约翰肯尼迪-英文报告.pdf
约翰·肯尼迪《我们选择登月》英语演讲稿_英语演讲稿_
约翰·肯尼迪《我们选择登月》英语演讲稿n this 1962 speech given at Rice University in Houston, Texas, President John F. Kennedyreaffirmed America's commitment to landing a man on the moon before the end of the 1960s.The President spoke in philosophical terms about the need to solve the mysteries of spaceand also defended the enormous expense of the space program.President pitzer Mr. Vice President, Governor, Congressman Thomas, Senator Wiley, andCongressman Miller, Mr. Webb, Mr. Bell, scientists, distinguished guests, and ladies andgentlemen:I appreciate your president having made me an honorary visiting professor, and I will assureyou that my first lecture will be very brief.I am delighted to be here and I'm particularly delighted to be here on this occasion.We meet at a college noted for knowledge, in a city noted for progress, in a state noted forstrength, and we stand in need of all three, for we meet in an hour of change and challenge, ina decade of hope and fear, in an age of both knowledge and ignorance. The greater ourknowledge increases, the greater our ignorance unfolds.Despite the striking fact that most of the scientists that the world has ever known are alive andworking today, despite the fact that this Nation's own scientific manpower is doubling every 12years in a rate of growth more than three times that of our population as a whole, despitethat, the vast stretches of the unknown and the unanswered and the unfinished still faroutstrip our collective comprehension.No man can fully grasp how far and how fast we have come,but condense, if you will, the50,000 years of man's recorded history in a time span of but a half-century. Stated in theseterms, we know very little about the first 40 years, except at the end of them advanced manhad learned to use the skins of animals to cover them. Then about 10 years ago, under thisstandard, man emerged from his caves to construct other kinds of shelter. Only five years agoman learned to write and use a cart with wheels. Christianity began less than two years ago.The printing press came this year, and then less than two months ago, during this whole 50-year span of human history, the steam engine provided a new source of power. Newtonexplored the meaning of gravity. Last month electric lights and telephones and automobilesand airplanes became available. Only last week did we develop penicillin and television andnuclear power, and now if America's new spacecraft succeeds in reaching Venus, we will haveliterally reached the stars before midnight tonight.This is a breathtaking pace, and such a pace cannot help but create new ills as it dispels old,new ignorance, new problems, new dangers. Surely the opening vistas of space promise highcosts and hardships, as well as high reward.So it is not surprising that some would have us stay where we are a little longer to rest, to wait.But this city of Houston, this state of Texas, this country of the United States was not built bythose who waited and rested and wished to look behind them. This country was conquered bythose who moved forward--and so will space.William Bradford, speaking in 1630 of the founding of the Plymouth Bay Colony, said that allgreat and honorable actions are accompanied with great difficulties, and both must beenterprised and overcome with answerable courage.If this capsule history of our progress teaches us anything, it is that man, in his quest forknowledge and progress, is determined and cannot be deterred. The exploration of space willgo ahead, whether we join in it or not, and it is one of the great adventures of all time, and nonation which expects to be the leader of other nations can expect to stay behind in this race forspace.Those who came before us made certain that this country rode the first waves of the industrialrevolution, the first waves of modern invention, and the first wave of nuclear power, and thisgeneration does not intend to founder in the backwash of the coming age of space. We mean tobe a part of it--we mean to lead it. For the eyes of the world now look into space, to the moonand to the planets beyond, and we have vowed that we shall not see it governed by a hostileflag of conquest, but by a banner of freedom and peace. We have vowed that we shall not seespace filled with weapons of mass destruction, but with instruments of knowledge andunderstanding.Yet the vows of this Nation can only be fulfilled if we in this Nation are first, and, therefore, weintend to be first. In short, our leadership in science and industry, our hopes for peace andsecurity, our obligations to ourselves as well as others, all require us to make this effort, tosolve these mysteries, to solve them for the good of all men, and to become the world'sleading space-faring nation.We set sail on this new sea because there is new knowledge to be gained, and new rights to bewon, and they must be won and used for the progress of all people. For space science, likenuclear science and all technology, has no conscience of its own. Whether it will become aforce for good or ill depends onman, and only if the United States occupies a position of pre-eminence can we help decide whether this new ocean will be a sea of peace or a new terrifyingtheater of war. I do not say that we should or will go unprotected against the hostile misuse ofspace any more than we go unprotected against the hostile use of land or sea, but I do saythat space can be explored and mastered without feeding the fires of war, without repeating themistakes that man has made in extending his writ around this globe of ours.There is no strife, no prejudice, no national conflict in outer space as yet. Its hazards arehostile to us all. Its conquest deserves the best of all mankind, and its opportunity forpeaceful cooperation many never come again. But why, some say, the moon? Why choosethis as our goal? And they may well ask why climb the highest mountain? Why, 35 years ago,fly the Atlantic? Why does Rice play Texas?We choose to go to the moon. We choose to go to the moon in this decade and do the otherthings, not because they are easy, but because they are hard, because that goal will serve toorganize and measure the best of our energies and skills, because that challenge is one thatwe are willing to accept, one we are unwilling to postpone, and one which we intend to win,and the others, too.It is for these reasons that I regard the decision last year to shift our efforts in space from lowto high gear as among the most important decisions that will be made during my incumbencyin the office of the Presidency.In the last 24 hours we have seen facilities now being created for the greatest and mostcomplex exploration in man's history. We have felt the ground shake and the air shatteredby the testingof a Saturn C-1 booster rocket, many times as powerful as the Atlas whichlaunched John Glenn, generating power equivalent to 10,000 automobiles with theiraccelerators on the floor. We have seen the site where five F-1 rocket engines, each one aspowerful as all eight engines of the Saturn combined, will be clustered together to make theadvanced Saturn missile, assembled in a new building to be built at Cape Canaveral as tall asa 48 story structure, as wide as a city block, and as long as two lengths of this field.Within these last 19 months at least 45 satellites have circled the earth. Some 40 of them weremade in the United States of America and they were far more sophisticated and supplied farmore knowledge to the people of the world than those of the Soviet Union.The Mariner spacecraft now on its way to Venus is the most intricate instrument in thehistory of space science. The accuracy of that shot is comparable to firing a missile fromCape Canaveral and dropping it in this stadium between the 40-yard lines.Transit satellites are helping our ships at sea to steer a safer course. Tiros satellites have givenus unprecedented warnings of hurricanes and storms, and will do the same for forest fires andicebergs.We have had our failures, but so have others, even if they do not admit them. And they may beless public.To be sure, we are behind, and will be behind for some time in manned flight. But we do notintend to stay behind, and in this decade, we shall make up and move ahead.The growth of our science and education will be enriched by new knowledge of our universeand environment, by new techniques of learning and mapping and observation, by newtoolsand computers for industry, medicine, the home as well as the school. Technical institutions,such as Rice, will reap the harvest of these gains.And finally, the space effort itself, while still in its infancy, has already created a great numberof new companies, and tens of thousands of new jobs. Space and related industries aregenerating new demands in investment and skilled personnel, and this city and this state, andthis region, will share greatly in this growth. What was once the furthest outpost on the oldfrontier of the West will be the furthest outpost on the new frontier of science and space.Houston, your city of Houston, with its Manned Spacecraft Center, will become the heart of alarge scientific and engineering community. During the next 5 years the National Aeronauticsand Space Administration expects to double the number of scientists and engineers in this area,to increase its outlays for salaries and expenses to $60 million a year; to invest some $200million in plant and laboratory facilities; and to direct or contract for new space efforts over $1billion from this center in this city.To be sure, all this costs us all a good deal of money. This year's space budget is three timeswhat it was in January 1961, and it is greater than the space budget of the previous eightyears combined. That budget now stands at $5,400 million a year--a staggering sum, thoughsomewhat less than we pay for cigarettes and cigars every year. Space expenditures will soonrise some more, from 40 cents per person per week to more than 50 cents a week for everyman, woman and child in the United States, for we have given this program a high nationalpriority--even though I realize that this is in some measure an act of faith and vision, for wedo not now know what benefits await us. But if I were to say,my fellow citizens, that we shallsend to the moon, 240,000 miles away from the control station in Houston, a giant rocketmore than 300 feet tall, the length of this football field, made of new metal alloys, some ofwhich have not yet been invented, capable of standing heat and stresses several times morethan have ever been experienced, fitted together with a precision better than the finestwatch, carrying all the equipment needed for propulsion, guidance, control,communications, food and survival, on an untried mission, to an unknown celestial body, andthen return it safely to earth, re-entering the atmosphere at speeds of over 25,000 miles perhour, causing heat about half that of the temperature of the sun--almost as hot as it is heretoday--and do all this, and do it right, and do it first before this decade is out--then we mustbe bold.I'm the one who is doing all the work, so we just want you to stay cool for a minute.However, I think we're going to do it, and I think that we must pay what needs to be paid. Idon't think we ought to waste any money, but I think we ought to do the job. And this will bedone in the decade of the Sixties. It may be done while some of you are still here at school atthis college and university. It will be done during the terms of office of some of the people whosit here on this platform. But it will be done. And it will be done before the end of thisdecade.And I am delighted that this university is playing a part in putting a man on the moon as partof a great national effort of the United States of America.Many years ago the great British explorer George Mallory, who was to die on Mount Everest, wasasked why did he want to climb it. He said, "Because it is there."Well, space is there, and we're going to climb it, and the moon and the planets are there, andnew hopes for knowledge and peace are there. And, therefore, as we set sail we ask God'sblessing on the most hazardous and dangerous and greatest adventure on which man hasever embarked.Thank you.。
肯尼迪总统就职演说英文版-英语演讲稿
肯尼迪总统就职演说英文版-英语演讲稿friday, january 20, 1961vice president johnson, mr. speaker, mr. chief justice, president eisenhower, vice president nixon, president truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedomsymbolizing an end, as well as a beginningsignifying renewal, as well as change. for i have sworn i before you and almighty god the same solemn oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.the world is very different now. for man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. and yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globethe belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of god.we dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of americansborn in this century, tempered by war,disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritageand unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.this much we pledgeand more.to those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. united, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. divided, there is little we can dofor we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.to those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. we shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. but we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedomand to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger endedup inside.to those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is requirednot because the communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. if a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.to our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledgeto convert our good words into good deedsin a new alliance for progressto assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. but this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the americas. and let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.to that world assembly of sovereign states, the united nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of supportto prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invectiveto strengthen its shield of the new and the weakandto enlarge the area in which its writ may run.finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.we dare not tempt them with weakness. for only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.but neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present courseboth sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankinds final war.so let us begin anewremembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. let us never negotiate out of fear. but let us never fear to negotiate.let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious andprecise proposals for the inspection and control of armsand bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of isaiahto undo the heavy burdens and to let the oppressed go free.and if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved. all this will not be finished in the first 100 days. nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. but let us begin.in your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. since this country was founded, each generation of americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. the gravesof young americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.now the trumpet summons us againnot as a call to bear arms, though arms we need; not as a call to battle, though embattled we arebut a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulationa struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, north and south, east and west, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? will you join in that historic effort?in the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. i do not shank from this responsibilityi welcome it. i do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. the energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve itand the glow from that fire can truly light the world.and so, my fellow americans: ask not what your country can do for youask what you can do for your country.my fellow citizens of the world: ask not what america will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man. finally, whether you are citizens of america or citizens of the world, ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. with a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking his blessing and his help, but knowing that here on earth gods work must truly be our own.。
【精品文档】约翰.肯尼迪就职英语演讲稿-范文模板 (4页)
本文部分内容来自网络整理，本司不为其真实性负责，如有异议或侵权请及时联系，本司将立即删除！== 本文为word格式，下载后可方便编辑和修改！ ==约翰.肯尼迪就职英语演讲稿We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning -- signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a centuryand three-quarters ago.The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all formsof human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the beliefthat the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans -- born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwillingto witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty.This much we pledge -- and more.To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided there is little we can do -- for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds andsplit asunder.To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. Weshall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But weshall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom-- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly soughtpower by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our bestefforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required -- not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seektheir votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot helpthe many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliancefor progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere inthe Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations,our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support --to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, tostrengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge thearea in which its writ may run.Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course -- both sides overburdened by thecost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankinds final war.。
肯尼迪英文演讲稿
肯尼迪英文演讲稿Ladies and gentlemen,。
It is with great honor and privilege that I stand before you today to deliver this speech on the topic of Kennedy's famous English speech. John F. Kennedy, the 35th President of the United States, was known for his charismatic leadership and powerful oratory skills. His speeches have left a lasting impact on the world, and today, I would like to share with you one of his most iconic speeches.In his inaugural address on January 20, 1961, President Kennedy delivered a speech that has become one of the most memorable in American history. The speech was a call to action, urging Americans to come together and work towards a better future. Kennedy's words resonated with the American people and inspired a sense of hope and optimism.One of the most famous lines from Kennedy's speech is, "Ask not what your country can do for you, ask what you can do for your country." This powerful statement encapsulates Kennedy's vision of a united and selfless nation, where individuals are willing to make sacrifices for the greater good. This call to service and civic responsibility struck a chord with the American public and continues to be quoted and remembered to this day.Kennedy's speech also addressed the global challenges of the time, including the Cold War and the struggle for freedom and democracy. He spoke of the need for unity and cooperation among nations, emphasizing the importance of diplomacy and peaceful resolution of conflicts. His words were a rallying cry for freedom and justice, and they continue to inspire people around the world to this day.In addition to its powerful message, Kennedy's speech is also remembered for its eloquence and rhetorical skill. His use of language and imagery was masterful, and his delivery was both commanding and heartfelt. Kennedy's ability to connect with his audience and convey a sense of purpose and determination was truly remarkable.In conclusion, Kennedy's English speech is a timeless example of leadership and inspiration. His words continue to resonate with people of all ages and backgrounds, and his vision of a better future remains as relevant today as it was over half a century ago. As we reflect on the legacy of President Kennedy, let us remember the power of his words and the enduring impact of his leadership.Thank you.。
经典英文演讲 肯尼迪Towards a Strategy of Peace kennedy
Modern History Sourcebook:President John F. Kennedy:Towards a Strategy of Peace, June 10, 1963--------------------------------------------------------------------------------Address by President Kennedy at The American University, Washington, D.C., June 10, 1963[]I have . . . chosen this time and this place to discuss a topic on which ignorance too often abounds and the truth is too rarely perceived-yet it is the most important topic on earth: world peace.What kind of peace do I mean? What kind of peace do we seek? Not a Pax Americana enforced on the world by American weapons of war. Not the peace of the grave or the security of the slave.I am talking about genuine peace, the kind of peace that makes life on earth worth living, the kind that enables men and nations to grow and to hope and to build a better life for their children-not merely peace for Americans but peace for all men and women, not merely peace in our time but peace for all time. .First: Let us examine our attitude toward peace itself. Too many of us think it is impossible. Too many think it unreal. But that is a dangerous, defeatist belief. It leads to the conclusion that war is inevitable, that mankind is doomed, that we are gripped by forces we cannot control.We need not accept that view. Our problems are manmade; therefore they can be solved by man. And man can be as big as be wants. No problem of human destiny is beyond human beings. Man's reason and spirit have often solved the seemingly unsolvable, and we believe they can do it again.I am not referring to the absolute, infinite concept of universal peace and good will of which some fantasies and fanatics dream. I do not deny the values of hopes and dreams, but we merely invite discouragement and incredulity by making that our only and immediate goal.Let us focus instead on a more practical, more attainable peace, based not on a sudden revolution in human nature but on a gradual evolution in human institutions -on a series of concrete actions and effective agreements which are in the interest of all concerned. There is no single, simple key to this peace, no grand or magic formula to be adopted by one or two powers. Genuine peace must be the product of many nations, the sum of many acts. It must be dynamic, not static, changing to meet the challenge of each new generation. For peace is a process, a way of solving problems.With such a peace there will still be quarrels and conflicting interests, as there are within families and nations. World peace, like community peace, does not require that each man love hisneighbor; it requires only that they live together in mutual tolerance, submitting their disputes to a just and peaceful settlement. . . .Second: Let us reexamine our attitude toward the Soviet Union.No government or social system is so evil that its people must be considered as lacking in virtue. As Americans we find communism profoundly repugnant as a negation of personal freedom and dignity. But we can still hail the Russian people for their many achievements-in science and space, in economic and industrial growth, in culture and in acts of courage.Among the many traits the peoples of our two countries have in common, none is stronger than our mutual abhorrence of war. Almost unique among the major world powers, we have never been at war with each other. And no nation in the history of battle ever suffered more than the Soviet Union suffered in the course of the Second World War. . . .Today, should total war ever break out again-no matter how-our two countries would become the primary targets. It is an ironical but accurate fact that the two strongest powers are the two in the most danger of devastation. All we have built, all we have worked for, would be destroyed in the first 24 hours. And even in the cold war, which brings burdens and dangers to so many countries - including this nation's closest allies - our two countries bear the heaviest burdens. For we are both devoting massive sums of money to weapons that could be better devoted to combating ignorance, poverty, and disease. We are both caught up in a vicious and dangerous cycle in which suspicion on one side breeds suspicion on the other and new weapons beget counter-weapons.In short, both the United States and its allies, and the Soviet Union and its allies, have a mutually deep interest in a just and genuine peace and in halting the arms race. Agreements to this end arc in the interests of the Soviet Union as well as ours, and even the most hostile nations can be relied upon to accept and keep those treaty obligations, and only those treaty obligations, which are in their own interest. . . .Third: Let us reexamine our attitude toward the cold war, remembering that we are not engaged in a debate, seeking to pile up debating points. We are not here distributing blame or pointing the finger of judgment. We must deal with the world as it is and not as it might have been bad the history of the last 18 years been different. . . .Speaking of other nations, I wish to make one point clear. We are bound to many nations by alliances. Those alliances exist because our concern and theirs substantially overlap. Our commitment to defend Western Europe and West Berlin, for example, stands undiminished because of the identity of our vital interests. The United States will make no deal with the Soviet Union at the expense of other nations and other peoples, not merely because they are our partners but also because their interests and ours converge.Our interests converge, however, not only in defending the frontiers of freedom but in pursuingthe paths of peace. It is our hope-and the purpose of Allied policies-to convince the Soviet Union that she, too, should let each nation choose its own future, so long as that choice does not interfere with the choices of others. The Communist drive to impose their political and economic system on others is the primary cause of world tension today. For there can be no doubt that, if all nations could refrain from interfering in the self-determination of others, the peace would be much more assured. . . .I am taking this opportunity . . . to announce two important decisions . . .First: Chairman Khrushchev, Prime Minister Macmillan, and I have agreed that high-level discussions will shortly begin in Moscow looking toward early agreement on a comprehensive test ban treaty. Our hopes must be tempered with the caution of history, but with our hopes go the hopes of all mankind.Second: To make clear our good faith and solemn convictions on the matter, I now declare that the United States does not propose to conduct nuclear tests in the atmosphere so long as other states do not do so. We will not be the first to resume. Such a declaration is no substitute for a formal binding treaty, but I hope it will help us achieve one. Nor would such a treaty be a substitute for disarmament, but I hope it will help us achieve it.Finally, my fellow Americans, let us examine our attitude toward peace and freedom here at home. The quality and spirit of our own society must justify and support our efforts abroad. . . .It is the responsibility of the executive branch at all levels of government -local, State, and national-to provide and protect that freedom for all of our citizens by all means within their authority. It is the responsibility of the legislative branch at all levels, wherever that authority is not now adequate, to make it adequate. And it is the responsibility of all citizens in all sections of this country to respect the rights of all others and to respect the law of the land. . . .While we proceed to safeguard our national interests, let us also safeguard human interests. And the elimination of war and arms is clearly in the interest of both. No treaty, however much it may be to the advantage of all, however tightly it may be worded, can provide absolute security against the risks of deception and evasion. But it can, if it is sufficiently effective in its enforcement and if it is sufficiently in the interests of its signers, offer far more security and far fewer risks than an unabated, uncontrolled, unpredictable arms race.The United States, as the world knows, will never start a war. We do not want a war. We do not now expect a war. This generation of Americans has already had enough - more than enough-of war and hate and oppression. We shall be prepared if others wish it. We shall be alert to try to stop it. But we shall also do our part to build a world of peace where the weak are safe and the strong are just. We are not helpless before that task or hopeless of its success. Confident and unafraid, we labor on-not toward a strategv of annihilation but toward a strategy of peace.。
肯尼迪就职演讲稿,中英文
friday, january 20, 1961vice president johnson, mr. speaker, mr. chief justice, president eisenhower, vice president nixon, president truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning--signifying renewal, as well as change. for i have sworn i before you and almighty god the same solemn oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.this much we pledge--and more.to those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. united, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. divided, there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.we dare not tempt them with weakness. for only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.so let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. let us never negotiate out of fear. but let us never fear to negotiate.let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.all this will not be finished in the first 100 days. nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. but let us begin.in your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. since this country was founded, each generation of americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. the graves of young americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, north and south, east and west, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? will you join in that historic effort?and so, my fellow americans: ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country.my fellow citizens of the world: ask not what america will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.finally, whether you are citizens of america or citizens of the world, ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. with a goodconscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking his blessing and his help, but knowing that here on earth gods work must truly be our own.约翰-肯尼迪就职演讲星期五,1961年1月20日首席法官先生、艾森豪威尔总统、尼克松副总统、杜鲁门总统、尊敬的牧师、各位公民：今天我们庆祝的不是政党的胜利，而是自由的胜利。
肯尼迪英语介绍
U.S. Navy Reserve
House of Representatives
Senate
In the presidential election, Kennedy defeated Lodge by 70,000 votes for the Senate seat.
——John F. Kennedy
President John F. Kennedy: 'We choose to go to the moon’
President John F. Kennedy gave a speech at Rice University in 1962 about the quest to put a man on the moon. “We choose to go to the moon in this decade and do the other things, not because they are easy, but because they are hard," he said to a cheering crowd.
Senate
Presidential Election
On January 2, 1960, Kennedy announced his candidacy for the Democratic presidential nomination.
3
Civil Rights Movement
Civil Rights Movement
House of Representatives Senate Presidential Election
肯尼迪生平英文版
The New Frontier
President Kennedy’s legislative program to provide medical care for the elderly….
To rebuild blighted urban areas….
To aid education….
• Kennedy was assassinated on November 22, 1963, in Dallas, Texas. Lee Harvey Oswald was charged with the crime but was shot and killed two days later by Jack Ruby before any trial . • Today, Kennedy continues to rank highly in public opinion ratings of former U.S. president
Hale Waihona Puke Kennedy’s Inaugural Address
Kennedy was the youngest person ever to be elected president. His youth helped provide the theme to his inaugural address: “Let the word go forth… That the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans… The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it…And so, my fellow Americans ask not what your country can do for You ,ask what you can do for your country.”
肯尼迪就职演讲英文版
肯尼迪就职演讲英文版各位读友大家好，此文档由网络收集而来，欢迎您下载，谢谢篇一：肯尼迪就职演讲稿,中英文friday, january 20, 1961vice president johnson, mr. speaker, mr. chief justice, president eisenhower, vice president nixon, president truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning--signifying renewal, as well as change. for i have sworn i before you and almighty god the same solemn oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship,support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.this much we pledge--and more.to those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. united, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. divided, there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.we dare not tempt them withweakness. for only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.so let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. let us never negotiate out of fear. but let us never fear to negotiate.let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.all this will not be finished in the first 100 days. nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. but let us begin.in your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. since this country was founded, each generation of americans has been summoned to givetestimony to its national loyalty. the graves of young americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, north and south, east and west, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? will you join in that historic effort?and so, my fellow americans: ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country.my fellow citizens of the world: ask not what america will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.finally, whether you are citizens of america or citizens of the world, ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. with a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, askinghis blessing and his help, but knowing that here on earth gods work must truly be our own.约翰-肯尼迪就职演讲星期五,1961年1月20日首席法官先生、艾森豪威尔总统、尼克松副总统、杜鲁门总统、尊敬的牧师、各位公民：今天我们庆祝的不是政党的胜利，而是自由的胜利。
约翰·肯尼迪就职演说稿英文就职演说2篇
约翰·肯尼迪就职演说稿英文就职演说约翰·肯尼迪就职演说稿英文就职演说精选2篇（一）Fellow Americans,Today, we gather here to witness the peaceful transition of power and to celebrate the promise of a new era in our great nation. I stand before you honored and humbled to take the oath of office as the President of the United States.In the face of great challenges, we must remember the ideals that our forefathers fought and died for, the principles that have guided and shaped our nation. It is in the pursuit of these ideals that we find our common ground, our shared destiny.We are a nation built on freedom, liberty, and justice for all. It is these values that have made America great, and it is these values that will guide us forward. But we must also recognize that our journey is far from complete. There are still barriers to be broken, injustices to be righted, and divisions to be healed.Today, I stand here before you with a vision for a better tomorrow. A tomorrow where every American has equal access to opportunity and prosperity. A tomorrow where no child goes to bed hungry or without hope. A tomorrow where the American Dream is within reach for all.To achieve this vision, we must come together as one nation, one people. We must set aside our differences and work towards a common purpose. We must remember that we are stronger together than we are apart.I pledge to you, my fellow Americans, that I will lead with integrity, honesty, and compassion. I will listen to your voices and be guided by your wisdom. I will work tirelessly to build a government that serves the people, not special interests or personal agendas.But I cannot do it alone. I call on each and every one of you to join me in this grand endeavor. Together, we can overcome any obstacle, achieve any goal, and build a brighter future for ourselves, our children, and generations to come.As I take this oath of office, I am reminded of the words of President Abraham Lincoln, who once said, \约翰·肯尼迪就职演说稿英文就职演说精选2篇（二）尊敬的各位贵宾，国内外的朋友们，亲爱的同胞们：我非常感谢你们出席今天的就职仪式，并给予我如此隆重的荣誉和信任，让我有机会成为这个伟大国家的总统。
经典英文演讲肯尼迪TowardsaStrategyofPeacekennedy（最终版）
经典英文演讲肯尼迪TowardsaStrategyofPeacekennedy（最终版）第一篇：经典英文演讲肯尼迪Towards a Strategy of Peace kennedy（最终版）Modern History Sourcebook:President John F.Kennedy:Towards a Strategy of Peace, June 10, 1963------------------Address by President Kennedy at The American University, Washington, D.C., June 10, 1963[]I have...chosen this time and this place to discuss a topic on which ignorance too often abounds and the truth is too rarely perceived-yet it is the most important topic on earth: world peace.What kind of peace do I mean? What kind of peace do we seek? Not a Pax Americana enforced on the world by American weapons of war.Not the peace of the grave or the security of the slave.I am talking about genuine peace, the kind of peace that makes life on earth worth living, the kind that enables men and nations to grow and to hope and to build a better life for their children-not merely peace for Americans but peace for all men and women, not merely peace in our time but peace for all time..First: Let us examine our attitude toward peace itself.Too many of us think it is impossible.T oo many think it unreal.But that is a dangerous, defeatist belief.It leads to the conclusion that war is inevitable, that mankind is doomed, that we are gripped by forces we cannot control.We need not accept that view.Our problems are manmade;therefore they can be solved by man.And man can be as big as be wants.No problem of human destiny isbeyond human beings.Man's reason and spirit have often solved the seemingly unsolvable, and we believe they can do it again.I am not referring to the absolute, infinite concept of universal peace and good will of which some fantasies and fanatics dream.I do not deny the values of hopes and dreams, but we merely invite discouragement and incredulity by making that our only and immediate goal.Let us focus instead on a more practical, more attainable peace, based not on a sudden revolution in human nature but on a gradual evolution in human institutionsincluding this nation's closest alliesmore than enough-of war and hate and oppression.We shall be prepared if others wish it.We shall be alert to try to stop it.But we shall also do our part to build a world of peace where the weak are safe and the strong are just.We are not helpless before that task or hopeless of its success.Confident and unafraid, we labor on-not toward a strategv of annihilation but toward a strategy of peace.第二篇：肯尼迪演讲就职演说今天我们欢庆的不是一次政党的胜利，而是一个自由的盛典；它象征着结束，也象征着开始；意味着改良，也意味着革新。
肯尼迪生平英文版
Kennedy’s Inaugural Address
Kennedy was the youngest person ever to be elected president. His youth helped provide the theme to his inaugural address: “Let the word go forth… That the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans… The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it…And so, my fellow Americans ask not what your country can do for You ,ask what you can do for your country.”
Do You Know?
• He was a decorated naval officer in World War II. • He received the Pulitzer Prize for his book, “Profiles in Courage”
约翰肯尼迪 英文报告
John Fitzgerald KennedyGood morning,everyone.How much do you know about John F.Kennedy?Today I will give an introduction about him.There are five parts of the report,personal details;military service;political career;assassination and influence.The first part is his personal details.John Fitzgerald Kennedy was born on May29,1917,in suburban Brookline, Massachusetts.His father is Joseph P.Kennedy S.r and mother is Rose Fitzgerald Kennedy.He had an elder brother,Joseph,two younger brothers,Robert and Edward,and five younger sisters,Rosemary,Kathleen,Eunice,Patricia,and Jean.In September1936,Kennedy enrolled at Harvard College and his application essay stated:"I feel that Harvard can give me a better background and a better liberal education than any other universities.I have always wanted to go there,as I have felt that it is not just another college,but is a university with something definite to offer." In1940,he graduated from Harvard.He got married with Jacqueline on September12,1953.Their first child was a stillborn baby.The second child Caroline is the only surviving member of JFK's immediate family.John Jr.,was born in late November1960,17days after his father was elected.Patrick was the last child and lived only two days.The second part is his military service.On September24,1941,Kennedy joined the United States Naval Reserve.In1943,he spotted a Japanese destroyer and attempted to turn to attack.But they were injured.Despite injuries,he led survivors to safety after his PT boat was rammed and sunk by Japanese destroyer.Kennedy’s courage and determination in this incident made him the headline of major newspapers and he has been awarded many medals,such as the Navy and Marine Corps Medal;Purple Heart Medal;American Defense Service Medal;American Campaign Medal;Asiatic-Pacific Campaign Medal with three bronze stars;and the World War II Victory Medal.Shortly after the war ended,his political career began.The third part is his political career.In the1946elections,Kennedy defeated his Republican opponent in the general election,taking73percent of the vote and became a Democratic Congressman and served it for6years.In1952,he ran for the Senate.Eventually he defeated Lodge by70,000votes for the Senate seat.At the1956,he was almost picked to run for Vice President.He just finished second in the balloting but receiving national exposure as a result.On January2,1960,Kennedy announced his candidacy for the Democratic presidential nomination.His greatest obstacle to winning the nomination may have been his religion.Then he said:"I am not the Catholic candidate for president.I am the Democratic Party candidate for president who also happens to be a Catholic."On July 13,the Democratic party nominated him as its candidate for President.In the general election on November8,he defeated the Republican Vice President Richard Nixon in a very close race.He won303votes to Nixon's219(269were needed to win).At the age of43,Kennedy became the35th president of the United States,a leader for a new generation.He was also the first and only Catholic chief executive,the youngest president to be elected.He mentioned in his speech:"Ask not what your country can do for you,ask what you can do for your country."This sentence has been one of the most popular statements in public speeches.Now,lets watch a video.（观看视频）The fourth part is the assassination.On November22,1963,he was assassinated in Dallas,Texas.Kennedy was seriously wounded by at least two bullets and died a short time later.The first shot hit his neck,and the second shot hit his back side of his head.80minutes after the assassination,the assassin Oswald was arrested.However he was shot by others two days after.Before he was dead,he denied shooting anyone and declared that he was just the scapegoat.Who is the killer is still unknown.The last part is his influence.Kennedy inspired an entire generation of young people with his idealism andhis concept of public service.His assassination was a national tragedy.His death caused enormous sadness and grief among all Americans.But it made Kennedy into a legend and remains one of the most admired and great presidents.Because of Kennedy’s great influence,many things are named after him to commemorate him.Like John F.Kennedy International Airport;John F.Kennedy School of Government;John F.Kennedy Space Center and Kennedy half dollar.Kennedy’s life is legendary.Despite this reassessment and the countless exposes of his life and family,he remains one of the most admired presidents.That’s all,thank you.。
肯尼迪总统就职演说英文版
肯尼迪总统就职演说英文版（经典版）编制人：__________________审核人：__________________审批人：__________________编制单位：__________________编制时间：____年____月____日序言下载提示：该文档是本店铺精心编制而成的，希望大家下载后，能够帮助大家解决实际问题。
文档下载后可定制修改，请根据实际需要进行调整和使用，谢谢!并且，本店铺为大家提供各种类型的经典范文，如总结计划、报告材料、策划方案、条据文书、演讲致辞、合同协议、党团资料、教案资料、作文大全、其他范文等等，想了解不同范文格式和写法，敬请关注!Download tips: This document is carefully compiled by this editor. I hope that after you download it, it can help you solve practical problems. The document can be customized and modified after downloading, please adjust and use it according to actual needs, thank you!Moreover, our store provides various types of classic sample essays for everyone, such as summary plans, report materials, planning plans, doctrinal documents, speeches, contract agreements, party and youth organization materials, lesson plan materials, essay encyclopedias, and other sample essays. If you want to learn about different formats and writing methods of sample essays, please stay tuned!肯尼迪总统就职演说英文版friday， january 20， 1961vice president johnson， mr.speaker， mr.chief justice，president eisenhower， vice president niXon， president truman，reverend clergy， fellow citizens， we observe today not a victory of party， but a celebration of freedom——symbolizing an end， as well as a beginning——signifying renewal， as well as change.for i have sworn i before you and almighty god the same solemn oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.the world is very different now.for man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.and yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe ——the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state， but from the hand of god.we dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.let the word go forth from this time and place， to friend and foe alike， that the torch has been passed to a new generation of americans——born in this century， tempered by war， disciplined by a hard and bitter peace， proud of ourancient heritage——and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed， and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.let every nation know， whether it wishes us well or ill，that we shall pay any price， bear any burden， meet any hardship，support any friend， oppose any foe， in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.this much we pledge——and more.to those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share， we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.united，there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.divided， there is little we can do——for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.to those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free，we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.we shall not always eXpect to find them supporting our view.but we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom——and to remember that， in the past， those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.to those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery， we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves， for whatever period is required——not because the communists may be doing it， not because we seek their votes， but because it is right.if a free society cannot help the many who are poor， it cannot save the few who are rich.to our sister republics south of our border， we offer a special pledge——to convert our good words into good deeds ——in a new alliance for progress——to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty.but this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers.let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the americas.and let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.to that world assembly of sovereign states， the united nations， our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace， we renew our pledge of support——to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective——to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak——and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.finally， to those nations who would make themselves our adversary， we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace， before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.we dare not tempt them with weakness.for only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.but neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course——both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons， both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom， yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankinds final war.so let us begin anew——remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness， and sincerity is always subject to proof.let us never negotiate out of fear.but let us never fear to negotiate.let both sides eXplore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.let both sides， for the first time， formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms——and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors.together let us eXplore the stars， conquer the deserts，eradicate disease，tap the ocean depths，and encourage the arts and commerce.let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of isaiah——to "undo the heavy burdens …… and to let the oppressed go free."and if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion， let both sides join in creating a new endeavor，not a new balance of power， but a new world of law， where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.all this will not be finished in the first 100 days.nor will it be finished in the first 1，000 days， nor in the life of this administration， nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.but let us begin.in your hands， my fellow citizens， more than in mine，will rest the final success or failure of our course.since this country was founded， each generation of americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty.the graves of young americans who answered the call to service surroundthe globe.now the trumpet summons us again——not as a call to bear arms， though arms we need; not as a call to battle， though embattled we are——but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle， year in and year out， "rejoicing in hope，patient in tribulation"——a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny， poverty， disease， and war itself.can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance， north and south， east and west， that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? will you join in that historic effort?in the long history of the world， only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maXimum danger.i do not shank from this responsibility——i welcome it.i do not believe that any of us would eXchange places with any other people or any other generation.the energy， the faith， the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it——and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.and so， my fellow americans: ask not what your country can do for you——ask what you can do for your country.my fellow citizens of the world: ask not what america willdo for you， but what together we can do for the freedom of man.finally， whether you are citizens of america or citizens of the world， ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.with a good conscience our only sure reward， with history the final judge of our deeds，let us go forth to lead the land we love， asking his blessing and his help， but knowing that here on earth gods work must truly be our own.。
约翰·肯尼迪《我们选择登月》英语演讲稿
约翰·肯尼迪《我们选择登月》英语演讲稿Ladies and gentlemen,Today, I stand before you to discuss an extraordinary and monumental task that lies ahead of us as a nation. It is a task that only a decade ago was unimaginable to many, but now, it is within our reach. I am here to talk about our mission to land a man on the moon.This mission is not just about the scientific and technological achievements it will bring. It goes beyond that. It represents the indomitable spirit of the American people, our passion for exploration, and our determination to push the boundaries of human capabilities. It is an endeavor that will unite our nation, inspire future generations, and create a legacy that will stand the test of time.But let us not forget the reasons behind our decision to pursue this mission. We do not seek to reach the moon merely for the sake of reaching it. Our goal is to prove to ourselves and the world that we are capable of greatness. We are a nation built on the foundations of freedom, innovation, and progress. This mission will be a testament to our values and our commitment to pushing the limits of human achievement.In embarking on this journey, we also recognize the challenges that lie ahead. The road to the moon will be arduous and demanding. We will face countless obstacles and setbacks along the way. But as a nation, it is in our nature to overcome adversity and strive for greatness. We have done it before, and we will do it again.To achieve this monumental task, it will require the collective efforts of scientists, engineers, and countless others who will dedicate themselves wholeheartedly to this mission. It will require the support and collaboration of industries, government agencies, and the American people. We must all come together, united in purpose and unwavering in our determination.I am confident that we have the skills, the knowledge, and the drive to succeed. We have already made significant progress in our space exploration efforts. The Mercury and Gemini programs have laid the groundwork for this ambitious endeavor. We have the Mercury astronauts who have shown us what it means to be fearless in the face of the unknown. They have paved the way for future generations of explorers.In closing, let me remind you of the words of Robert Kennedy, who said, \。
约翰.肯尼迪演讲稿(中英文对照)
First Inaugural Address(John F. Kennedy)Jan. 2o, 1961.Brief introduction to the speaker:John F. Kennedy (1917-1963) John F. Kennedy was a war hero, a Pulitzer Prize-winning author, a U.S. senator for most of the 1950s. in November 1960, at the age of 43, John F. he became the youngest man ever elected president of the United States. on Nov. 22, 1963, Kennedy was shot to death in Dallas, Tex., the fourth United States president to die by an assassin’s bullet..*******************************************************************************We observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom. Symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning, signify- ing renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn betbre you,and almighty God, the same solemn oath our forbears prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.The worried is very different now for man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty, and all forms of human life. And yet, the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forbears fought are still at issue around the globe. The belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first, revolution. Let the word go forth, from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans, born in this century tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage and unwilling to witness, or permit, the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.Let every nation know whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival andsuccess of libertyThis much we pledge and more.To those old allies, whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do, in a host of cooperative ventures. Dividedthere is little we can do. For we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split us asunder.To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our words that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny We sha1l not always expect to tind them supporting our view, but we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom, and to remember that in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe, struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required, not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it ‘s cannot save thefew who are rich.To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge, to convert our good words into, good deeds, in a new alliance for progress to assist, free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile power s. Let al our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere ill the Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last and best hope in an age age where theinstruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support to prevent it from becoming merely a form for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which it’s written and run.Finally to those nations who would make themselves our adversary we offer not a pledge, but a request, that both sides begin a new quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self destruction.We dare not tempt them with weakness, for only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt, can we be certain beyond doubt, that they will never be employed.But neither can two great and powerful groups of nation take comfort from our present course, both sides over-burdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, and yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind’s final war.So let us begin aneW remembering on both sides that stability is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.Let both sides explore what problems unite us, instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals, for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together, let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encouragethe arts and commerce.Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah, to rsndo the herrny brrrdens rrnd let the oppressed go hee.And, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor not a new balance of powen but a new world of law, whel-e thestrong are just, and the weak secured, and the peace preserved. All this will not be finished in the first one hundrcd days, nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days, nor in the life of this administration, nor even perhaps in our lifietime on this planet. But let us begin.In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our cause. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned togive testimony to its national loyalty The graves of young Americans, who answered the caI1 to service, surround the globe.Now the trumpet summons us again, not as a cal1 to bear arms, though arms we need, not as a call to battle, though in battle we are, but a call to bear the burden of a long, twilightstruggle, year in and year out, rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation, a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny poverty disease, and war itselfCan we forge against these enemies, a grand and global alliance, north and south, east and west, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historiceffort?In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility Iwelcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people, or any other generation. The energy the faith, the devotion, which we bring to this endeavor,will light our country and all who serve it, and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.And so my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you, ask what you can do for your country My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do lbr the iieedom of men.Finally whether you are citizens of A1nerica, or citizens of the world, ask of us here, the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. Wth a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the Iand we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth, God’s work must truly be our own.火炬已经传给新一代美国人（约翰.肯尼迪）1961.1.20演讲者简介：约翰·肯尼迪是一位战争英雄，普利策奖获得者，五十年代大部分时间里的参议员。
肯尼迪就职演讲英文版
肯尼迪就职演讲英文版篇一：肯尼迪就职演讲稿,中英文friday,january20,1961vicepresidentjohnson,mr.speaker,mr.chiefjustice,presidenteisenhower,vice presidentnixon,presidenttruman,reverendclergy,fellowcitizens,weobservet odaynotavictoryofparty,butacelebrationoffreedom--symbolizinganend,as wellasabeginning--signifyingrenewal,aswellaschange.forihaveswornibefo reyouandalmightygodthesamesolemnoathourforebearslprescribednearlyac enturyandthreequartersago.leteverynationknow,whetheritwishesuswellorill,thatweshallpayanyprice,b earanyburden,meetanyhardship,supportanyfriend,opposeanyfoe,inorderto assurethesurvivalandthesuccessofliberty.thismuchwepledge--andmore. tothoseoldallieswhoseculturalandspiritualoriginsweshare,wepledgetheloy altyoffaithfulfriends.united,thereislittlewecannotdoinahostofcooperativev entures.divided,thereislittlewecando--forwedarenotmeetapowerfulchallen geatoddsandsplitasunder.past,thosewhofoolishlysoughtpowerbyridingthebackofthetigerendedupinsi de.finally,tothosenationswhowouldmakethemselvesouradversary,weoffernotapledgebutarequest:thatbothsidesbeginanewthequestforpeace,beforethedar kpowersofdestructionunleashedbyscienceengulfallhumanityinplannedorac cidentalself-destruction. wedarenottemptthemwithweakness.foronlywhenourarmsaresufficientbeyo nddoubtcanwebecertainbeyonddoubtthattheywillneverbeemployed. soletusbeginanew--rememberingonbothsidesthatcivilityisnotasignofweak ness,andsincerityisalwayssubjecttoproof.letusnevernegotiateoutoffear.butl etusneverfeartonegotiate. letbothsidesexplorewhatproblemsuniteusinsteadofbelaboringthoseproble mswhichdivideus.allthiswillnotbefinishedinthefirst100days.norwillitbefinishedinthefirst1,00 0days,norinthelifeofthisadministration,norevenperhapsinourlifetimeonthis planet.butletusbegin.inyourhands,myfellowcitizens,morethaninmine,willrestthefinalsuccessorf ailureofourcourse.sincethiscountrywasfounded,eachgenerationofamerican shasbeensummonedtogivetestimonytoitsnationalloyalty.thegravesofyoung americanswhoansweredthecalltoservicesurroundtheglobe. canweforgeagainsttheseenemiesagrandandglobalalliance,northandsouth,e astandwest,thatcanassureamorefruitfullifeforallmankind?willyoujoinintha thistoriceffort?andso,myfellowamericans:asknotwhatyourcountrycandoforyou--askwhat youcandoforyourcountry.myfellowcitizensoftheworld:asknotwhatamericawilldoforyou,butwhattog etherwecandoforthefreedomofman.finally,whetheryouarecitizensofamericaorcitizensoftheworld,askofusthesa mehighstandardsofstrengthandsacrificewhichweaskofyou.withagood conscienceouronlysurereward,withhistorythefinaljudgeofourdeeds,letusgo forthtoleadthelandwelove,askinghisblessingandhishelp,butknowingthather eonearthgodsworkmusttrulybeourown.约翰-肯尼迪就职演讲星期五,1961年1月20日首席法官先生、艾森豪威尔总统、尼克松副总统、杜鲁门总统、尊敬的牧师、各位公民：今天我们庆祝的不是政党的胜利，而是自由的胜利。
肯尼迪就职演讲稿英文
肯尼迪就职演讲稿英文约翰·菲茨杰拉德·肯尼迪是美国第35任总统，是美国历史上最年轻的当选总统，也是美国历史上唯一信奉罗马天主教的总统和唯一获得普利策奖的总统，今天店铺给大家分享一篇肯尼迪的就职演讲稿，希望对大家有所帮助。
肯尼迪就职演讲稿英文Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens:We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning -- signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans -- born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty.This much we pledge -- and more.To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided there is little we can do -- for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required -- not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all ourneighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support -- to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course -- both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.So let us begin anew -- remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah -- to "undo the heavy burdens, and [to] let the oppressed go free."¹And, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor -- not a new balance of power, but a new world of law -- where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved.All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days; nor in the life of this Administration; nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.Now the trumpet summons us again -- not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need -- not as a call to battle, though embattled we are -- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope; patient in tribulation,"² a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility -- I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it. And the glow from that fire can truly light the world.And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country.My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.。
- 1、下载文档前请自行甄别文档内容的完整性，平台不提供额外的编辑、内容补充、找答案等附加服务。
- 2、"仅部分预览"的文档,不可在线预览部分如存在完整性等问题,可反馈申请退款(可完整预览的文档不适用该条件!)。
- 3、如文档侵犯您的权益，请联系客服反馈,我们会尽快为您处理(人工客服工作时间：9:00-18:30)。
John Fitzgerald KennedyGood morning,everyone.How much do you know about John F.Kennedy?Today I will give an introduction about him.There are five parts of the report,personal details;military service;political career;assassination and influence.The first part is his personal details.John Fitzgerald Kennedy was born on May29,1917,in suburban Brookline, Massachusetts.His father is Joseph P.Kennedy S.r and mother is Rose Fitzgerald Kennedy.He had an elder brother,Joseph,two younger brothers,Robert and Edward,and five younger sisters,Rosemary,Kathleen,Eunice,Patricia,and Jean.In September1936,Kennedy enrolled at Harvard College and his application essay stated:"I feel that Harvard can give me a better background and a better liberal education than any other universities.I have always wanted to go there,as I have felt that it is not just another college,but is a university with something definite to offer." In1940,he graduated from Harvard.He got married with Jacqueline on September12,1953.Their first child was a stillborn baby.The second child Caroline is the only surviving member of JFK's immediate family.John Jr.,was born in late November1960,17days after his father was elected.Patrick was the last child and lived only two days.The second part is his military service.On September24,1941,Kennedy joined the United States Naval Reserve.In1943,he spotted a Japanese destroyer and attempted to turn to attack.But they were injured.Despite injuries,he led survivors to safety after his PT boat was rammed and sunk by Japanese destroyer.Kennedy’s courage and determination in this incident made him the headline of major newspapers and he has been awarded many medals,such as the Navy and Marine Corps Medal;Purple Heart Medal;American Defense Service Medal;American Campaign Medal;Asiatic-Pacific Campaign Medal with three bronze stars;and the World War II Victory Medal.Shortly after the war ended,his political career began.The third part is his political career.In the1946elections,Kennedy defeated his Republican opponent in the general election,taking73percent of the vote and became a Democratic Congressman and served it for6years.In1952,he ran for the Senate.Eventually he defeated Lodge by70,000votes for the Senate seat.At the1956,he was almost picked to run for Vice President.He just finished second in the balloting but receiving national exposure as a result.On January2,1960,Kennedy announced his candidacy for the Democratic presidential nomination.His greatest obstacle to winning the nomination may have been his religion.Then he said:"I am not the Catholic candidate for president.I am the Democratic Party candidate for president who also happens to be a Catholic."On July 13,the Democratic party nominated him as its candidate for President.In the general election on November8,he defeated the Republican Vice President Richard Nixon in a very close race.He won303votes to Nixon's219(269were needed to win).At the age of43,Kennedy became the35th president of the United States,a leader for a new generation.He was also the first and only Catholic chief executive,the youngest president to be elected.He mentioned in his speech:"Ask not what your country can do for you,ask what you can do for your country."This sentence has been one of the most popular statements in public speeches.Now,lets watch a video.（观看视频）The fourth part is the assassination.On November22,1963,he was assassinated in Dallas,Texas.Kennedy was seriously wounded by at least two bullets and died a short time later.The first shot hit his neck,and the second shot hit his back side of his head.80minutes after the assassination,the assassin Oswald was arrested.However he was shot by others two days after.Before he was dead,he denied shooting anyone and declared that he was just the scapegoat.Who is the killer is still unknown.The last part is his influence.Kennedy inspired an entire generation of young people with his idealism andÎÒÈ¥his concept of public service.His assassination was a national tragedy.His deathcaused enormous sadness and grief among all Americans.But it made Kennedy into alegend and remains one of the most admired and great presidents.Because of Kennedy’s great influence,many things are named after him to commemorate him.Like John F.Kennedy International Airport;John F.Kennedy Schoolof Government;John F.Kennedy Space Center and Kennedy half dollar.Kennedy’s life is legendary.Despite this reassessment and the countless exposes of his life and family,he remains one of the most admired presidents.That’s all,thank you.。