英语演讲稿-美国总统林肯
林肯三分钟演讲
the gettysburg addressgettysburg, pennsylvanianovember 19, 1863four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, anew nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men arecreated equal.but, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate -- we can not consecrate -- we cannot hallow -- this ground. the brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, haveconsecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract. the world will littlenote, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here.it is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work whichthey who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. it is rather for us to be herededicated to the great task remaining before us -- that from these honored dead wetake increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure ofdevotion -- that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain-- that this nation, under god, shall have a new birth of freedom -- and that governmentof the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.时间：1863年11月19日地点：美国，宾夕法尼亚，葛底斯堡八十七年前，我们先辈在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家，它孕育于自由之中，奉行一切人生来平等的原则。
林肯英语作文
林肯英语作文Abraham Lincoln, the 16th President of the United States, was a towering figure in American history. Born in a humble log cabin in 1809, Lincoln rose to prominence through his dedication to the principles of democracy and equality. His leadership during the Civil War and his role in the abolition of slavery have made him a symbol of freedom and justice.Lincoln's journey to the presidency was marked by his eloquence and integrity. He was known for his ability to connect with people from all walks of life, and his speeches were filled with wisdom and inspiration. His most famous speech, the Gettysburg Address, delivered in 1863, is a testament to his commitment to the ideals of the nation. Injust a few minutes, Lincoln articulated the purpose of theCivil War and the principles for which the United States was founded.As president, Lincoln faced numerous challenges, including a divided nation and a brutal war. However, his unwaveringbelief in the power of unity and the importance of humanrights guided his actions and decisions. His Emancipation Proclamation in 1862 was a pivotal moment in American history, as it declared that all slaves in Confederate territory wereto be set free.Despite the immense pressure and the weight of his responsibilities, Lincoln remained a humble and compassionateleader. He was deeply empathetic, often referring to the soldiers who fought for their country as his brothers. His assassination in 1865 was a tragic loss for the nation, but his legacy endures as a beacon of hope and a reminder of the power of perseverance.In conclusion, Abraham Lincoln's life and presidency were marked by his unwavering commitment to the principles of democracy, equality, and freedom. His leadership during the Civil War and his role in ending slavery have cemented his place in history as one of America's greatest presidents. His words and actions continue to inspire generations, reminding us of the power of unity and the importance of fighting for what is right.。
英语作文万能模板林肯
英语作文万能模板林肯英文回答：Introduction:Abraham Lincoln, the sixteenth President of the United States, stands as an iconic figure in American history. Known for his unwavering leadership during the Civil Warand his role in the abolition of slavery, Lincoln's legacy continues to inspire and captivate generations.Paragraph 1: Early Life and Education。
Lincoln was born in a log cabin in Kentucky in 1809. Despite humble beginnings, he was a voracious reader andhad a thirst for knowledge. He taught himself law,practiced in the courtroom, and eventually entered politics.Paragraph 2: Political Career。
Lincoln's political career began in the Illinois Legislature. As a Representative and Senator, he became known for his eloquence and opposition to the spread of slavery. He was elected President in 1860, on a platform that aimed to preserve the Union and prevent the secession of the Southern states.Paragraph 3: Civil War。
关于林肯生平的英文演讲稿
关于林肯生平的英文演讲稿Ladies and gentlemen,Today, I am honored to stand before you and share the life story of one of the greatest leaders in American history – Abraham Lincoln. Often referred to as "Honest Abe," Lincoln's journey from a humble log cabin in Kentucky to the presidency is a testament to his unwavering determination, integrity, and visionary leadership.Born on February 12, 1809, in Hardin County, Kentucky, Lincoln grew up in a modest family that valued education. Despite facing numerous hardships during his childhood, including the death of his mother and economic struggles, Lincoln's thirst for knowledge was insatiable. He avidly read books and newspapers, educating himself on various subjects, including law and politics.At the age of 25, Lincoln moved to Salem, Illinois, where he began his legal career. Known for his adeptness in public speaking, he soon became a prominent figure in the local community. In 1834, Lincoln won his first electoral victory, securing a seat in the Illinois State Legislature. This marked the beginning of his political career.One of Lincoln's most memorable speeches, and one that truly showcased his remarkable oratory skills, was the Gettysburg Address. On November 19, 1863, following a bloody battle that claimed thousands of lives, Lincoln delivered a concise yet profound speech at the dedication of the Gettysburg National Cemetery in Pennsylvania.In this iconic speech, Lincoln reminded the nation of its founding principles and the purpose that the soldiers' sacrifice was serving. He emphasized the importance of preserving unity and democracy, stating, "government of the people, by the people, for the people." With these words, Lincoln encapsulated the essence of America's core values and its enduring commitment to equality and freedom.Lincoln's commitment to preserving the Union was tested during the American Civil War, which erupted in 1861. As the 16th President of the United States, he faced the immense challenge of leading a divided nation through its darkest hour. Through his unwavering resolve and strategic leadership, Lincoln successfully navigated the country through this tumultuous period.One of Lincoln's distinctive traits was his ability to surround himself with a team of advisers who possessed varying viewpoints. He recognized the importance of hearing diverse perspectives and engaging in rigorous intellectual discussions. This approach enabled him to make informed decisions and create effective policies.Among Lincoln's greatest accomplishments is the Emancipation Proclamation, which he issued on January 1, 1863. This historic document declared that all enslaved people in Confederate territory were to be set free. Although the proclamation did not immediately free all slaves, it marked a significant step towards ending slavery and paved the way for the eventual passage of the Thirteenth Amendment.Beyond his political achievements, Lincoln is remembered for his profound wisdom and compassion. His second inaugural address, deliveredon March 4, 1865, just weeks before his assassination, displayed his deep understanding of the complexities of war and the need for healing and reconciliation. In this address, he expressed his hope for a united and peaceful nation, stating, "With malice toward none, with charity for all."Sadly, Lincoln's life was cut short on April 15, 1865, when he was assassinated by John Wilkes Booth at Ford's Theatre in Washington, D.C. His untimely death left a nation in mourning and a legacy that would never be forgotten.In conclusion, Abraham Lincoln's life and contributions to the United States serve as an inspiring example of leadership, resilience, and moral fortitude. From his early years of hardship to his presidency during a turbulent time in American history, Lincoln's unwavering commitment to justice and equality remain an enduring legacy. As we reflect on his life and legacy, let us strive to emulate his principles and work towards a better, more united future for all. Thank you.女士们先生们，今天，我很荣幸站在这里，与大家分享美国历史上最伟大的领导者之一——亚伯拉罕·林肯的人生故事。
林肯就职演说英文版
林肯就职演说英文版【篇一：林肯就职演说原文1】林肯的第二任总统就职演说这篇演说的讲稿是人类历史上最伟大的演说词，永久地刻在了林肯纪念堂里，英文原文是：at this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office，there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. then a statement，somewhat in detail，of a course to be pursued，seemed fitting and proper. now，at the expiration of four years，during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of the great contest which still absorbs the attention，and engrosses the energies of the nation，little that is new could be presented. the progress of our arms，upon which all else chiefly depends，is as well known to the public as to myself; and it is，i trust，reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. with high hope for the future，no prediction in regard to it is ventured.on the occasion corresponding to this four years ago，all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war. all dreaded it--all sought to avert it. while the inaugural address was being delivered from this place，devoted altogether to saving the union without war，insurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war--seeking to dissolve the union，and divide effects，by negotiation. both parties deprecated war; but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive; and the other would accept war rather than let it perish. and the war came.one eighth of the whole population were colored slaves，not distributed generally over the union，but localized in the southern part of it. these slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. all knew that this interest was，somehow，the cause of the war. to strengthen，perpetuate，and extend this interest was the object for which theinsurgents would rend the union，even by war; while the government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it. neither party expected for the war，the magnitude，or the duration，which it has already attained. neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with，or even before，the conflict itself should cease.each looked for an easier triumph，and a result less fundamental and astounding. both read the same bible，and astounding to the same god; and each invokes his aid against the other. it may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just gods assistance in wringing their bread fromthe sweat of other mens faces; but let us judge not that we be not judged. the prayers of both could not be answered; that of neither has been answered fully. the almighty has his own purposes. woe unto the world because of offence！ for it must needs be that offence s come; but woe to that man by whomthe offence cometh！ if we shall suppose that americanslavery is one of those offences which，in the providence of god，must needs come，but which，having continuedthrough his appointed time，he now wills to remove，and that he gives to both north and south，this terrible war，as thewoe due to those by whom the offence came，shall we discern therein any departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a living god always ascribe to him? fondly do we hope--fervently do we pray--that this mighty scourge of warmay speedily pass away. yet，if god wills that it continue，until all the wealth piled by the bond-mans two hundred andfifty years of uequited toil shall be sunk，and until every dropof blood drawn with the lash，shall be paid by another drawn with the sword，as was said three thousand years ago，sostill it must be said the judgments of the lord，are true and righteous altogetherwith malice toward none; with charity for all; with firmness in the right，as god gives us to see the right，let us strive on to finish the work we are in; to bind up the nations wounds; tocare for him who shall have borne the battle，and for his widow，and his orphan--to do all which may achieve andcherish a just and lasting peace，among ourselves，and withall nations.最后两段译文：(交战)每一方都在寻求一个快速的、不伤根本的胜利。
林肯总统英文作文
林肯总统英文作文Abraham Lincoln was a truly remarkable president in American history. He was a man of great stature, not just physically but also in terms of his character and leadership.Lincoln had a very humble origin. He was born in a log cabin, and his early life was filled with hardships. He had to struggle a great deal to get an education. But he was so determined that he managed to learn a lot on his own through reading and self study. This shows his strong willpower and the thirst for knowledge.His presidency was marked by the Civil War. Lincoln faced an extremely difficult situation. The nation was divided between the North and the South. He firmly believed in the unity of the United States and was determined to keep the country together. He made many tough decisions during the war, like issuing the Emancipation Proclamation. This proclamation was a huge step forward in the fight against slavery. It not only changed the nature of the Civil War but also had a profound impact on the future of the United States.Lincoln was also known for his excellent oratory skills. His Gettysburg Address is one of the most famous speeches in American history. With simple yet powerful words, he was able to convey the significance of the sacrificesmade by the soldiers and the importance of the nation's ideals. His words inspired people then and continue to inspire people today.Sadly, Lincoln's life was cut short. His assassination was a great loss to the United States. But his legacy lives on. He is remembered as one of the greatest presidents in American history, a symbol of freedom, unity and perseverance.。
林肯3分钟演讲稿中英文版
林肯3分钟演讲稿中英文版----WORD文档，下载后可编辑修改----下面是小编收集整理的范本，欢迎您借鉴参考阅读和下载，侵删。
您的努力学习是为了更美好的未来！林肯3分钟演讲稿英文版：Four score and seven years ago, our fathers brought forth on this continent a new nation, conceived inLiberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and sodedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battle field of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field, as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.But, in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate--we can not consecrate--we can not hallow--this ground. The bravemen, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here.It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here tothe unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us -- that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion -- that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain -- that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom -- and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.林肯3分钟演讲稿中文版：八十七年前吾辈先祖于这大陆上，创建一个新的国度，乃孕育于自由，且致力于凡人“皆生而平等”此信念。
林肯总统在盖茨堡演说讲词中英对照版
林肯总统在盖茨堡演说讲词中英对照版第一篇：林肯总统在盖茨堡演说讲词中英对照版林肯總統在蓋茨堡演說講詞的中英對照版本文為林肯總統在蓋茨堡(Gettysburg)所作的一場演說講詞，全文僅272字、10句話、不到2分鐘，卻是美國史上最偉大的演說之一，那也曾被我國選為高中職英文課本教材，許多人應都背誦過。
同學可按此超連結播放講詞錄音，一邊聽一邊閱讀底下文字，將可有另一番領會，最好可一起唸出來，如此可幫助學習。
這個講詞架構完整、文字優美、理念深遠，推薦給同學細細品味文字背後所傳遞的高雅價值。
The Gettysburg AddressFour score and seven years1 ago our fathers brought forth2 on this continent, a new nation, conceived3 in liberty, and dedicated4to the proposition5 that all men are created equal.Now we are engaged6 in a great civil war7, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure.We are met on a great battle-field of that war.We have come to dedicate a portion8 of that field9, as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives10 that that nation might live.11 It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate--we can not consecrate12--we can not hallow13--this ground.The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract.14 The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here.It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced.It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us--that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause15 forwhich they gave the last full measure16 of devotion--that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain--that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom--and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall notperish17 from the earth.蓋茨堡演講詞八十七年前，我們的祖先在這片大陸上建立了一個新的國家，它孕育於自由，並且獻身給一種理念，即所有人都是生來平等的。
林肯总统就职演讲中英文对照
林肯总统在1861年的第一次就职演说--英文版First Inaugural Address of Abraham Lincoln MONDAY, MARCH 4, 1861Fellow-Citizens of the United States: In compliance with a custom as old as the Government itself, I appear before you to address you briefly and to take in your presence the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the United States to be taken by the President before he enters on the execution of this office." I do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or excitement. Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that by the accession of a Republican Administration their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered.There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection. It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you. I do but quote from one of those speeches when I declare that-- I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so. Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that I had made this and many similar declarations and had never recanted them; and more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read: Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend; and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.I now reiterate these sentiments, and in doing so I only press upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is susceptible that the property, peace, and security of no section are to be in any wise endangered by the now incoming Administration. I add, too, that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution and the laws, can be given will be cheerfully given to all the States when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause--as cheerfully to one section as to another. There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from service or labor. The clause I now read is as plainly written in the Constitution as any other of its provisions: No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall in consequence of any law or regulation therein be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due. It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves; and the intention of the lawgiver is the law.All members of Congress swear their support to the whole Constitution--to this provision as much as to any other. To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within the terms of this clause "shall be delivered up" their oaths are unanimous. Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not with nearly equalunanimity frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath? There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by State authority, but surely that difference is not a very material one. If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done. And should anyone in any case be content that his oath shall go unkept on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept?Again: In any law upon this subject ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a free man be not in any case surrendered as a slave? And might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the Constitution which guarantees that "the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States"? I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations and with no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules; and while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of Congress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, both in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by all those acts which stand unrepealed than to violate any of them trusting to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional. It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President under our National Constitution. During that period fifteen different and greatly distinguished citizens have in succession administered the executive branch of the Government. They have conducted it through many perils, and generally with great success.Yet, with all this scope of precedent, I now enter upon the same task for the brief constitutional term of four years under great and peculiar difficulty. A disruption of the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably attempted. I hold that in contemplation of universal law and of the Constitution the Union of these States is perpetual. Perpetuity is implied, if not expressed, in the fundamental law of all national governments. It is safe to assert that no government proper ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination. Continue to execute all the express provisions of our National Constitution, and the Union will endure forever, it being impossible to destroy it except by some action not provided for in the instrument itself. Again: If the United States be not a government proper, but an association of States in the nature of contract merely, can it, as acontract, be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it? One party to a contract may violate it--break it, so to speak--but does it not require all to lawfully rescind it? Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that in legal contemplation the Union is perpetual confirmed by the history of the Union itself. The Union is much older than the Constitution.It was formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association in 1774. It was matured and continued by the Declaration of Independence in 1776. It was further matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen States expressly plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the Articles of Confederation in 1778. And finally, in 1787, one of the declared objects for ordaining and establishing the Constitution was "to form a more perfect Union." But if destruction of the Union by one or by a part only of the States be lawfully possible, the Union is less perfect than before the Constitution, having lost the vital element of perpetuity. It follows from theseviews that no State upon its own mere motion can lawfully get out of the Union; that resolves and ordinances to that effect are legally void, and that acts of violence within any State or States against the authority of the United States are insurrectionary or revolutionary, according to circumstances. I therefore consider that in view of the Constitution and the laws the Union is unbroken, and to the extent of my ability, I shall take care, as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all the States. Doing this I deem to be only a simple duty on my part, and Ishall perform it so far as practicable unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall withhold the requisite means or in some authoritative manner direct the contrary. I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the declared purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally defend and maintain itself. In doing this there needs to be no bloodshed or violence, and there shall be none unless it be forced upon the national authority. The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the Government and to collect the duties and imposts; but beyond what may be necessary for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere. Where hostility to the United States in any interior locality shall be so great and universal as to prevent competent resident citizens from holding the Federal offices, there will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people for that object. While the strict legal right may exist in the Government to enforce the exercise of these offices, the attempt to do so would be so irritating and so nearly impracticable withal that I deem it better to forego for the time the uses of such offices. The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts of the Union. So far as possible the people everywhere shall have that sense of perfect security which is most favorable to calm thought and reflection. The course here indicated will be followed unless current events and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper, and in every case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised, according to circumstances actually existing and with a view and a hope of a peaceful solution of the national troubles and the restoration of fraternal sympathies and affections. That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy the Union at all events and are glad of any pretext to do it I will neither affirm nor deny; but if there be such, I need address no word to them. To those, however, who really love the Union may I not speak? Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our national fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, would it not be wise to ascertain precisely why we do it? Will you hazard so desperate a step while there is any possibility that any portion of the ills you fly from have no real existence? Will you, while the certain ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones you fly from, will you risk the commission of so fearful a mistake? All profess to be content in the Union if all constitutional rights can be maintained. Is it true, then, that any right plainly written in the Constitution has been denied? I think not. Happily, the human mind is so constituted that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this. Think, if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly written provision of the Constitutionhas ever been denied. If by the mere force of numbers a majority should deprive a minority of any clearly written constitutional right, it might in a moral point of view justify revolution; certainly would if such right were a vital one. But such is not our case. All the vital rights of minorities and of individuals are so plainly assured to them by affirmations and negations, guaranties and prohibitions, in the Constitution that controversies never arise concerning them. But no organic law can ever be framed with a provision specifically applicable to every question which may occur in practical administration. No foresight can anticipate nor any document of reasonable length contain express provisions for all possible questions. Shall fugitives from labor be surrendered by national or by State authority? The Constitution does not expressly say. May Congress prohibit slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say. Must Congress protect slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say. From questions of this class spring all our constitutional controversies, and we divide upon them into majorities and minorities. If the minority will not acquiesce, the majority must, or the Government must cease. There is no other alternative, for continuing the Government is acquiescence on one side or the other. If a minority in such case will secede rather than acquiesce, they make a precedent which in turn will divide and ruin them, for a minority of their own will secede from them whenever a majority refuses to be controlled by such minority. For instance, why may not any portion of a new confederacy a year or two hence arbitrarily secede again, precisely as portions of the present Union now claim to secede from it? All who cherish disunion sentiments are now being educated to the exact temper of doing this. Is there such perfect identity of interests among the States to compose a new union as to produce harmony only and prevent renewed secession? Plainly the central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy. A majority held in restraint by constitutional checks and limitations, and always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions and sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people. Whoever rejects it does of necessity fly to anarchy or to despotism. Unanimity is impossible. The rule of a minority, as a permanent arrangement, is wholly inadmissible; so that, rejecting the majority principle, anarchy or despotism in some form is all that is left. I do not forget the position assumed by some that constitutional questions are to be decided by the Supreme Court, nor do I deny that such decisions must be binding in any case upon the parties to a suit as to the object of that suit, while they are also entitled to very high respect and consideration in all parallel cases by all other departments of the Government. And while it is obviously possible that such decision may be erroneous in any given case, still the evil effect following it, being limited to that particular case, with the chance that it may be overruled and never become a precedent for other cases, can better be borne than could the evils of a different practice. At the same time, the candid citizen must confess that if the policy of the Government upon vital questions affecting the whole people is to be irrevocably fixed by decisions of the Supreme Court, the instant they are made in ordinary litigation between parties in personal actions the people will have ceased to be their own rulers, having to that extent practically resigned theirGovernment into the hands of that eminent tribunal. Nor is there in this view any assault upon the court or the judges. It is a duty from which they may not shrink to decide cases properly brought before them, and it is no fault of theirs if others seek to turn their decisions to political purposes. One section of our country believes slavery is right and ought to be extended, while the other believes it is wrong and ought not to be extended. This is the only substantial dispute. The fugitive- slave clause of the Constitution and the law for the suppression of the foreign slave trade are each as well enforced, perhaps, as any law can ever be in a community where the moral sense of the people imperfectly supports the law itself. The great body of the people abide by the dry legal obligation in both cases, and a few break over in each. This, I think, can not be perfectly cured, and it would be worse in both cases after the separation of the sections than before. The foreign slave trade, now imperfectly suppressed, would be ultimately revived without restriction in one section, while fugitive slaves, now only partially surrendered, would not be surrendered at all by the other. Physically speaking, we can not separate. We can not remove our respective sections from each other nor build an impassable wall between them. A husband and wife may be divorced and go out of the presence and beyond the reach of each other, but the different parts of our country can not do this. They can not but remain face to face, and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between them. Is it possible, then, to make that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory after separation than before? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than laws can among friends? Suppose you go to war, you can not fight always; and when, after much loss on both sides and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical old questions, as to terms of intercourse, are again upon you. This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit it. Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing Government, they can exercise their constitutional right of amending it or their revolutionary right to dismember or overthrow it. I can not be ignorant of the fact that many worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of having the National Constitution amended. While I make no recommendation of amendments, I fully recognize the rightful authority of the people over the whole subject, to be exercised in either of the modes prescribed in the instrument itself; and I should, under existing circumstances, favor rather than oppose a fair opportunity being afforded the people to act upon it. I will venture to add that to me the convention mode seems preferable, in that it allows amendments to originate with the people themselves, instead of only permitting them to take or reject propositions originated by others, not especially chosen for the purpose, and which might not be precisely such as they would wish to either accept or refuse.I understand a proposed amendment to the Constitution--which amendment, however, I have not seen--has passed Congress, to the effect that the Federal Government shall never interfere with the domestic institutions of the States, including that of persons held to service. To avoid misconstruction of what I have said, I depart from my purpose not to speak of particular amendments so far as to say that, holding such a provision to now be implied constitutional law, I have no objection to its beingmade express and irrevocable. The Chief Magistrate derives all his authority from the people, and they have referred none upon him to fix terms for the separation of the States. The people themselves can do this if also they choose, but the Executive as such has nothing to do with it. His duty is to administer the present Government as it came to his hands and to transmit it unimpaired by him to his successor. Why should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate justice of the people? Is there any better or equal hope in the world? In our present differences, is either party without faith of being in the right? If the Almighty Ruler of Nations, with His eternal truth and justice, be on your side of the North, or on yours of the South, that truth and that justice will surely prevail by the judgment of this great tribunal of the American people. By the frame of the Government under which we live this same people have wisely given their public servants but little power for mischief, and have with equal wisdom provided for the return of that little to their own hands at very short intervals. While the people retain their virtue and vigilance no Administration by any extreme of wickedness or folly can very seriously injure the Government in the short space of four years. My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole subject. Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time. If there be an object to hurry any of you in hot haste to a step which you would never take deliberately, that object will be frustrated by taking time; but no good object can be frustrated by it. Such of you as are now dissatisfied still have the old Constitution unimpaired, and, on the sensitive point, the laws of your own framing under it; while the new Administration will have no immediate power, if it would, to change either. If it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied hold the right side in the dispute, there still is no single good reason for precipitate action. Intelligence, patriotism, Christianity, and a firm reliance on Him who has never yet forsaken this favored land are still competent to adjust in the best way all our present difficulty. In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. The Government will not assail you. You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. You have no oath registered in heaven to destroy the Government, while I shall have the most solemn one to "preserve, protect, and defend it." I am loath to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained it must not break our bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battlefield and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature.林肯总统第一次就职演说(1861年3月4日)林肯[学术交流网按：林肯是美国人民和政治家推崇的伟大人物之一，他的维护国家同意，反对分裂的主张，反对扩张奴隶制的主张尤其受到广泛赞扬。
演讲稿关于林肯
演讲稿关于林肯Abraham Lincoln, the 16th President of the United States, is widely regarded as one of the greatest leaders in American history. His leadership during the Civil War, his commitment to the abolition of slavery, and his eloquent speeches have left an indelible mark on the nation. Today, I would like to share with you some insights into the life and legacy of this remarkable man.Born in a log cabin in Kentucky in 1809, Lincoln's early life was marked by poverty and hardship. He had limited formal education, but he was a voracious reader and a keen observer of human nature. These early experiences instilled in him a deep sense of empathy for the common people and a strong belief in the principles of equality and justice.Lincoln's political career began in the Illinois state legislature, where he quickly gained a reputation as a skilled orator and a principled leader. His opposition to the spread of slavery into the western territories brought him national attention and ultimately led to his election as President in 1860.The Civil War, which erupted soon after Lincoln took office, presented him with the greatest challenge of his presidency. Faced with the task of preserving the Union and ending the institution of slavery, Lincoln demonstrated remarkable resolve and determination. His leadership during this tumultuous period was characterized by a combination of strategic acumen and moral clarity.One of Lincoln's most enduring legacies is his Emancipation Proclamation, which declared that all slaves in the Confederate states were to be set free. This landmark executive order not only changed the course of the Civil War, but also laid the foundation for the eventual abolition of slavery in the United States.In addition to his role as a wartime leader, Lincoln was also a masterful communicator. His speeches, such as the Gettysburg Address and the Second Inaugural Address, are considered some of the greatest in American history. In these speeches,Lincoln eloquently articulated the ideals of freedom, democracy, and national unity, inspiring generations of Americans to uphold these values.Tragically, Lincoln's life was cut short when he was assassinated by John Wilkes Booth in 1865. However, his legacy lives on, and his contributions to the nation continue to be celebrated and revered.In conclusion, Abraham Lincoln's leadership and legacy have left an indelible mark on American history. From his humble beginnings to his pivotal role in the Civil War, Lincoln's life is a testament to the power of perseverance, integrity, and moral courage. His words and deeds continue to inspire us to strive for a more perfect union, and his example serves as a timeless reminder of the enduring principles on which the United States was founded. Thank you.。
英语演讲稿-林肯
英语演讲稿-林肯Emily/Canon 2012.12.26An inspiring person to me(about five minutes)Ladies and gentlemen:Good morning! Abraham Lincoln, the sixteenth president of America, possessed a legendary life and exerted a tremendous inspiration on me. It is his story that motivated me and encouraged me when adversities come to me. From him, I come to realize that if one can do something by persistence, then he or she will be extraordinary and succeed sooner or later. Now please allow me to briefly tell you about him.At the age of 22, he suffered a lot from his business, which made him awfully disappointed. Then he turned his mind into being a politician. Unfortunately, without enough economic funding and reputation, he failed again. Defeated twice in one year, he was undoubtedly painful.Subsequently, he decided to run for the election of state legislator for the second time, this time, he succeeded. From then on, he grew a hope that maybe he would rapidly go up in the world.Sadly, another misfortune fell on him after several years, his wife, as well as his spiritual support, passed away because of illness. This might be an extreme shock to him and he was next to collapsed. In 1843, he lost again in his election of American representatives. However, instead of being despair, Abraham Lincoln overcame his depression and turned it into a motivation which eventually led him to become arguably one of the greatest presidents in America. Moreover, he got over constant ridicule during the Civil War even when he was a president. But he neverbecame dejected because of it.Actually, Abraham Lincoln could have given up every time he suffered.But, he faced up to all the difficulties with a brave heart anda strong will. He was one of those who not only looked adversity in an optimistic way but also learned valuable lessons on overcoming difficult circumstances and were able to move ahead.It inspires me a lot. As we all know, 800-meter-race is the necessary item to be tested in every semester, lacking adequate exercise, I always can’t finish the whole race. Since I learned more about Lincoln, every time I want to give up half way, his deeds will linger in my mind, this always supports me to achieve my goals. Never give up and everything is promising.No quitting, so winning. It is the perseverance that keeps bright the key to the door of achievement so we have no reason but to persist in everything we are doing.As Abraham Lincoln himself said, “I am a slow walker, but I never walk backwards.” Facing up difficulties, he didn’t hang back or run away, but hold on and fight for it instead. He had never thought how he should do if he failed again, but just kept on.There is no doubt that Abraham Lincoln is so great that he could inspire us all our life. No matter what time, no matter what may happen, I will never allow myself to give up. This spirit, will become my lifelong navigation.Thank you for your attention.。
林肯竞选总统英文演讲稿
It is an honor and a privilege to stand before you today as a candidate for the presidency of the United States. The journey to this moment has been long and filled with challenges, but it has also been one of great inspiration and hope. As we gather here today, we are at a critical juncture in the history of our nation. The fabric of our society is being tested, and the future of our democracy is at stake. It is my solemn duty, and my deep conviction, to stand up and fight for the principles that have made America great.First and foremost, we must preserve and protect the union. The United States of America is not just a collection of states, but a unified nation bound by a common destiny. The Constitution, our sacred document, is the foundation upon which our democracy stands. It is my commitment to uphold this Constitution and to ensure that every state, regardless of its size or political power, has a voice in the federal government.The issue of slavery is a moral and political cancer that has corrupted our nation for far too long. I stand firmly against the institution of slavery and believe that it is the duty of the federal government to banish this evil from our land. I am prepared to take the necessary steps to ensure that all men and women are free and equal under the law. This is not just a moral imperative; it is a necessity for the survival of our democracy.Economic prosperity is another critical issue that demands our immediate attention. The wealth gap between the rich and the poor has widened to an alarming degree, and the middle class is being eroded. It is time for us to reform our economic policies to create a fairer and more just society. We must invest in education, infrastructure, and job training programs to ensure that every American has the opportunity to succeed. We must also address the issue of corporate greed and hold those who exploit workers and consumers accountable for their actions.In times of peace, we must be vigilant in defending our nation's security. However, in times of war, we must act with the utmost caution and foresight. The loss of life in conflict is irreplaceable, and the consequences of military action can be far-reaching. I am committed to seeking peaceful resolutions to international disputes and will neverhesitate to use force as a last resort, but only when it is in the best interest of our nation and the world.The preservation of our natural resources is a matter of great urgency. Climate change is a real and present threat to our planet, and it is our responsibility to take action now. I will work tirelessly to promote renewable energy sources, such as wind, solar, and hydroelectric power, and to reduce our dependence on fossil fuels. We must also protect our forests, rivers, and wildlife, for they are the lifeblood of our nation and the source of our prosperity.Education is the cornerstone of a democratic society, and it is my promise to make it a top priority. I will fight to ensure that every child, regardless of their background or socioeconomic status, has access to a quality education. We must invest in our schools, attractand retain qualified teachers, and provide the necessary resources to prepare our students for the challenges of the 21st century.We must also address the issue of immigration. The United States has always been a nation of immigrants, and we must continue to welcomethose who seek refuge and a better life. However, we must also enforce our immigration laws and ensure that our borders are secure. A balanced approach that respects the rights of individuals while protecting our national interests is the only solution.Ladies and gentlemen, the challenges we face are great, but they are not insurmountable. We have overcome adversity before, and I am confidentthat we can do so again. I ask for your support and your trust. Together, we can build a more perfect union, where liberty and justice for all are not just words, but the reality we strive to achieve.In closing, I want to leave you with a quote from one of our greatest presidents, Abraham Lincoln: "With malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up the nation's wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle and for his widow andhis orphan, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations."Thank you, and God bless America.---This speech is a fictional composition, drawing inspiration from the historical context and themes associated with Abraham Lincoln's presidency. It is designed to reflect the spirit of Lincoln's speeches and the values he championed.。
林肯就职演讲稿doc
林肯就职演讲稿篇一：林肯总统就职演讲中英文对照林肯总统在1861年的第一次就职演说--英文版First Inaugural Address of Abraham LincolnMONDAY, MARCH 4, 1861Fellow-Citizens of the United States: In compliance with a custom as old as the Government itself, I appear before you to address you briefly and to take in your presence the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the United States to be taken by the President before he enters on the execution of this office." I do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or excitement. Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that by the accession of a Republican Administration their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered.There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection. It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you. I dobut quote from one of those speeches when I declare that-- I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so. Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that I had made this and many similar declarations and had never recanted them; and more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read: Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend; and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.I now reiterate these sentiments, and in doing so I only press upon the public attention the mostconclusive evidence of which the case is susceptible that the property, peace, and security of no section are to be in any wise endangered by the now incoming Administration. I add, too, that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution and the laws, can be given will be cheerfully given to all the States when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause--as cheerfully to one section as to another. There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from service or labor. The clause I now read is as plainly written in the Constitution as any other of its provisions: No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall in consequence of any law or regulation therein be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due. It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves; and the intention of the lawgiver is the law. All members of Congress swear their support to the whole Constitution--to this provision as much as to any other.To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within the terms of this clause "shall be delivered up" their oaths are unanimous. Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not with nearly equal unanimity frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath? There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by State authority, but surely that difference is not a very material one. If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done. And should anyone in any case be content that his oath shall go unkept on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept?Again: In any law upon this subject ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a free man be not in any case surrendered as a slave? And might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the Constitution which guarantees that "the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities ofcitizens in the several States"? I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations and with no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules; and while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of Congress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, both in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by all those acts which stand uepealed than to violate any of them trusting to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional. It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President under our National Constitution. During that period fifteen different and greatly distinguished citizens have in successionadministered the executive branch of the Government. They have conducted it through many perils, and generally with great success.Yet, with all this scope of precedent, I now enter upon the same task for the brief constitutional term of four years under great and peculiar difficulty. A disruption of the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidablyattempted. I hold that in contemplation of universal law and of the Constitution the Union of these States is perpetual. Perpetuity is implied, if not expressed, in the fundamental law of all national governments. It is safe to assert that no government proper ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination. Continue to execute all the express provisions of our National Constitution, and the Union will endure forever, it being impossible to destroy it except by some action not provided for in the instrument itself. Again: If the United States be not a government proper, but an association of States in the nature of contract merely, can it, as acontract, be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it? One party to a contract may violate it--break it, so to speak--but does it not require all to lawfully rescind it? Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that in legal contemplation the Union is perpetual confirmed by the history of the Union itself. The Union is much older than the Constitution.It was formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association in 1774. It was matured and continued bythe Declaration of Independence in 1776. It was further matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen States expressly plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the Articles of Confederation in 1778. And finally, in 1787, one of the declared objects for ordaining and establishing the Constitution was "to form a more perfect Union." But if destruction of the Union by one or by a part only of the States be lawfully possible, the Union is less perfect than before the Constitution, having lost the vital element of perpetuity. It follows from these views that no State upon its own mere motion can lawfully get out of the Union; that resolves and ordinances to that effect are legally void, and that acts of violence within any State or States against the authority of the United States are insurrectionary or revolutionary, according to circumstances. I therefore consider that in view of the Constitution and the laws the Union is unbroken, and to the extent of my ability, I shall take care, as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all the States. Doing this I deem to be only a simpleduty on my part, and Ishall perform it so far as practicable unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall withhold the requisite means or in some authoritative manner direct the contrary. I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the declared purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally defend and maintain itself. In doing this there needs to be no bloodshed or violence, and there shall be none unless it be forced upon the national authority. The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the Government and to collect the duties and imposts; but beyond what may be necessary for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere. Where hostility to the United States in any interior locality shall be so great and universal as to prevent competent resident citizens from holding the Federal offices, there will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people for that object. While the strict legal right may exist in the Government to enforce the exercise of these offices, the attempt to do so wouldbe so irritating and so nearly impracticable withal that I deem it better to forego for the time the uses of such offices. The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts of the Union. So far as possible the people everywhere shall have that sense of perfect security which is most favorable to calm thought and reflection. The course here indicated will be followed unless current events and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper, and in every case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised, according to circumstances actually existing and with a view and a hope of a peaceful solution of the national troubles and the restoration of fraternal sympathies and affections. That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy the Union at all events and are glad of any pretext to do it I will neither affirm nor deny; but if there be such, I need address no word to them. To those, however, who really love the Union may I not speak? Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our national fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, would it not be wise toascertain precisely why we do it? Will you hazard so desperate a step while there is any possibility that any portion of the ills you fly from have no real existence? Will you, while the certain ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones you fly from, will you risk the commission of so fearful a mistake? All profess to be content in the Union if all constitutional rights can be maintained. Is it true, then, that any right plainly written in the Constitution has been denied? I think not. Happily, the human mind is so constituted that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this. Think, if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly written provision of the Constitution has ever been denied. If by the mere force of numbers a majority should deprive a minority of any clearly written constitutional right, it might in a moral point of view justify revolution; certainly would if such right were a vital one. But such is not our case. All the vital rights of minorities and of individuals are so plainly assured to them by affirmations and negations, guaranties and prohibitions, in the Constitution that controversies never arise concerningthem. But no organic law can ever be framed with a provision specifically applicable to every question which may occur in practical administration. No foresight can anticipate nor any document of reasonable length contain express provisions for all possible questions. Shall fugitives from labor be surrendered by national or by State authority?The Constitution does not expressly say. May Congress prohibit slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say. Must Congress protect slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say. From questions of this class spring all our constitutional controversies, and we divide upon them into majorities and minorities. If the minority will not acquiesce, the majority must, or the Government must cease. There is no other alternative, for continuing the Government is acquiescence on one side or the other. If a minority in such case will secede rather than acquiesce, they make a precedent which in turn will divide and ruin them, for a minority of their own will secede from them whenever a majority refuses to be controlled by such minority. For instance, whymay not any portion of a new confederacy a year or two hence arbitrarily secede again, precisely as portions of the present Union now claim to secede from it? All who cherish disunion sentiments are now being educated to the exact temper of doing this. Is there such perfect identity of interests among the States to compose a new union as to produce harmony only and prevent renewed secession? Plainly the central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy. A majority held in restraint by constitutional checks and limitations, and always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions and sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people. Whoever rejects it does of necessity fly to anarchy or to despotism. Unanimity is impossible. The rule of a minority, as a permanent arrangement, is wholly inadmissible; so that, rejecting the majority principle, anarchy or despotism in some form is all that is left. I do not forget the position assumed by some that constitutional questions are to be decided by the Supreme Court, nor do I deny that such decisions must be binding in any case upon the parties to a suit as to the object of that suit, while they are also entitledto very high respect and consideration in all parallel cases by all other departments of the Government. And while it is obviously possible that such decision may be erroneous in any given case, still the evil effect following it, being limited to that particular case, with the chance that it may be overruled and never become a precedent for other cases, can better be borne than could the evils of a different practice. At the same time, the candid citizen must confess that if the policy of the Government upon vital questions affecting the whole people is to be irrevocably fixed by decisions of the Supreme Court, the instant they are made in ordinary litigation between parties in personal actions the people will have ceased to be their own rulers, having to that extent practically resigned their Government into the hands of that eminent tribunal. Nor is there in this view any assault upon the court or the judges. It is a duty from which they may not shrink to decide cases properly brought before them, and it is no fault of theirs if others seek to turn their decisions to political purposes. One section of our country believes slavery is right and ought tobe extended, while the other believes it is wrong and ought not to be extended. This is the only substantial dispute. The fugitive- slave clause of the Constitution and the law for the suppression of the foreign slave trade are each as well enforced, perhaps, as any law can ever be in a community where the moral sense of the people imperfectly supports the law itself. The great body of the people abide by the dry legal obligation in both cases, and a few break over in each. This, I think, can not be perfectly cured, and it would be worse in both cases after the separation of the sections than before. The foreign slave trade, now imperfectly suppressed, would be ultimately revived without restriction in one section, while fugitive slaves, now only partially surrendered, would not be surrendered at all by the other. Physically speaking, we can not separate. We can not remove our respective sections from each other nor build an impassable wall between them. A husband and wife may be divorced and go out of the presence and beyond the reach of each other, but the different parts of ourcountry can not do this. They can not but remainface to face, and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between them. Is it possible, then, to make that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory after separation than before? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than laws can among friends? Suppose you go to war, you can not fight always; and when, after much loss on both sides and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical old questions, as to terms of intercourse, are again upon you. This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit it. Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing Government, they can exercise their constitutional right of amending it or their revolutionary right to dismember or overthrow it.I can not be ignorant of the fact that many worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of having the National Constitution amended. While I make no recommendation of amendments, I fully recognize the rightful authority of the people over the whole subject, to be exercised in either of the modes prescribed in the instrument itself; and I should, under existing circumstances,favor rather than oppose a fair opportunity being afforded the people to act upon it. I will venture to add that to me the convention mode seems preferable, in that it allows amendments to originate with the people themselves, instead of only permitting them to take or reject propositions originated by others, not especially chosen for the purpose, and which might not be precisely such as they would wish to either accept or refuse. I understand a proposed amendment to the Constitution--which amendment, however, I have not seen--has passed Congress, to the effect that the Federal Government shall never interfere with the domestic institutions of the States, including that of persons held to service. To avoid misconstruction of what I have said, I depart from my purpose not to speak of particular amendments so far as to say that, holding such a provision to now be implied constitutional law, I have no objection to its being made express and irrevocable. The Chief Magistrate derives all his authority from the people, and they have referred none upon him to fix terms for the separation of the States. The people themselves can do this if also they choose,but the Executive as such has nothing to do with it. His duty is to administer the present Government as it came to his hands and to transmit it unimpaired by him to his successor. Why should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate justice of the people? Is there any better or equal hope in the world? In our present differences, is either party without faith of being in the right? If the Almighty Ruler of Nations, with His eternal truth and justice, be on your side of the North, or on yours of the South, that truth and that justice will surely prevail by the judgment of this great tribunal of the American people. By the frame of the Government under which we live this same people have wisely given their public servants but little power for mischief, and have with equal wisdom provided for the return of that little to their own hands at very short intervals. While the people retain their virtue and vigilance no Administration by any extreme of wickedness or folly can very seriously injure the Government in the short space of four years. My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole subject. Nothing valuable can be lost by takingtime. If there be an object to hurry any of you in hot haste to a step which you would never take deliberately, that object will be frustrated by taking time; but no good object can be frustrated by it. Such of you as are now dissatisfied still have the old Constitution unimpaired, and, on the sensitive point, the laws of your own framing under it; while the new Administration will have no immediate power, if it would, to change either. If it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied hold the right side in the dispute, there still is no single good reason for precipitate action. Intelligence, patriotism, Christianity, and a firm reliance on Him who has never yet forsaken this篇二：林肯的就职演讲稿林肯的就职演讲稿(中英文版)XX年07月15日星期日下午 12:10The Gettysburg AddressGettysburg, PennsylvaniaNovember 19, 1863Fourscore(80年 and seven years ago,our fathers brought forth upon this continent （大陆 a new nation,conceived（设想 and dedicated （奉献的to theproposition （主题that all men are created equal.Now we are egaged in a great civil（民族间的war,testing whether that nation or anynation so conceived （设想的and dedicated can long endure（忍耐）.We are met on the battelfield of that war.We have come to dedicate （致力a portion （部分of that field as a final-resting （安息之所place for those who gave their lives that the nation might live.It is altogether（整个and proper（适当的 that we should do this.But, in a larger sense,we can not dedicate(奉献,we can not consecrate（神圣的,we can not hallow（视什么为神圣的this ground.The brave men,living and dead,have consecrated（被奉为神 it far above our power to add or detract（减损.The world will little note what we say here,but it can never forget what they did here.It is for us,the living,rather to be dedicated to the great task remaining before us,that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure（尺寸 of devotion,that the nation shall have a new birth of freedom,that the goverment of the people by the peopleand for the people shall not perish （死亡from the earth.主讲：亚伯拉罕·林肯时间：1863年11月19日地点：美国，宾夕法尼亚，葛底斯堡八十七年前，我们先辈在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家，它孕育于自由之中，奉行一切人生来平等的原则。
林肯gettysburg演讲稿中英文版
林肯gettysburg演讲稿中英文版1860年11月，林肯当选总统，共和党首次执政。
林肯的当选对南方种植园主的利益构成严重威胁，南方种植园奴隶主为制造分裂，发动了叛变，南方11个州先后退出联邦，宣布成立“美利坚联盟国”，并制订了新的宪法，选举新总统。
以下是店铺整理了林肯gettysburg 演讲稿，供你参考。
林肯gettysburg演讲稿英文版如下：Four score and seven years ago,our fathers brought forth upon this continent a new nation,conceived and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.Now we are egaged in a great civil war,testing whether that nation or any nation so conceived and dedicated can long endure.We are met on the battelfield of that war.We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final-resting place for those who gave their lives that the nation might live.It is altogether and proper that we should do this.But, in a larger sense,we can not dedicate,we can not consecrate,we can not hallow this ground.The brave men,living and dead,have consecrated it far above our power to add or detract.The world will little note what we say here,but it can never forget what they did here.It is for us,the living,rather to be dedicated to the great task remaining before us,that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion,that the nation shall have a new birth of freedom,that the goverment of the people by the people and for the people shall not perish from the earth.林肯gettysburg演讲稿中文版全文如下：八十七年前，我们先辈在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家，它孕育于自由之中，奉行一切人生来平等的原则。
林肯事迹英语作文
林肯事迹英语作文{z}Title: The Deeds of LincolnIntroduction:Abraham Lincoln, the 16th President of the United States, is renowned for his leadership during the Civil War and his efforts to abolish slavery.His life was filled with remarkable deeds that have left an indelible mark on history.Body:mitment to Equality:Lincoln is best known for his commitment to equality and his fight against slavery.He firmly believed that all men are created equal and should have the same rights.His Emancipation Proclamation, issued during the Civil War, declared that all slaves in Confederate-held territories were to be set free.2.Preservation of the Union:One of Lincoln"s primary goals as President was to preserve the Union.He believed that the United States should remain a single, united country.During the Civil War, he led the Northern states in a fierce battle against the Confederacy, ultimately leading to the Union"s victory and the end of the war.3.The Gettysburg Address:One of Lincoln"s most famous speeches, the Gettysburg Address, wasdelivered during the Civil War.In this speech, he emphasized the importance of freedom and democracy, and he called for unity and the dedication to creating a new nation that would be "of the people, by the people, for the people."4.The abolition of Slavery:Lincoln"s most significant achievement was the abolition of slavery.His Emancipation Proclamation, coupled with the passage of the 13th Amendment to the United States Constitution, officially ended slavery in the United States.This landmark achievement has made him an icon in the fight for civil rights and equality.5.Leadership during Crisis:Lincoln"s leadership during the Civil War was marked by his ability to navigate the country through its darkest hour.He provided strong, steady leadership and maintained a sense of hope and determination in the face of adversity.His leadership style and ability to inspire others have been widely admired.Conclusion:Abraham Lincoln"s deeds have left a lasting legacy.His commitment to equality, his efforts to preserve the Union, his inspiring speeches, and his role in the abolition of slavery have all made him a revered figure in American history.His leadership during times of crisis continues to inspire people around the world.The deeds of Abraham Lincoln will forever beremembered and celebrated.。
英文介绍林肯带翻译
英文介绍林肯带翻译Lincoln: A Brief Introduction。
林肯，简介。
Abraham Lincoln was the 16th President of the United States, serving from March 1861 until his assassination in April 1865. He is widely regarded as one of America's greatest heroes due to his role as leader during the Civil War and his efforts to end slavery. In this article, we will provide a brief introduction to Lincoln's life and legacy.亚伯拉罕·林肯是美国第16任总统，任期从1861年3月到他在1865年4月遇刺身亡。
由于他在内战期间的领导作用以及结束奴隶制的努力，他被广泛认为是美国最伟大的英雄之一。
在本文中，我们将简要介绍林肯的生平和遗产。
Early Life and Career。
早年生活和事业。
Lincoln was born on February 12, 1809, in a log cabinin Hodgenville, Kentucky. His family moved to Indiana when he was seven years old, and he grew up in a poor family on the frontier. Despite his lack of formal education, Lincoln was an avid reader and self-taught lawyer. He served in the Illinois state legislature and the U.S. House of Representatives before being elected president in 1860.林肯于1809年2月12日出生在肯塔基州霍奇斯维尔的一间小木屋里。
林肯竞选演讲稿英文
It is with a profound sense of honor and a heavy heart that I stand before you today. As a candidate for the highest office in our land, I am humbled by the responsibility that lies ahead. I am here not just to seek your votes, but to seek your trust, your support, and your voice in shaping the future of our great nation.My fellow Americans, the time has come for a new beginning. A beginning that is not just political, but moral and spiritual. A beginning that acknowledges the challenges we face and the opportunities that liebefore us. A beginning that binds us together as one people, with one purpose, and one destiny.Let us not forget the words of our Founding Fathers, who declared that "all men are created equal." Yet, here we stand, in a nation that hasyet to fulfill that promise. The stain of slavery is still upon us, and the legacy of discrimination continues to cast a long shadow over our progress. It is our duty, as Americans, to confront this legacy head-on and to ensure that every citizen, regardless of race, color, or creed, has the opportunity to achieve their dreams.I stand before you as a man of the people, a man who has lived among you, worked with you, and suffered with you. I have seen the pain of families torn apart by war, the despair of workers laid off by factories, and the hopelessness of young people who see no future. These are the faces of America, and they are the faces that I will fight for every single day.My fellow Americans, the question before us is not whether we can change our country, but whether we are willing to change. Are we willing to confront the monsters of our past and face the challenges of our future with courage and determination? Are we willing to unite as a nation, to leave behind the divisiveness and partisanship that have hindered our progress?If we are, then I ask you to join me on this journey. I ask you to join me in a campaign of unity, of hope, and of progress. Together, we can create a nation where every child has access to a quality education, where every worker can find a fair day's pay for a fair day's work, and where every citizen can live with dignity and respect.We must begin by addressing the economic crisis that plagues our nation. For too long, the interests of the few have been placed above the needs of the many. The rich have grown richer, while the poor have grown poorer. The middle class has been eroded, and the American Dream has become a distant memory for far too many.I will fight to create jobs, not just any jobs, but good jobs that pay a living wage and provide benefits for workers. I will fight to invest in infrastructure, not just to create short-term jobs, but to lay the foundation for long-term economic growth. I will fight to reform our tax system, to make it fairer and more equitable, so that the burden does not fall on the backs of the middle class.We must also address the crisis of health care in our nation. Millions of Americans go without medical insurance, unable to afford the care they need. Many more are one illness or injury away from financial ruin. It is time to ensure that health care is a right, not a privilege, for all Americans.I will fight to reform our healthcare system, to make it more affordable and accessible to all. I will fight to ensure that insurance companies can no longer deny coverage based on pre-existing conditions, and that no one will ever have to choose between paying their bills and getting the care they need.Education is the key to our future, and it must be a priority for our nation. We must invest in our children, providing them with the tools they need to succeed in a competitive world. We must ensure that every child has access to a quality education, from pre-school to college.I will fight to provide every child with a world-class education, from the inner cities to the rural towns. I will fight to make college affordable and accessible to all, so that every American can pursuetheir dreams without the burden of debt.My fellow Americans, we must also confront the threat of climate change. The science is clear, and the consequences are dire. We must take bold action to protect our planet for future generations. I will fight totransition our nation to renewable energy sources, to create jobs in the green sector, and to lead the world in the fight against climate change.National security is another critical issue that demands our immediate attention. We must maintain a strong defense, but we must also engage in diplomacy and dialogue to resolve conflicts. We must fight terrorism with every tool at our disposal, but we must also understand the root causes of terrorism and work to address them.I will fight to keep our nation safe, both at home and abroad. I will fight to strengthen our military, but I will also fight to use diplomacy and international cooperation to resolve conflicts. I will fight to ensure that our nation is respected and admired around the world.My fellow Americans, the time for change is now. We must come together as a nation, to rebuild the bonds of trust and unity that have been strained by years of division and conflict. We must rebuild our economy, reform our healthcare system, invest in education, and protect our planet.I ask you to trust in me, to trust in our collective ability to overcome the challenges that lie ahead. I ask you to stand with me, to stand with our children, and to stand with the future of our nation.We are a nation of immigrants, a nation of dreamers, a nation of believers. We are a nation that has always faced adversity and emerged stronger. We are a nation that has always believed in the power of hope and the promise of progress.Let us embrace that promise, let us embrace each other, and let us embrace our destiny as a nation of opportunity, of justice, and of freedom.Thank you, God bless you, and God bless the United States of America.---This speech is a general outline and has been condensed to fit within the requested word count. In a real-world scenario, the speech wouldlikely be longer and more detailed, with specific policies and proposals to back up the candidate's promises.。
林肯就职演讲(英文)
In compliance with a custom as old as the Government itself, I appear before you to address you briefly and to take in your presence the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the United States to be taken by the President "before he enters on the execution of this office."I do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or excitement.Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that by the accession of a Republican Administration their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered. There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection. It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you. I do but quote from one of those speeches when I declare that:I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so.Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that I had made this and many similar declarations and had never recanted them; and more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read:Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend; and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.I now reiterate these sentiments, and in doing so I only press upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is susceptible that the property, peace, and security of no section are to be in any wise endangered by the now incoming Administration. I add, too, that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution and the laws, can be given will be cheerfully given to all the States when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause - as cheerfully to one section as to another.There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from service or labour. The clause I now read is as plainly written in the Constitution as any other of its provisions:No person held to service or labour in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall in consequence of any law or regulation therein be discharged from such service or labour, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labour may be due.It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves; and the intention of the lawgiver is the law. All members of Congress swear their support to the whole Constitution - to this provision as much as to any other. To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within the terms of this clause "shall be delivered up" their oaths are unanimous. Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not with nearly equal unanimity frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath?There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by State authority, but surely that difference is not a very material one. If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done. And should anyone in any case be content that his oath shall go un-kept on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept?Again: In any law upon this subject ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a free man be not in any case surrendered as a slave? And might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the Constitution which guarantees that "the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States"?I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations and with no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules; and while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of Congress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, both in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by all those acts which stand un-repealed than to violate any of them trusting to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional.It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President under our National Constitution. During that period fifteen different and greatlydistinguished citizens have in succession administered the executive branch of the Government. They have conducted it through many perils, and generally with great success. Yet, with all this scope of precedent, I now enter upon the same task for the brief constitutional term of four years under great and peculiar difficulty. A disruption of the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably attempted.TopI hold that in contemplation of universal law and of the Constitution the Union of these States is perpetual. Perpetuity is implied, if not expressed, in the fundamental law of all national governments. It is safe to assert that no government proper ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination. Continue to execute all the express provisions of our National Constitution, and the Union will endure forever, it being impossible to destroy it except by some action not provided for in the instrument itself.Again: If the United States be not a government proper, but an association of States in the nature of contract merely, can it, as a contract, be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it? One party to a contract may violate it - break it, so to speak - but does it not require all to lawfully rescind it?Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that in legal contemplation the Union is perpetual confirmed by the history of the Union itself. The Union is much older than the Constitution. It was formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association in 1774. It was matured and continued by the Declaration of Independence in 1776. It was further matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen States expressly plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the Articles of Confederation in 1778. And finally, in 1787, one of the declared objects for ordaining and establishing the Constitution was "to form a more perfect Union."But if destruction of the Union by one or by a part only of the States be lawfully possible, the Union is less perfect than before the Constitution, having lost the vital element of perpetuity.It follows from these views that no State upon its own mere motion can lawfully get out of the Union; that resolves and ordinances to that effect are legally void, and that acts of violence within any State or States against the authority of the United States are insurrectionary or revolutionary, according to circumstances.I therefore consider that in view of the Constitution and the laws the Union is unbroken, and to the extent of my ability, I shall take care, as the Constitutionitself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all the States. Doing this I deem to be only a simple duty on my part, and I shall perform it so far as practicable unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall withhold the requisite means or in some authoritative manner direct the contrary. I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the declared purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally defend and maintain itself.In doing this there needs to be no bloodshed or violence, and there shall be none unless it be forced upon the national authority. The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the Government and to collect the duties and imposts; but beyond what may be necessary for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere. Where hostility to the United States in any interior locality shall be so great and universal as to prevent competent resident citizens from holding the Federal offices, there will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people for that object. While the strict legal right may exist in the Government to enforce the exercise of these offices, the attempt to do so would be so irritating and so nearly impracticable withal that I deem it better to forego for the time the uses of such offices.TopThe mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts of the Union. So far as possible the people everywhere shall have that sense of perfect security which is most favourable to calm thought and reflection. The course here indicated will be followed unless current events and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper, and in every case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised, according to circumstances actually existing and with a view and a hope of a peaceful solution of the national troubles and the restoration of fraternal sympathies and affections.That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy the Union at all events and are glad of any pretext to do it I will neither affirm nor deny; but if there be such, I need address no word to them. To those, however, who really love the Union may I not speak?Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our national fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, would it not be wise to ascertain precisely why we do it? Will you hazard so desperate a step while there is any possibility that any portion of the ills you fly from have no real existence? Will you, while the certain ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones you fly from, will you risk the commission of so fearful a mistake?All profess to be content in the Union if all constitutional rights can be maintained. Is it true, then, that any right plainly written in the Constitution has been denied? I think not. Happily, the human mind is so constituted that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this. Think, if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly written provision of the Constitution has ever been denied. If by the mere force of numbers a majority should deprive a minority of any clearly written constitutional right, it might in a moral point of view justify revolution; certainly would if such right were a vital one. But such is not our case. All the vital rights of minorities and of individuals are so plainly assured to them by affirmations and negations, guaranties and prohibitions, in the Constitution that controversies never arise concerning them. But no organic law can ever be framed with a provision specifically applicable to every question which may occur in practical administration. No foresight can anticipate nor any document of reasonable length contain express provisions for all possible questions. Shall fugitives from labor be surrendered by national or by State authority? The Constitution does not expressly say. May Congress prohibit slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say. Must Congress protect slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say.。
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I am honored to be with you today for your commencement from one of the finest universities in the world. Truth be told, I never graduated from college. And this is the closest I've ever gotten to a college graduation. Today I want to tell you three stories from my life. That's it. No big deal. Just three stories.今天，我很荣幸能和你们一起参加毕业典礼，斯坦福大学是世界上最好的大学之一。
说实话，（虽然）我从来没有从大学中毕业，但今天是我生命中离大学毕业最近的一天了。
今天我想向你们讲述我生活中的三个故事。
不说大道理，就是三个故事而已。
The first story is about connecting the dots.第一个故事是关于如何把生命中的点点滴滴串连起来。
I dropped out of Reed College after the first 6 months, but then stayed around as a drop-in for another 18 months or so before I really quit. So why did I drop out?我在里德学院读了六个月之后就退学了，但是在十八个月以后，我还经常去学校。
我为什么要退学呢？It started before I was born. My biological mother was a young, unwed college graduate student, and she decided to put me up for adoption. She felt very strongly that I should be adopted by college graduates, so everything was all set for me to be adopted at birth by a lawyer and his wife. Except that when I popped out they decided at the last minute that they really wanted a girl. So my parents, who were on a waiting list, got a call in the middle of the night asking: "We have an unexpected baby boy; doyou want him?" They said: "Of course." My biological mother later found out that my mother had never graduated from college and that my father had never graduated from high school. She refused to sign the final adoption papers. She only relented a few months later when my parents promised that I would someday go to college. This was the start in my life.故事要从我的出生说起。
我的亲生母亲是一名年轻未婚的大学毕业生。
她决定让别人收养我，她十分想让大学毕业生收养我。
所以在我出生前，她已经准备一切，让一位律师和他的妻子收养。
但是她没有料到，在我出生后，律师夫妇突然决定要一个女孩。
所以，我的养父养母（他们当时还在候选名单上）突然在半夜接到了一个电话：“我们有一个意外降生的男婴，你们想收养他吗？”他们回答说：“当然！” 但是我亲生母亲随后发现，我的养母从未上过大学，我的养父高中没毕业。
于是她拒绝签订收养合同。
但在几个月以后，因为我的养父养母答应她一定要让我上大学，她才心软同意了。
And 17 years later I did go to college. But I naively chose a college that was almost as expensive as Stanford, and all of my working-class parents' savings were being spent on my college tuition. After six months, I couldn't see the value in it. I had no idea what I wanted to do with my life and no idea how college was going to help me figure it out. And here I was spending all of the money my parents had saved their entire life. So I decided to drop out and would all work out OK. It was pretty scary at the time, but looking back it was one of the best decisions I ever made. The minute I dropped out I could stop taking the required classes that didn't interest me, and begin dropping in on the ones that looked far more interesting.在十七岁那年，我的确上大学了。
但我天真地选择了一个几乎和斯坦福大学一样贵的学校，我父母还处于工薪阶层，为了交学费，他们几乎耗光所有积蓄。
六个月后，我几乎看不到在学校的价值。
我不知道（我生命中）要追求什么，我也不知道学校是否能帮我找到答案。
但在学校，我将花光我父母这一辈子的积蓄。
所以，我决定退学，并且我相信车到山前必有路。
（不可否认），我当时非常害怕，但现在回头来看，这个决定是我一生中最明智决定之一。
在我做出退学决定后，我再也不用去上那些我丝毫没有兴趣的必修课，我开始去听那些看起来有趣的课程。
It wasn't all romantic. I didn't have a dorm room, so I slept on the floor in friends' rooms, I returned coke bottles for the 5￠deposits to buy food with, and I would walk the 7 miles across town every Sunday night to get one good meal a week at the Hare Krishna temple. I loved it. And much of what I stumbled into by following my curiosity and intuition turned out to be priceless later on. Let me give you one example:这一点也不浪漫。
没了宿舍，所以我要到朋友家睡地板；为了填饱肚子，我捡过值5美分的可乐罐；为了每周一顿的好一点的饭，每个星期天晚上，我穿街过巷，步行7英里到Hare Krishna教堂。
我喜欢那里的饭菜。
在好奇和直觉的引导下，我跌跌撞撞地遇到很多东西，这些后来被证明是无价瑰宝。
我给你们举一个例子吧：Reed College at that time offered perhaps the best calligraphy instruction in the country. Throughout the campus every poster, every label on every drawer, was beautifully hand calligraphed. Because I had dropped out and didn't have to take the normal classes, I decided to take a calligraphy class to learn how to do this. I learned about serif and san serif typefaces, about varying the amount of space between different letter combinations, about what makes great typography great. It was beautiful,historical, artistically subtle in a way that science can't capture, and I found it fascinating.那时候，里德学院的书法课程也许是全美最好的。
学校里的每个海报，抽屉上的每个标签，上面全都是漂亮的书法。
因为我退学了，没有了正常的课程，所以我决定去上/书法课，去学学怎样写出漂亮的字。
我学到了san serif 和serif字体，我学会了怎么样在不同的字母组合之中变化间距，还有怎么样做最好的版式。
那种美感、真实感和艺术感，是科学永远不能捕捉到的，（我发现）那实在是太迷人了。
None of this had even a hope of any practical application in my life. But ten years later, when we were designing the first Macintosh computer, it all came back to me. And we designed it all into the Mac. It was the first computer with beautiful typography. If I had never dropped in on that single course in college, the Mac would have never had multiple typefaces or proportionally spaced fonts. And since Windows just copied the Mac, its likely that no personal computer would have them. If I had never dropped out, I would have never dropped in on this calligraphy class, and personal computers might not have the wonderful typography that they do. Of course it was impossible to connect the dots looking forward when I was in college. But it was very, very clear looking backwards ten years later.当时这些东西似乎在我生命中没什么可用之处。