生活文/孙鹏云 By Sun Pengyun图片故事Picture storyThe life of a tall Nigerian student in China这是马志强在厦门大学海外教育学院学习的第三年。
三年前，他从尼日利亚来到中国学习汉语，同时攻读硕士学位。
如今，已通过HSK六级的他可以自如地与人们进行中文对话。
不仅如此，热爱汉语的马志强还将自己的毕业论文题目定为《孔子学院在尼日利亚发展的研究》，希望帮助更多的尼日利亚人学习中文、了解中国。
这个寒假，忙碌的他没能回家，他想要留在学校认真地写好硕士毕业论文，还要多读一些书为读博做准备。
这个身高1米9的小伙子似乎总是充满活力，他是篮球运动场上的主力选手；他和王力宏搭档拍摄过公益广告；他参加汉语桥、校园歌手大赛、圣诞电音闪耀夜等许多活动和演出；热心公益的他还是莲河中学学生们心目中的“大明星哥哥”。
上大学之前，他曾经做过模特，大学时当过英语播音员，又因为想当翻译官的梦想来到中国学习汉语。
“我喜欢唱歌、喜欢写诗，希望今后回国当一名汉语老师，或是做一名联系中国和尼日利亚的大使。
我想尝试更多的可能，过‘不那么简单’的人生。
”马志强说。
T his is the third year in the studies of Ma Zhiqiang (UmeonyiriohaEmmanuel Ikechukwu) at the Overseas Education College of XiamenUniversity.Three years ago, Ma Zhiqiang came from Nigeria to study the Chinese language in China, while also pursuing his Master’s degree. At present, Ma Zhiqiang has passed HSK (Chinese Proficiency Test) level VI, and can converse freely in Chinese. Not only that, Ma Zhiqiang has a great passion and lovefor the Chinese language, so he has chosen “The development of Confucius Institutes in Nigeria” as the topic of his Master’s thesis, with the hope of helping more Nigerians to study Chinese and understand China and its people.Ma Zhiqiang’s student life in China can be richly and colorfully described. As a person who is conscientious and committed to his work, he visits the library frequently. In addition, he’s 1.90 m tall, so he is the key player in many sports activities. He is very outgoing and thus is always surrounded by friends.A kind and warm-hearted person, he is seen as a “superstar” by the students of Lianhe Middle School, where he volunteers. He has a wide range of talents, and has worked alongside numerous celebrities, such as in an advertisement with Chinese actor and singer Leehom Wang, in the Chinese Bridge Competition, school singing competitions, Christmas parties, and many other activities.Ma Zhiqiang said he worked as a model before he began his undergraduate studies. While he was an undergraduate student, he worked as an English and Igbo language newscaster. “I came to study Chinese in China because of my interest in becoming a translator. I work very hard in life because I have goals of becoming a great person in the future. I like to sing and write poetry, and I plan on returning to Nigeria after this year to become a Chinese teacher, or a Nigeria-China Ambassador. ”Ma Zhiqiang goes to library every day to read research works. He is very skillful in his research, and knows a variety of channels by which to seek information. The juxtaposition of his serious and quiet nature in the library while studying and his lively day-to-day life makes him seem like two different people.马志强每天都会到图书馆阅读文献 ，熟练地通过多种渠道搜索资料。
教外国人学习中文英语作文150词
教外国人学习中文英语作文150词Learning a new language can be a daunting task for many people especially when it comes to languages that have vastly different writing systems and grammatical structures from one's native tongue. Chinese is one such language that presents a unique set of challenges for foreign learners. As the most widely spoken language in the world with over a billion native speakers, Chinese has gained increasing global importance in recent decades. More and more people around the world are recognizing the value of learning Chinese whether for personal, academic, or professional reasons.For native English speakers, the Chinese writing system is perhaps the most intimidating aspect of the language. Unlike the Roman alphabet used in English, Chinese utilizes thousands of unique characters that each represent a word or concept. Mastering the writing system requires extensive memorization and practice. Additionally, the tonal nature of spoken Chinese, with four distinct tones that change the meaning of a word, can be extremely difficult for English speakers to grasp. The grammar structure is also quite different, with no verb conjugations or noun cases, and a subject-object-verb sentence structure that is the reverse of English.Despite these challenges, there are effective strategies that can be employed to help foreign learners, especially English speakers, acquire proficiency in Chinese. The first and most crucial step is to develop a deep appreciation and genuine interest in the language and culture. Learning Chinese should not be viewed merely as a means to an end, but as an opportunity to expand one's worldview and connect with a rich and ancient civilization. Cultivating this mindset of openness and curiosity will help sustain learners through the inevitable frustrations and difficulties they will face.Secondly, it is important for instructors to tailor their teaching methods to the unique needs and learning styles of their foreign students. Rote memorization of vocabulary and grammar rules, while necessary to a degree, should be balanced with more communicative and interactive approaches. Learners should be encouraged to practice conversing from the very beginning, even if their utterances are rudimentary. Role-playing, group discussions, and other collaborative activities can make the learning process more engaging and effective.Instructors should also leverage multimedia resources and technology to enhance the learning experience. Video lessons, language apps, and online forums can provide valuablesupplementary materials and opportunities for independent practice. Additionally, arranging language exchanges or cultural immersion experiences, such as homestays or internships in China, can accelerate the development of listening, speaking, and cultural competence.Another crucial element in teaching Chinese to foreigners is to build a strong foundation in the basics before moving on to more advanced concepts. This means starting with the most commonly used characters, vocabulary, and grammar patterns, and gradually increasing the complexity as students demonstrate mastery. Instructors should also be mindful of cognates and other linguistic similarities that can serve as bridges between Chinese and the student's native language.Perhaps most importantly, teaching Chinese to foreigners requires a great deal of patience, empathy, and encouragement from the instructor. Learning a language as radically different as Chinese can be a long and arduous process, and students may become easily discouraged. Instructors must be able to provide constructive feedback, celebrate small victories, and foster a supportive learning environment where students feel safe to take risks and make mistakes.Ultimately, the rewards of learning Chinese far outweigh thechallenges. As one of the world's oldest and most influential civilizations, China offers a rich cultural heritage, a rapidly growing economy, and increasing global influence. Proficiency in Chinese can open up a wealth of personal, academic, and professional opportunities. For English speakers, learning Chinese can also provide valuable insights into their own language and culture, as well as a deeper understanding of the diversity of human experience.By employing effective teaching strategies, leveraging technology and cultural immersion, and cultivating patience and encouragement, instructors can help foreign learners, especially those from English-speaking backgrounds, overcome the formidable obstacles of the Chinese language and emerge as confident and competent speakers. The journey may be long and challenging, but the personal and professional rewards are immense. With the right guidance and support, anyone can become a successful student of this fascinating and invaluable language.。
外国人想学普通话的英语作文
外国人想学普通话的英语作文English:Studying Mandarin Chinese as a foreigner presents a unique and rewarding challenge. Firstly, Mandarin is the most widely spoken language in the world, with over a billion speakers. Mastering Mandarin opens doors not only for communication but also for understanding one of the world's oldest and richest cultures. Additionally, with China's growing influence in global economics, politics, and culture, proficiency in Mandarin can greatly enhance career prospects and opportunities for cross-cultural collaboration. Moreover, learning Mandarin offers cognitive benefits, such as improved memory, multitasking skills, and problem-solving abilities. The complexity of Mandarin, with its tonal system and logographic writing, provides a mental workout that can enhance overall cognitive function. Furthermore, studying Mandarin fosters cultural empathy and appreciation, as language is deeply intertwined with a society's history, values, and traditions. By delving into Mandarin, learners gain insight into Chinese customs, etiquette, and social norms, fostering mutual understanding and respect across cultures. Despite its challenges, the journey of learning Mandarin isimmensely rewarding, offering not just linguistic proficiency but also a deeper understanding of the world and its diverse peoples.中文翻译:作为外国人学习普通话是一项独特而有价值的挑战。
尼日利亚文化
经济情况
• 尼日利亚矿产资源丰富。 • 尼日利亚独立初期为农业国，棉花、花生等许多 农产品在世界上居领先地位。随着石油工业的兴 起，农产品产量逐渐减少。 • 尼日利亚是非洲最大的石油生产国和世界第六大 石油出口国，也是石油输出国组织(欧佩克)成员 国之一。尼日利亚主要出口产品为石油、可可、 橡胶和棕榈仁，主要进口产品是机械设备、交通 设施和消费品等。
目录
1
• 李相儒。国家概况，自然地理环境，民族分布，经 济政策，经济情况，政治情况 济政策，经理情况，政治情况 • 朱彤。服饰社会礼仪，风俗节日，其他，禁忌
2 3
4 4 5 5 6
• 范钰鑫。饮食，旅游
• 徐彤彤。建筑，音乐，艺术
• 李培盛。教育，体育
• 对比与总结
自然地理环境
• 尼日利亚海岸线长800公里。 地势北高南低。 • 沿海为宽约80公里的带状平原 ；南部低山丘陵，大部地区海 拔200－500米；中部为尼日尔 —贝努埃河谷地；北部豪萨兰 高地超过全国面积面积1/4， 平均海拔900米；东部边境为 山地，西北和东北分别为索科 托盆地和乍得湖湖西盆地。 • 河流众多，尼日尔河及其支流 贝努埃河为主要河流，尼日尔 河在境内长1,400公里。 • 属热带季风气候，全年分为旱 季和雨季，年平均气温为26～ 27℃
饮食
• • • • • • • • • • 尼日利亚人在饮食嗜好上有如下特点： ①注重、讲究菜肴香郁，注重菜肴丰盛实惠。 ②口味 、一般不喜太咸，爱辛辣味道。 ③主食 以面为主，也乐于品尝米饭。 ④副食 爱吃虾、鱼、鸡、牛肉、羊内等；蔬菜爱吃豆类、山芋、西红柿、 洋葱、土豆、黄瓜等；调料爱用胡椒粉、奶油、糖、葱、 盐、醋等。 ⑤制法：对烩、炖、烤等烹调方法制作的菜肴偏爱。 ⑥中餐喜爱中国的京菜、清真菜。 ⑦菜谱大拼盘、手抓羊肉、炸香蕉夹、三色丸子、烩虾片、干烧鱼、烩羊三 样、砂锅炖牛羊肉、软炸里脊、香酥鸡等风味菜肴。 ⑧水酒喜欢饮啤酒；爱喝果子汁矿泉水、可可、咖啡；也喜欢喝加糖、薄荷 叶等的绿茶。 ⑨果品喜欢柯拉果、柑桔、香蕉、菠萝、西瓜等水果；干果爱吃惊胡桃仁、 花生米等。
尼日利亚口语特点
正，比我们说得要正宗，这点就不说了，这里
就讲一讲对尼日利亚broken English的一点了解。Βιβλιοθήκη PPT模板下载：/moban/
注： 本ppt内容并非100%原创 如有雷同，兴许不是巧合
目录
1 尼式特色英语发音 2 非主流口语时态 3 吊炸天语气词 4 高频土语 5 三板斧玩转尼日利亚
中北
CHINA POLARIS
尼日利亚英语口语特点
PPT模板下载：/moban/
概述
尼日利亚原属英殖民地，英语为官方语言。
一般当地人除其本族语外，都能讲流利的英语。
但像中国一样，有Chinglish，尼日利亚英语也
有他们的地方色彩，叫做broken English。
尼日利亚受过正规教育的人往往英语很纯
尼式特色英语发音
尼日利亚英语中其他字母的发音还好，比较容易分辨， 唯独下面这两点，需要格外注意：
1. [e:] 发成了 [a:]. 比方说 water 当地人读起来就是 “沃 塔”， master 就是 “马斯塔”
2. 辅音【th】 被发成了 [t]。这个是最要命的，当地人说 的30： “特替”，星期四 Thursday就变成了“特兹逮”，一 千thousand变成了“刀人的”。
3.NA, 一般放在句首，代替IT’S. 最常说的例如：NA LIE ＝ It’s a lie. 复杂一点的用法后面再跟一个完整的句子，其实就是英语中的IT’S…. THAT…..这个倒装句型，起强调作用。例如：Na me pay your salary = It is me that paying your salary.
三板斧玩转尼日利亚
第三句：WAHALA NO WAHALA
WAHALA就是“麻烦，问题”，等同于PROBLEM。比如NO PROBLEM，他们都会说NO WAHALA。例如，WAHALA IDE, WAHALA NO DE，分别是有问题，没问题，而很麻烦就是WAHALA PLENTY，但正宗的说法是ba wahala。
HSK1第4课课件(拼音+英文)
Tā bú shì wǒ tóngxué，tā shì wǒ péngyou 。
她不是我同学，她是我朋友。
TEXT2
Tā shì shuí？
他是谁梦境 ？
Tā shì wǒ tóngxué 。
他是我同学。
Tā ne？ Tā shì nǐ tóngxué ma ？
她呢？她是你同学吗？
TEXT3
Nǐ shì nǎ guó rén？
梦
境 你是哪国人？
Wǒ shì Měiguó rén 。Nǐ ne？
我是美国人。你呢？
Wǒ shì Zhōngguó rén。
我是中国人。
substitution drill
梦 境
Nǐ shì nǎ guó rén？
你是哪国人？
Wǒ shì Měiguó rén 。Nǐ ne？
HSK1
Tā shì wǒde Hànyǔ lǎoshī
她是我的汉语老师
复习上一课知识，学习新生词、新课文，掌握 语法“呢”，并学会使用本文知识介绍别人的国籍和身份。
HSK一级成人学生
演绎法（通过灵活的课堂练习，让学生掌握生 词，生词练习完后，放置句子里，做替换练习）、情景导 入法（学习了相关生词后，让学生组队介绍同学）
我是美国人。你呢？
Wǒ shì Zhōngguó rén。
我是中国人。
中国Zhōnɡɡuó China
尼日利亚Nírìlìyà Nigeria
美国Měiɡuó USA
日本Rìběn
Japan
韩国Hánɡuó Korea
英国Yīnɡɡuó UK
埃及-Aijí
Egypt
加纳Jiā nà
Ghana
Chinese Ethnicity and the American
Chinese Ethnicity and the AmericanHeroic Artisan in Henry Grimm’sThe Chinese Must Go(1879)Hsin-yun OuH enry Grimm’s The Chinese Must Go appeared at the peak of thevitriolic anti-Chinese sentiment that broke out in California in the 1870s.1 This racial drama touched on the national debate over “the Chinese question” and used theatrical performance as a persuasive ideological force to advocate exclusion of Chinese immigrants from the United States. According to David Roediger, this farce provided “a way for men to carouse after work” at the Anti-Coolie Club, a white working-class male “preserve for communal bonding.”2 Unlike most of the nineteenth-century yellowface performances that distorted Chinese immigrants mainly for comic effect, Grimm’s play enunciates rigorous dialectical criticism of the Chinese.Drawing upon the work of recent scholars such as Y ong Chen, James Moy, and Floyd Cheung, who have used Chinese language sources such as newspapers, letters, diaries, diplomatic writings, and Chinese govern-ment reports in order to explicate what was done to the Chinese and how the Chinese reacted to it, this essay examines the place of Chinese workers in a late nineteenth-century American ethnic/gender hierarchy.3 I explore the issues concerning Chinese immigrants by assuming various perspectives along a spectrum from Euro-American to Chinese, arguing from such vantage points that ethnicity and gender play a significant role both in reiterating negative stereotypes and in complicating or resisting them. While James Moy claims that Grimm’s farce indicates that the earlier American construction of the “deceitful” Chinese was required to rationalize a strategy that white Americans would later employ in their dealings with Asians,4 I would suggest that Grimm’s melodrama criti-cizes not only Chinese supporters but anti-Chinese agitators as well. The6364 Comparative Drama play’s satire on white workers may partially explain why, in fact, there is no record of a performance of the play at any established theater in San Francisco,5 while a later production at the Bird Cage Theatre in Tucson, Arizona, outside California where the play is set and the characters are satirized, is known to have received “thunderous applause.”6 Floyd Cheung maintains that Grimm’s play articulates American racial stereotypes that waver between the frighteningly feminized and the menacingly mascu-line. He observes that the play’s depictions of the Chinese as threatening reveal an underlying Euro-American anxiety about masculinity.7 Cheung’s reading corrects Dave Williams’s assertion that late nineteenth-century American playwrights portrayed the Chinese only as effeminate, power-less, and comical, rather than as economically or culturally dangerous.8 Y et Grimm’s play manifests not only an ambiguous gendering of the Chinese, but an equivalent contradictory gendering of white workers. While seem-ing to be masculine in driving off the Chinese with violence, for instance, a white worker could be regarded as feminized because of his failure to compete legitimately for “respectable” work. In The Chinese Must Go, the contradictory gendering of both Chinese and white laborers stems not only from Euro-American gender anxiety, but from misconceptions of the Chinese immigrant experience in the United States.I. Feminization of Chinese LaborersGrimm’s portrayal of Chinese workers appears to convey populist an-tagonism against the Chinese. The play depicts the Blaine family in San Francisco and their reliance on Chinese helpers for their daily housework. William, a tailor, and his son Frank blame Chinese labor for their finan-cial tribulations and attempt to justify their ill treatment of the Chinese by claiming that they are deserving of punishment. Not coincidentally, their surname—Blaine—is likely to allude to a contemporary politician, James Gillespie Blaine (1830–93), a Speaker of the United States House of Representatives, known to have strongly favored Exclusion Acts against Chinese immigration.9 The title of the play, in fact, was borrowed from the slogan of the Workingmen’s Party of California, a white labor union that sought anti-Chinese legislation. In fear of increasing unemployment and losing their livelihood, members of the Workingmen’s Party promotedHsin-yun Ou 65 national refutation of the Chinese; their leader, Denis Kearney, ended every speech with the catchphrase “the Chinese must go.”In addition to economic competition, public health issues were racialized to fuel anti-Chinese sentiment in San Francisco. After the Workingmen’s Party won control of the mayor’s office in San Francisco in 1879, “Chinatown” was declared a health hazard. The campaign included warnings against the employment of the Chinese as domestic servants, since this would allow them to spread their “Oriental” diseases and un-natural habits among American children.10 In response to the wave of anti-Chinese sentiment, over thirty pieces of legislation restricting the rights of Chinese immigrants to marry, own property, and practice certain professions were introduced at the state and federal level in the 1870s and 1880s.11 A widespread anti-Chinese animus in Western states led to the passage of the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, the first immigration law in America to restrict entry on the basis of race. Renewed every ten years until its indefinite extension in 1904, the Chinese Exclusion Act denied Chinese laborers the right to enter the United States.First performed in 1879, The Chinese Must Go responded to popu-lar culture from 1870 onward that portrayed the Chinese in a negative fashion and culminated in exclusionary laws.12 As a work of yellowface minstrelsy, the play called for impersonations by white actors that relied on the queue, the traditional hairstyle worn by Chinese men, costuming (usually a navy blue or black tunic with loose fitting pants), makeup (to sallow the skin), taped eyelids,13 and posture. Among these, Chinese immigrant dress and braiding of the queue were considered evidence of femininity. Witness the costuming directives in George M. Baker’s New Brooms Sweep Clean (1871): “blue blouse, loose yellow pants fastened at the ankles, white stockings, heavy brogans, flesh colored skull-cup [and] a long black cue [queue],”14 and in Bret Harte’s Two Men of Sandy Bar (1876): “Hop Sing.—Dress Chinese coolie; dark-blue blouse, and dark-blue drawers gathered at ankles; straw conical hat, and wooden sabot.”15 Grimm’s play literally dresses the Chinese in dreary, loose-fitting work-men’s clothing suggesting their downgraded, feminized social status. In what appears to be an act of revulsion against emasculated Chinese males, at the beginning of the play, the protagonist Frank Blaine pulls a Chinese servant, Sam Gin, by his queue. “They are,” Frank’s sister Lizzie66 Comparative Drama tells Sam Gin, “all trying to pull you back to China” (100). Undeniably, many American writers mocked the queue by calling them “pigtails,” while some cartoonists even went so far as to draw the Chinese as rodent-like animals. The Chinese often faced legal sanctions against the queue, as in 1873 when the San Francisco Board of Supervisors considered passing a “queue” ordinance that “all Chinese sentenced to the Country Jail be deprived of their pig-tails.”16If one were to view the play from the Chinese immigrant’s perspective, Frank’s tugging of Sam Gin’s queue is clearly an act of physical abuse, but so too may it be construed as emotionally injurious, a symbolic violation of masculinity. Though played by a white actor, Sam Gin appropriately enacts a Chinese immigrant’s humiliation at what is obviously intended to be a degrading gesture. And while Sam Gin does not resort to violence to avenge the insult, he nonetheless scolds Frank in a rage: “Damn hoodlum. What for you foolee me all the time?” (99). Then he makes a complaint to Lizzie: “Y our brother damn hoodlum, he pullee my tail all the time” (99–100). In point of fact, the bodily display of the queue connotes com-plex cultural meanings for Chinese men in the nineteenth century, since the cutting of hair marked both oppression and sovereignty in China and later in America. Since the establishment of the Qing dynasty in 1644, Han Chinese men were required to shave their foreheads and wear their hair in a braided plait as a sign of loyalty to their Manchu conquerors; failure to wear the queue was a sign of rebellion, punishable by death. Over two hundred years later, however, Chinese immigrants regarded their queues as a symbol of racial identity, which they sought to maintain despite impediments imposed by US law. A federal court record of Ho Ah Kow v. Nunan (1879) offers a glimpse of the complex feelings of Chinese men about their queues. The sheriff of San Francisco, Matthew Nunan, enforced the Queue Ordinances passed in 1876, which required male prisoners, regardless of ethnicity and race, to have their heads shaved within an inch of the scalp.17 Ho Ah Kow filed a civil suit against Nunan for damages, claiming that the ordinance caused him irreparable harm, since these acts brought a Chinese male “disgrace among his country-men and … with it the constant dread of misfortune and suffering after death.”18 As further substantiation of this complicated matter, an 1878 article published in the American Missionary recounts the insistence ofHsin-yun Ou 67 Chinese men on preserving their queues as racial and cultural identity markers even after their conversion to Christianity:Not long ago a young man became a Christian, and his friends … wrote afalse report to his parents in China, telling them that their son in Californianot only had forsaken his old religion and the worshipping of his ancestors,but also had cut off his long queue and dressed in foreigners’ clothes. Whenthey received this news, they wept and made many inquiries.… When theyoung man heard of this, he wrote home to them, telling them it was truethat he had become a Christian, but it was not true that he had cut his queueand wore the foreigner’s clothing, and said that he was a Chinaman still.19 From the perspective of a Chinese man, then, the queue represented mas-culinity and cultural identity, and as such became the primary motive for preserving it along with, or more persistently than, other traditional values and customs, even in a new land. Nonetheless, in nineteenth-century California, the Chinese male’s practice of wearing his hair long and in a braid was perceived as sexually ambiguous; consequently, when he was assaulted, as Sam Gin is in the play, his queue often became the principal target of the attack. Further evidence of this phenomenon can be seen in Bret Harte’s letter to the Springfield Republican on 30 March 1867: Regularly every year they [the Chinese] were driven out of the miningcamps, except when the enlightened Caucasian found it more convenientto rob them.… They furnished innocent amusement to the honest miner,when gambling, horse-racing, or debauchery palled on his civilized taste,and their Chinese tails, particularly when tied together, cut off or pulledout, were more enjoyable than the Arabian nights entertainments.20Grimm’s play not only disparages cultural traits ascribed to the Chi-nese, but also assigns pidgin English to Chinese characters to create an effect, here to infantilize and emasculate them, or to render them into unassimilable aliens. Indeed, many late nineteenth-century Chinese immigrants did mispronounce words and commit grammatical errors, habitually adding the syllable -ee to the endings of words, though such lan-guage distortions could be attributed to the influences of Chinese syntax and pronunciation. But because the pidgin English spoken by the Chinese resembled the parodies of black dialects in blackface performances, its articulation conjured up assumptions of intellectual inferiority, even though some playwrights simply intended to stage local color realism.21 Intriguingly, the encounter between the nineteenth-century Chinese68 Comparative Drama working-class immigrants and Californians produced impressions of the Chinese that contrasted sharply with eighteenth-century depictions of cultivated “Mandarins,” who spoke elegant English blank verse in iambic pentameter as in Arthur Murphy’s The Orphan of China.22If this racial and linguistic bias were not bad enough, the Chinese were relentlessly feminized because their jobs as laundrymen and domestic servants were regarded by white Americans as women’s work. When the play opens, Ah Coy is demanding the money the Blaine family owes him for his domestic services. In nineteenth-century America, despite the early association of Chinese men with mining and work on the railroads, popular stereotypes portrayed them as capable only of feminized jobs. According to Otis Gibson, of the ten or twelve thousand Chinese in San Francisco in the 1870s, about twenty-five hundred were employed as domestic servants.23 In addition, white employers placed emphasis on the servile manners of Chinese workers and contrasted their docility with white workers’ insubordination, thereby justifying the “cheapness” of Chinese labor. Two employers of railroad workers, Charles Crocker and Leland Stanford of the Central Pacific, denigrated the Chinese by char-acterizing them as emasculated “pets” serving Euro-American masters.24 These gendered images of the Chinese as weak and cowardly domestic slaves equated them with prevailing American stereotypes of women.As a matter of fact, white Americans failed to question the experiences of Chinese male workers. While Chinese immigrants took domestic jobs primarily because of legal and racial prejudice barring them from other occupations, and because of the shortage of servants on the West Coast,25 they were not likely to have perceived themselves as feminized, but rather as breadwinners and household patriarchs. According to Chinese patriarchal ideologies, they were the “men of the house” as long as they were able to support their families back in China. The early immigration of the Chinese was brought about by a number of factors, including the California Gold Rush (starting from 1849), a major civil war in China (the Taiping Rebellion, 1851–64), and the second Opium War (1856–60). The Taiping Rebellion, for instance, contributed to the neglect of farmland, and hence flood and famine, with an estimated death toll of between twenty and thirty million due to warfare and resulting starvation.26Despite their strong attachment to the homeland, Chinese immigrants enduredHsin-yun Ou 69uprisings and natural disasters in order to come to the American West. Notwithstanding the inhospitable treatment they have received in the United States, they were more than willing to work diligently in order to help their destitute families in China. Even when they assumed feminized roles, as long as they retained their status as breadwinners in the minds of their families, the remittances sent back home allowed them to maintain a sense of masculine self-esteem to keep “the patriarchy intact.”27 As a result, Chinese workers in the U.S. are likely to have been more confident of their masculinity than white labor would have expected them to be.II. The Chinese Immigrants and Masculinity Grimm’s play not only reflects the racialized practice that feminized and derogated the Chinese, but it also dramatizes the deteriorating state of white masculine dominance. While the play accentuates Chinese male workers’ feminine attributes, it also points toward a white American view of the Chinese as ambitious competitors intending to dominate the American labor market. Like many of the yellowface performances relating to the daily lives of the American public, The Chinese Must Go is a depic-tion of San Francisco in the late 1870s, a time of great financial distress for the Euro-American working class. In 1870, the Chinese constituted only 8.6 percent of the total population of California, but a threatening 25 percent of the wage-earning force.28 Given these facts it is not surprising that the fundamental concern of the play is the economic challenge of cheap Chinese labor to the masculinity of white workers who could not compete with an immigrant work ethic. Grimm’s comedy discloses the contradiction concerning American concepts of Chinese ethnicity, to be sure, but perhaps more importantly exposes a process of self-definition for US nationhood.In The Chinese Must Go, the Euro-American characters perceive the Chinese as possessing manly qualities because of their aspiration to instigate an economic takeover. At the beginning of the play, William Blaine and his wife, Dora, have not paid their Chinese servant Ah Coy his six-dollar wage for the previous month’s work. Then, the laundryman Lam Woo enters to demand sixteen dollars for his work, threatening to keep the family’s clothes as a pledge. The first scene opens with Ah70 Comparative Drama Coy talk ing to Sam Gin, predicting the Chinese takeover of American economy: “White man big fools; eaty too muchee, drinky too muchee, and talkee too muchee” (99). Sam Gin complains about white men be-ing paid more than the Chinese for the same job, but Ah Coy challenges his claim: “By and by white man catchee no money; Chinaman catchee heap money; Chinaman workee cheap, plenty work; white man workee dear, no work.… By and by, no more white workingman in California; all Chinaman—sabee?” (99).29 Correspondingly, Slim Chunk Pin, the representative from the Six Companies (agents that recruited Chinese labor),30 exclaims: “We can do without the white people altogether. Why should we allow them always to skim the cream from the milk; we have submitted to it long enough. In ten years more, California will be ours” (102).Clearly, these statements point toward white American anxiety about Chinese greed for racial domination and reiterate concerns expressed in many contemporary writings. D. McGregor Means’s 1877 journal article, for instance, states that:A life-boat is designed for saving men from drowning, but if it is loadedbeyond its capacity it will sink. Our ship of State may suffer a similar expe-rience.… Do we feel so firmly convinced that the Chinese are created ourequals, that we should surrender to them the control of our governmentin case they become the majority?31Apprehension like this intensified during a spurt of economic growth between 1870 and 1900, when the accumulation of wealth by a number of entrepreneurial families, such as the Carnegies and the Rockefellers, led to concerns that economic inequities would destabilize the nation. Although immigrants produced an abundance of cheap labor and capital during economic expansion, social problems emerged during downturns. US capitalist desire for Chinese markets and a Chinese workforce gave rise to other workers’ fear of competition. Thousands of Chinese released from employment during the railroad construction of 1869 were competitors in the job market, working for low wages that, in effect, reduced the overall standard of living. The antitrust movement pressed for federal regulation by equating minority workers at the hands of monopolies to slaves and by proposing racist legislative measures. Exclusionist supporters feared that the Chinese labor force was exacerbating the conflict between whiteHsin-yun Ou 71 labor and capital, since from 1870 onward industrialists used Chinese immigrants to regulate defiant workers. Frustrated with capitalism, white activists blamed the Chinese for white unemployment.32The Chinese denied the allegation that their intent was to take over the American economy. In an “Address to the Public,” the Chinese com-munity leaders explained that, instead of taking the places of better men, they performed menial work and opened the way to “higher and more lucrative employments” for others, and therefore “lifted others up.” In regard to the other accusations— that they do not profit the country any, do not invest anything here, but send everything home to China—they said, “The money that you pay us for our labor, we send home; but the work remains for you,”—as, for instance, the Pacific Railroad.33 Indeed, throughout the anti-Chinese movement, Chinese workers were crucial to the completion of the Pacific railroad, the development of industry and the local economies by providing services and through pay-ment of excessive taxation. Owing to their efforts and contributions—both to China and to the United States—these Chinese workers saw themselves neither as feminized “domestics” nor as menacing masculine rivals. III. The American “Heroic Artisan” versus Chinese “Slavery”The white characters in Grimm’s play, like most of those in nineteenth-century yellowface drama, however, ignore Chinese contributions to the United States, and refute mutually beneficial cooperation with the Chinese. In the play, William Blaine condemns US capitalist greediness enabled by Chinese slavery:[N]ow, most men are nothing else than slaves of their stomach, and manya man sells body and soul—turns actually a slave—only to satisfy the crav-ing of his stomach. This very cause brings those hordes of Chinese to ourshore; and if we allow the surplus millions of their country to invade ours,they will degrade us to the same level. (111–12)This speech reflects contemporary debates concerning African slavery prior to the Civil War, which provided a foundational context for the subsequent shaping of American views of the character of the Chinese coolie. Before the Civil War, the “vices of the negroes which slavery had produced” were held to justify “keeping so degraded a race in such a condition.”34 Now, the Chinese in Western states were also associated72 Comparative Drama with slavery. Chinese-white relations were subjected to a process of “ne-groization,” because Chinese immigrants, like black slaves, were stereo-typed as enemies to free-labor society.35 Witness a statement in the San Francisco Chronicle that compares the Chinese coolie to the black slave and condemns both as opposed to the interests of a free white working class: “When the coolie arrives here he is as rigidly under the control of contractor who brought him as ever an African slave was under his master on South Carolina or Louisiana.”36By associating the Chinese with black slaves, the white characters in Grimm’s comedy de-emphasize the contributions of Chinese workers to the United States and contrast them with the republican paradigm of the Heroic Artisan, a mode of masculinity characterized by independence and virtue. Since the early republic, working-class manhood had been based on the self-employed craftsman who both embodied and enacted the virtues of hard work. Self-reliance and the ability to be a breadwinner (along with simplicity and confidence in judgment) were major components of this heroic ideal as imagined by contemporary culture.37 Y et while assiduity was considered a republican virtue of the Heroic Artisan or the “self-made man,” the assiduity of Chinese laborers, because of their alleged lack of independence, was more often equated to slavery. Euro-Americans pre-sumed that, through a contract system, Chinese coolies were procured in China (mostly in Canton Province) by “labor-brokers, who hire them for a stipulated employment, price, and term, and contract their service thus procured to employers here.”38 They also presumed that the Six Companies were supposed to have supervised their production and service undertak-ings. Assumed to be working as “contract labor,” the Chinese workforce was further opposed to the republican desire for class mobility.39 Nonetheless, Chinese laborers considered themselves to be an indus-trious labor force making slavery unnecessary rather than an inferior race vulnerable to vindictive exploitation. An 1876 article published in the New York Times concerning the Six Companies’ system of control states that “the Chinese of all degrees, factors or laborers, deny that there is any condition of servitude attached to their peculiar system of operations.”40 According to Mary Coolidge,Almost every intelligent American who has studied Chinese life or writtenupon it, all the missionaries among them, the better educated immigrationHsin-yun Ou 73 officials in this country and many employers of Chinese, unite in declaringthat they came just as freely as the immigrants at Atlantic ports.41 Meanwhile, both the Six Companies in San Francisco and railroad em-ployers asserted that Chinese laborers came as voluntary immigrants, earned wages, and thus were not slaves. It might be a misconception that the Chinese were virtual slaves to the Six Companies. Set up in 1862, the Six Companies rebuked the Chinese “coolie” stereotype through letters to government leaders, newspapers, and litigation, and they helped Chinese workers strike for higher wages and fewer hours.42 In 1867, for example, two thousand Chinese railroad laborers, helped by the Six Companies, went on strike to demand equal wages, an eight-hour day, and better treatment from foremen by whom they were constantly whipped. Ap-proximately 90 percent of the Central Pacific’s ten thousand workers were Chinese who had enabled the company to accelerate construction. Y et, the Central Pacific management wired New Y ork to inquire about hiring ten thousand blacks to replace the strikers, and its superintendent Charles Crocker cut off the strikers’ food supply, forcing the strike’s termination within a week.43 Thus, the Chinese were victims of capitalist exploitation rather than a threat to the well-being of the United States.The Chinese Must Go exhibits the irony of the prevalent American perception of the Chinese; its white characters attack Chinese workers for their emasculation while simultaneously assailing their economic ambition. Such irony echoes in a poem written by Daniel O’Connell in the 1870s, in which the persona of a Chinese worker claims:We can do your women’s labor at half a woman’s rate;We can load the stately vessels that pass in your Golden Gate;We’ll monopolize and master every craft upon your shore,And we’ll starve you out with fifty—aye, five hundred thousand more!44 Like the poem, Grimm’s play illustrates the history of the Chinese in America as riddled in contradiction, subject to both inferiorization and demonization, thus exposing the effects of a prevailing misinterpretation, or ignorance, of Chinese immigration.IV. American Masculinity and Contradictory Gendering Misperceptions as enacted in the play include the contradictory gendering of white laborers. The inconsistent gendering of the Chinese was brought74 Comparative Drama about not only by white America’s misunderstanding of Chinese culture, but by tentative definitions of American masculinity in a time of economic decline. In the play, the conflicting gendering of white workers is perceiv-able in the cross-dressing of the protagonist Frank Blaine. At first glance, the performances of Frank’s cross-gender or cross-race masquerading aim to steal money or to take his vengeance are orchestrated as a farcical play-within-a-play in order to fulfill the audience wish by punishing the Chinese and their supporters. Unable to find a viable job, Frank resorts to cross-dressing twice as his sister to dupe her suitors. When the Blaine family goes to the train station to meet Reverend Howard Sneaker, Frank remains and disguises himself as his sister in order to swindle Captain Julius Turtlesnap. He gets Turtlesnap drunk, takes a watch and a purse from him, and then provokes the hapless captain into fighting the police, who haul Turtlesnap off to jail, leaving Frank in possession of eighty dollars (109). Later, Frank tricks Reverend Sneaker with the same masquerade. Reverend Sneaker, having taken another road and evaded the Blaine at the train station, takes liberties with the disguised Frank. When Frank takes off his dress to reveal his true identity, Sneaker realizes that he is a deceiver deceived. Frank accuses the preacher of religious fraud and drives the clergyman out of the house, saying, “All religious frauds must go” (111).These two farcical scenes explicitly ridicule pro-Chinese capitalists (represented by Captain Julius Turtlesnap) and pro-Chinese missionaries (represented by Reverend Howard Sneaker). Frank disparages capitalists for depriving white workers: “I never robbed a poor man yet; that’s the reason I am such a poor hand in the stock business” (109). Also, Frank accuses Reverend Sneaker of supporting the Chinese immigration and claiming that the white laborers can live on low wages: “A man, who under the pretension of teaching the doctrine of Jesus Christ, sneers at the poor laborer that the rich may look with a more favorable eye on him, is, in my eyes the meanest fraud possible” (105–6). In effect, Reverend “Sneaker” is aptly named since he lives by soliciting funds from capitalists to convert the Chinese to Christianity. Frank satirizes the preacher in his song: Mr. SneakerIs a speaker,But he doesn’t like the poor;。
外国朋友想学汉语,征求你的意见的英语作文
外国朋友想学汉语,征求你的意见的英语作文Title: Advice for Foreign Friends Wanting to Learn ChineseIntroduction:Learning the Chinese language, with its complex characters and tones, can be a challenging yet rewarding experience. For foreigners who are interested in studying Chinese, there are several important factors to consider in order to achieve success. As a native Chinese speaker, I am often approached by foreign friends seeking advice on how to effectively learn the language. In this article, I will provide some tips and recommendations for those who are eager to embark on the journey of learning Chinese.Tips for Learning Chinese:1. Start with the basics: Before delving into more advanced concepts, it is crucial to establish a strong foundation in pronunciation and character recognition. Practice speaking Chinese regularly, paying attention to tones and intonations. Familiarize yourself with the most common characters and their meanings.2. Immerse yourself in the language: Surround yourself with Chinese language and culture as much as possible. WatchChinese movies and television shows, listen to Chinese music, and engage in conversations with native speakers. By immersing yourself in the language, you will improve your listening and speaking skills.3. Take formal classes: Enrolling in a Chinese language course or hiring a private tutor can provide structure and guidance in your learning journey. A qualified instructor can help you grasp the complexities of the language and offer personalized feedback on your progress.4. Practice writing characters: Chinese characters are an essential part of the language and play a significant role in communication. Practice writing characters regularly to improve your handwriting and memorization skills. Start with simple characters and gradually work your way up to more complex ones.5. Use language-learning resources: There are numerous online resources and apps available for learning Chinese, such as Duolingo, HelloChinese, and Pleco. These platforms offer interactive lessons, vocabulary practice, and pronunciation exercises to enhance your learning experience.6. Be patient and persistent: Learning a new language takes time and effort, so it is important to be patient with yourself. Setrealistic goals and practice regularly to make steady progress. Embrace the challenges and celebrate your achievements along the way.Conclusion:Learning Chinese can be a rewarding experience that opens up new opportunities for communication, cultural exchange, and personal growth. By following these tips and recommendations, foreign friends can enhance their language skills and deepen their understanding of Chinese culture. As a native Chinese speaker, I am always willing to support and encourage those who are eager to learn my language. I hope that this article serves as a helpful guide for foreign friends who are embarking on the journey of learning Chinese. Good luck on yourlanguage-learning adventure!。
六级英语作文：外国人学中文OnForeignerssLearnin
六级英语作文：外国人学中文OnForeignerssLearnin六级英语作文：外国人学中文 On Foreignerss Learning Chinese Nowadays, Chinese, our mother tongue, is enjoying an unprecedented popularity in the world.Over two hundred Confucius Institutes have been set up in sixty-nine countries,and many foreigners are attracted by the old, mysterious and charming language.Several factors account for the enthusiasm for learning Chinese.Firstly, with the rapid economic development, China has experienced a dramatic rise in its international influence,which enlarges the need of many countries for professionals with a proficiency in Chinese language.Secondly, Chinese serves as a useful tool for foreigners to investigate the splendid Chinese culture and its rich connotations.Finally, the wide spread of Chinese is partly due to the every endeavor made by plenty of Chinese training organizations.The popularity of learning Chinese has not only increased my national pride, but made me realize the significance of economic development.Besides, we college students should first learn our mother tongue well, and then take the responsibility to popularize it.。
尼日利亚风俗文化
尼日利亚风俗文化尼日利亚联邦共和国（Federal Republic of Nigeria），位于西非东南部，非洲几内亚湾西岸的顶点，邻国包括西边的贝宁，北边的尼日尔，东北方隔乍得湖与乍得接壤一小段国界，东和东南与喀麦隆毗连，南濒大西洋几内亚湾。
首都为阿布贾（Abuja）。
官方语言为英语。
全国居民中50%信奉伊斯兰教，40%信奉基督教，10%信仰其他宗教。
尼日利亚也是非洲能源资源大国，是非洲第一大石油生产和出口大国。
截止2014年已探明石油储量居非洲第二、世界第十；已探明天然气储量居非洲第一、世界第八；已探明76种矿产中有34种具备商业开采价值。
并且，尼日利亚还是世界上电影业最发达的几个国家之一，拥有著名电影工业基地瑙莱坞，年拍摄电影数量仅次于印度宝莱坞和美国好莱坞，居世界第三位，每年出品电影数目相当于中国、日本、韩国三国电影出品数的总和，不仅在非洲本土具有绝对控制性的文化影响力，也将海外市场扩展到了欧洲地区。
尼日利亚全国总人口约1.73亿（2014年统计），是非洲人口最多的国家。
共有250多个民族，其中最大的3个部族是北部的豪萨-富拉尼族（占全国人口的29%）、西南部的约鲁巴族（21%）和东部的伊博族（18%），各自均有其民族语言：豪萨语、约鲁巴语和伊博语。
其他比较大的部族还有：卡努尼族、伊比比奥族、蒂夫族、伊贾族、埃多族、安南族、努佩族、乌罗博族、伊加拉族、伊多马族。
此外，尼日利亚还有少数的英国人、印巴人和亚裔人。
尼日利亚人性格外向，爽快大方，待人真诚，热情好客，讲究礼貌，注重礼仪。
在商业交往活动中，尼日利亚人见到外国客人，一般会主动打招呼，握手致意，热情问候对方：“近来好吗”、“身体好吗”、“工作好吗”、“家庭好吗”、“父母亲好吗”、“孩子们好吗”等。
在施礼前，总习惯先用大拇指轻轻地弹一下对方的手掌再行握手礼。
而豪萨人相见亲密的好友时，表示亲热的方式不是握手，也不是拥抱，而是彼此用自己的右手使劲拍打对方的右手。
尼日利亚英语特点及学习方法---总结
尼日利亚英语特点及学习方法---总结一：尼日利亚英语的一些特点尼日利亚黑人的英语与美式英式英语在发音上有一些明显区别，好多刚来尼日利亚的国人如果和学历不怎么高的尼日利亚人对话，一开始都有点摸不着头脑，心想这厮说的是英语吗？比如说下面一些就是最明显的变化特点：元音[ε:] 发成了[a:]. 比方说water 黑人读起来就是“沃塔”，master 就是“马斯塔”。
连缀辅音th[θ] 被发成了[d]或[t]。
thrity(30)：“打替”，星期四Thursday就变成了“涛兹逮”，一千thousand变成了“刀人的”;north（北方） ,south（南方）一律发为“闹特”，“萨奥特”。
而辅音r[r]在很多情况下变成了[l]，比如我们说的warra农场到黑人那里就成了“哇啦发姆”，东北的MAIDUGURI成了“马的古里”，更为可恶的是黑人有时对于辅音有时是清浊不分的，最常见的一个单词是carry，[k]成了[g]，单词到最后被发成了“咖喱”，搞得我们的现场工程师不得不让黑人咖喱这个，咖喱那个。
除了发音上的不同，黑人的口语里也有一些尼日利亚特有的语言搭配，虽然也是英语，但在正规的英语语法书上你是绝对找不到这样的用法的，黑人管这叫Nigeria Broken English或者Nigeria pigeon English ，如果从字面上直译就是尼日利亚的破英语(鸟英语)，翻得好听点叫尼式口语.这尼日利亚的破英语里也讲究时态的，有将来时，完成时和进行时，只是比正规英语里要简单得多。
将来时：动词前加个GO就行了。
例句：I go see my doctor today ＝ I will see my doctor today.完成时：动词前加个DON。
例句：I don see my doctor = I have seen my doctor. 由于发音跟DON’T前面部分很像，所以不明白的人很容易听成I don’t see my doctor，这样就刚好把意思弄反了。
汉语水平考试HSK报名国名及民族代码
代码国别、民族egb 401阿昌族402白族403保安族404崩龙族405布朗族406布依族407朝鲜族408达斡尔族409傣族410东乡族411侗族412独龙族413鄂伦春族414俄罗斯族415鄂温克族416高山族417仡佬族418哈尼族419哈萨克族420赫哲族421回族422基诺族423京族424景颇族425柯尔克孜族426拉祜族427黎族428傈傈族429珞巴族430满族431毛难族432门巴族433蒙古族434苗族435仫佬族436纳西族437怒族438普米族439羌族440撒哈族441畲族442水族443塔吉克族444塔塔尔族445土族446土家族447佤族448维吾尔族449乌孜别克族450锡伯族451瑶族452彝族453裕固族454藏族455壮族456撒拉族501汉族CHINA502阿富汗AFGHANISTAN503阿拉伯联合酋长国UNITED ARAB EMIRATES 504也门共和国YEMEN505阿曼OMAN506巴基斯坦PAKISTAN507巴勒斯坦PALESTINE508巴林BAHRAIN509不丹BHUTAN510朝鲜 D.P.R.K.511东帝汶EAST TIMOR512菲律宾THE PHILIPPINES513柬埔寨CAMBODIA514卡塔尔QATAR515科威特KUWAIT516老挝LAOS517黎巴嫩LEBANON518马尔代夫MALDIVES519马来西亚MALAYSIA520蒙古国MONGOLIA521孟加拉BANGLADESH522缅甸MYANMAR523韩国R.O.K.524尼泊尔NEPAL525日本JAPAN526塞浦路斯CYPRUS527沙特阿拉伯SAUDI ARABIA528斯里兰卡SRI LANKA529泰国THAILAND530土耳其TURKEY531文莱BRUNEI532锡金SIKKIM533新加坡SINGAPORE534叙利亚SYRIA535中国CHINA536伊拉克IRAQ537以色列ISRAEL538伊朗IRAN539印度INDIA540印度尼西亚INDONESIA541约旦JORDAN542越南VIET NAM543香港地区HONGKONG544澳门地区MACAO545乌兹别克斯坦546吉尔吉斯斯坦KYRGHYZSTAN547哈萨克斯坦KAZAKHSTAN548塔吉克斯坦549土库曼601阿尔巴尼亚ALBANIA602爱尔兰IRELAND603安道尔ANDORRA604奥地利AUSTRIA605保加利亚BULGARIA606比利时BELGIUM607冰岛ICELAND608波兰POLAND609丹麦DENMARK610法国FRANCE611法罗群岛612梵蒂冈613芬兰FINLAND614荷兰THE NETHERLANDS 615捷克CZECH616德国GERMANY617列支敦士登KIECHTENSTEIN 618卢森堡LUXEMBOURG619罗马尼亚ROMANIA620马耳他MALTA622摩纳哥MONACO623南斯拉夫YUGOSLAVIA624挪威NORWAY625葡萄牙PORTUGAL626瑞典SWEDEN627瑞士SWITZERLAND628圣马力诺SAN MARINO630西班牙SPAIN631希腊GREECE632匈牙利HUNGARY633意大利ITALY634英国UNITED KINGDOM 635俄罗斯RUSSIA636乌克兰UKRAINE637白俄罗斯BELARUS638摩尔多瓦639阿塞拜疆640亚美尼亚641爱沙尼亚642拉脱维亚643立陶宛644格鲁吉亚645克罗地亚CROATIA646斯洛文尼亚SLOVENIA647斯洛伐克SLOVAK648波黑701阿尔及利亚ALGERIA702埃及EGYPT703埃塞俄比亚ETHIOPIA704安哥拉ANGOIA705贝宁BENIN706博茨瓦纳BOTSWANA707布隆迪BURUNDI708赤道 内亚EQIATORIAL GUINCA 709多哥TOGO710佛得角CAPE VERDE711冈比亚THE GAMAIA712刚果CONGO713吉布提DJIBOUTI714几内亚GUINEA715几内亚比绍GUINEA-BISSAU716加纳GHANA717加蓬GABON718津巴布韦ZIMBABWE719喀麦隆CAMEROON720科摩罗THE COMOROS721肯尼亚KENYA722莱索托LESOTHO723利比里亚LIBERIA724利比亚LIBYA725留尼汪岛REUNION726卢旺达RWANDA727马达加斯加MADAGASCAR728马拉维MALAWI729马里MALI730毛里求斯MAURITIUS731毛里塔尼亚MAURITANIA732摩洛哥MOROCCO733莫桑比克MOZAMBIQUE734纳米比亚NAMDIA735尼日尔NIGER736尼日利亚NIGERIA737南非SOUTH AFRICA738塞拉利昂SIERRA LEONE739塞内加尔SENEGAL740塞舌尔SEYCHELLES741上沃尔特THE UPPER VOLTA742圣多美和普林西比SAO TOME AND PRINCIPE743圣赫勒拿和阿森松ST.HELENA,ASCENSION ISLAND,ETC 744斯威士兰SWAZILAND745苏丹THE SUDAN746索马里SOMALIA747坦桑尼亚TANZANIA748突尼斯TUNISIA749乌干达UGANDA750西撒哈拉WESTERN SAHARA751象牙海岸THE IVORY COAST752赞比亚ZAMBIA753乍得CHAD754扎伊尔ZAIRE755中非CENTRAL AFRICA756布基纳法索BURKINA FASO756布基纳法索BURKINA FASO801澳大利亚AUSTRALIA802巴布亚新几内亚PAPUA NEW GUINEA803东萨摩亚EASTERN SAMOA804法属波利尼西亚FRENCH POLYNESIA805斐济FIJI806关岛GUAM807基里巴斯KIRIBATI808库克群岛THE COOK ISLANDS809瑙鲁NAURU810纽埃岛NIUE ISLAND811皮特开恩岛PITCAIRN ISLAND812所罗门群岛SOLOMON ISLANDS813太平洋岛屿托管地814汤加TONGA815图瓦卢TUYALU816托克劳群岛TOKELAU ISLANDS817瓦利斯和富图纳群WALLIS AND FUTUNA818瓦努阿图VANUATU819西萨摩亚WESTERN SAMOA820新喀里多尼亚NEW CALEDONIA821新西兰NEW ZEALAND822马绍尔群岛MARSHALL ISLANDS823密克罗尼西亚联邦MICRONESIA901安圭拉902安提瓜和巴布达ANTIGUA903巴巴多斯BARBADOS904巴哈马THE BAHAMAS905巴拿马PANAMA906百慕大群岛BERMUDA907波多黎各岛PUERTO RICO908伯利兹BELIZE909多米尼加共和国THE DOMINICAN REPUBLIC910多米尼加联邦DOMINICA911格林纳达GRENADA912格陵兰913哥斯达黎加COSTA RICA914古巴CUBA915瓜德罗普岛GUADELOUPE916海地HAITI917荷属安的列斯群岛NETHERLANDS ANTIKKES918洪都拉斯HONDURAS919加拿大CANADA920开曼群岛921马提尼克岛MARTINIQUE922美国U.S.A.923美属维尔京群岛VIRGIN ISLANDS OF THE U.S.A.924蒙特赛拉特岛MONTSERRAT925墨西哥MEXICO926尼加拉瓜NICAREGUA927萨尔瓦多EL SALVADOR928圣克里斯托弗和尼929圣卢西亚ST.LUCIA930圣皮埃尔岛和密克ST.PIERRE AND MIQUELON ISLANDS 931圣文森特和格林纳ST.VINCENT932特克斯和凯科斯群TURKS AND CAICOS ISLANDS933特立尼达和多巴哥TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO934危地马拉GUATEMALA935牙买加JAMAICA936英属维尔京群岛937阿根廷ARGENTINA938巴拉圭PARAGUAY939巴西BRAZIL940秘鲁PERU941玻利维亚BOLIVIA942厄瓜多尔ECUADOR943法属圭亚那FRENCH GUIANA 944哥伦比亚COLOMBIA945圭亚那GUYANA946苏里南SURINAM947委内瑞拉VENEZUELA948乌拉圭URUGUAY949智利CHILE950吉尔吉斯951哈萨克斯坦。
关于外国人学中文的英语作文高中
关于外国人学中文的英语作文高中Learning the Chinese Language: A Journey of DiscoveryHi there! I'm a high school student, and I want to share with you my thoughts on foreigners learning Chinese. It's such an exciting topic, and I've had the chance to witness it firsthand.You see, my school has an exchange program where students from different countries come to study with us for a semester or two. It's always fascinating to see how they adapt to our culture and try to learn our language. I remember the first time I met some of the exchange students; they looked so lost and overwhelmed, like tiny fish in a vast ocean.But you know what's amazing? Despite the initial struggles, they eventually started picking up Chinese bit by bit. I'll never forget the look of pure joy on their faces when they could finally order their favorite dishes at the school cafeteria or understand a simple conversation.One of my foreign friends, let's call her Emily, was particularly determined to learn Chinese. She would carry around a little notebook everywhere she went, jotting down new words and phrases she encountered throughout the day. During our breaks, she would badger me to teach her the proper tones andpronunciations. I have to admit, it was pretty funny watching her try to wrap her tongue around those tricky sounds!But Emily's dedication paid off. By the end of her stay, she could hold basic conversations and even read simple children's books. I was so proud of her progress, and I could tell she felt a sense of accomplishment too.Now, I know what you're thinking: "Chinese is one of the hardest languages to learn, especially for Westerners." Andyou're absolutely right! The tonal system, the complex characters, and the vastly different grammar structure can make it feel like an uphill battle.However, that's what makes it so rewarding when you finally start to grasp it. It's like solving a challenging puzzle or climbing to the top of a mountain – the struggle makes the victory all the sweeter.I've noticed that foreigners who succeed in learning Chinese often have a few traits in common. First and foremost, they're incredibly curious about our culture and eager to immerse themselves in it. They don't shy away from opportunities to practice their language skills, whether it's striking up conversations with locals or watching Chinese movies and TV shows.Secondly, they're patient and persistent. Learning a new language is a marathon, not a sprint. It takes time, dedication, and a willingness to make mistakes and learn from them. The most successful language learners embrace the process and don't get discouraged by setbacks.Finally, they have a genuine love and appreciation for the language itself. They marvel at the beauty and intricacies of Chinese characters, the poetic nature of idioms, and the rich history behind each word and phrase.Personally, I find it incredibly inspiring to watch foreigners tackle the challenge of learning Chinese. It reminds me of how amazing and resilient the human mind is, and how language can be a bridge that connects people from vastly different backgrounds.Whenever I see a foreigner struggling to order food or ask for directions in Chinese, I make a point to offer help and encouragement. I know firsthand how daunting it can be to navigate a new language and culture, and a little kindness and patience can go a long way.In the end, learning Chinese is more than just acquiring a new skill – it's a journey of self-discovery, cultural appreciation, and personal growth. For foreigners who embark on thisadventure, the rewards are countless: a deeper understanding of a rich and ancient civilization, newfound connections with people from around the world, and a sense of accomplishment that can only come from conquering such a formidable challenge.So, to all the foreigners out there who are learning Chinese, keep pushing forward! Embrace the struggles, revel in the little victories, and never lose sight of the incredible adventure you're on. You're not just learning a language – you're unlocking a world of wonder and opportunity.。