富兰克林ppt-英语课前演讲report
Benjamin-Franklin本杰明富兰克林 PPT
Content
changing.
• 省一文等于挣一文；聚沙可以成塔，积水可以成河 。 • 早睡早起,使人健康、富有和聪明 。 • 天助自助者 。 • 小小开支不可随意，小小漏洞会沉大船。 • 吃饭是为了活着,活着不是为了吃饭。 • 选择朋友要谨慎，换朋友更要谨慎。
The Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin 《本杰明·富兰克林自传》
Serving god best is to contribute your talent
to the people and community
Franklin’s Contributions to Science
A scientist with lots of inventions and a famous experiment (kite, electricity, thunderstorm); first applied the terms “positive” and “negative” to electrical charges.
Benjamin Franklin
(1706-1790)
content
1. Life Experience 2. Great Contributions 3. Literary Worperience
He was born in Boston, the youngest son of a poor craftsman on January 17,1706. He had little formal education, but he taught himself by reading widely.
富兰克林·罗斯福英语演讲稿_演讲稿
富兰克林·罗斯福英语演讲稿Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, members of the 77th Congress: I address you, the members of this new Congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. I use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.Since the permanent formation of our government under the Constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. And, fortunately, only one of these -- the four-year war between the States -- ever threatened our national unity. Today, thank God, 130,000,000 Americans in 48 States have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often has been disturbed by events in other continents. We have even engaged in two wars with European nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean and in the Pacific, for the maintenance of American rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. But in no case had a 1 / 28serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a nation has at all times maintained opposition -- clear, definite opposition -- to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient Chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. Today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the Americas.That determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for example, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the French Revolution. While the Napoleonic struggles did threaten interests of the United States because of the French foothold in the West Indies and in Louisiana, and while we engaged in the War of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither France nor Great Britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.And in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914 -- ninety-nine years -- no single war in Europe or in Asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other American 2 / 28nation.Except in the Maximilian interlude in Mexico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. And the strength of the British fleet in the Atlantic has been a friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.Even when the World War broke out in 1914, it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own American future. But as time went on, as we remember, the American people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.We need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of Versailles. We need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. We should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before Munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today. The American people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.I suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world -- assailed either by arms or by secret spreading 3 / 28of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace. During 16 long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. And the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional duty to "give to the Congress information of the state of the union," I find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders. Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. If that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of Europe and Asia, and Africa and Austral-Asia will be dominated by conquerors. And let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly exceed the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the Western Hemisphere -- yes, many times over.In times like these it is immature -- and, incidentally, 4 / 28untrue -- for anybody to brag that an unprepared America, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.No realistic American can expect from a dictator’s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion -- or even good business. Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. Those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.As a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. We must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the "ism" of appeasement. We must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the American eagle in order to feather their own nests.I have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually expect if the dictator nations win this war.There is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and 5 / 28direct invasion from across the seas. Obviously, as long as the British Navy retains its power, no such danger exists. Even if there were no British Navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the United States from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.But we learn much from the lessons of the past years in Europe -- particularly the lesson of Norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years. The first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. The necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes -- and great numbers of them are already here and in Latin America. As long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.And that is why the future of all the American Republics is today in serious danger. That is why this annual message to the Congress is unique in our history. That is why every member of the executive branch of the government and every member of the Congress face great responsibility, great accountability.6 / 28The need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily -- almost exclusively -- to meeting this foreign peril. For all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.Just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small. And the justice of morality must and will win in the end.Our national policy is this:First, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.Secondly, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. By this support we express our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.7 / 28Third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principles of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. We know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's freedom.In the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. No issue was fought out on this line before the American electorate. And today it is abundantly evident that American citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger. Therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. Leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. Goals of speed have been set. In some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. In some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. And in some cases -- and, I am sorry to say, very important cases -- we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.8 / 28The Army and Navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. Actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. And today's best is not good enough for tomorrow.I am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. The men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability, and in patriotism. They are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. None of us will be satisfied until the job is done.No matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.To give you two illustrations:We are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes. We are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.We are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.To change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. And the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when 9 / 28new tools, new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.The Congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. However, there is certain information, as the Congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.New circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. I shall ask this Congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. Our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. They do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars’ worth of the weapons of defense.The time is near when they will not be able to pay for them 10 / 28all in ready cash. We cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.I do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons -- a loan to be repaid in dollars.I recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the United States, fitting their orders into our own program. And nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.Taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.For what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need.Let us say to the democracies: "We Americans are vitally 11 / 28concerned in your defense of freedom. We are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. We shall send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. That is our purpose and our pledge."In fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. Such aid -- Such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.And when the dictators -- if the dictators -- are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.They did not wait for Norway or Belgium or the Netherlands to commit an act of war. Their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression. The happiness of future generations of Americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. No one can tell the exact character of the emergency situations that 12 / 28we may be called upon to meet. The nation's hands must not be tied when the nation's life is in danger.Yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency -- almost as serious as war itself -- demands. Whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations of any kind, must give way to the national need.A free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups. A free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor, and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own group.The best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.As men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. Those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. The mighty action that we are calling 13 / 28for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.The nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in America. Those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.Certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. They are:Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.Jobs for those who can work.Security for those who need it.The ending of special privilege for the few.The preservation of civil liberties for all.The enjoyment -- The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific 14 / 28progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living. These are the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world. The inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. As examples:We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care. We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.I have called for personal sacrifice, and I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond to that call.A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. In my budget message I will recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying for today. No person should try, or be allowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of tax paymentsin accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before15 / 28our eyes to guide our legislation.If the Congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their applause.In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms. The first is freedom of speech and expression -- everywhere in the world.The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way -- everywhere in the world.The third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants -- everywhere in the world.The fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor -- anywhere in the world.That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and 16 / 28generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called “new order” of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.To that new order we oppose the greater conception -- the moral order. A good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.Since the beginning of our American history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly, adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. The world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. Our strength is our unity of purpose.To that high concept there can be no end save victory.罗斯福演讲稿：四大自由 (中文版)17 / 28总统先生，议长先生，第七xx届国会的成员：我你的地址，这个新的国会议员，在联盟的历史上前所未有的时刻。
Benjamin-Franklin本杰明富兰克林PPT课件
private
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Franklin’s Contributions to the U.S.
a statesman, diplomat ,negotiator He conducted the difficult negotiations with France that brought financial and military support for America in the war He was the only American to sign the four documents that created the United States: • The Declaration of Independence, • The Treaty of Alliance with France, • The Treaty of Peace with England, • The Constitution
moral perfection? Which one do you think is the most difficult
to keep?
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“Thirteen Virtues” （13条美德）
1. Temperance: Eat not to dullness; drink not to elevation. 节制。食不过饱；饮酒不醉。
2. Silence: Speak not but what may benefit others or y ourself; avoid trifling conversation. 缄默。言则于人于己有益，不作无益闲聊。
富兰克林ppt课件
如何赢得民心
提供优质服务
确保印刷品质量，提供快速、高效的服务， 满足客户需求。
参与公益事业
价格合理
制定合理的价格策略，既保证利润又具有竞 争力。
关注社区福祉，参与公益活动，回馈社会。
02
01
建立良好口碑
通过提供优质服务和诚信经营，赢得客户的 信任和口碑传播。
04
03
如何处理与政界的关系
保持中立
在政治立场方面保持中 立，不参与任何政治派 别的斗争。
详细描述
富兰克林认为节制是个人道德修养的重要方面，可以帮助人们保持身心健康， 提高自我控制能力，避免因过度放纵而导致的各种问题，如身体健康受损、人 际关系恶化等。
缄默
总结词
缄默是指保持沉默，不轻易发表意见或评论，避免言辞过激或伤人。
详细描述
富兰克林认为缄默是一种美德，可以帮助人们避免因言语不当而引起的争端和误 解。他认为在某些情况下，保持沉默比言语更有力量，更能达到沟通的效果。
遵守法律
严格遵守法律法规，不 从事违法活动。
建立良好关系
与政界人士建立良好的 关系，争取支持和合作 机会。
关注政策动向
了解和关注政策动向， 及时调整经营策略以适 应市场变化。
05 富兰克林的领导风格
以身作则
总结词
富兰克林在领导过程中，始终以身作则，通过自身的 行为和态度来影响和激励团队。
详细描述
克制
总结词
克制是指控制自己的情绪和行为，避免因冲动而做出不理智的决定。
详细描述
富兰克林认为克制是一种重要的道德品质，可以帮助人们避免因情绪失控而导致的各种 问题。他认为克制是一种自我控制的能力，可以帮助人们在复杂的社会环境中保持冷静
百度文库中最全面的《富兰克林自传》PPT
Elias
目录：
一、个人成就
二、富兰克林经历
三、成功原因探析
课前秀
海客谈瀛洲烟波浩渺信难求 越人语天姥云霞明灭或可睹
而广行无部伍行陈，就善水草屯，舍止，人 人自便，不击刀斗以自卫，莫府省约文书籍 事，然亦远斥候，未尝遇害。程不识正部曲 行伍营陈，击刀斗，士吏治军簿至明，军不 得休息，然亦未尝遇害。
课前秀
它在1771年动笔，1788年完成，前后历时17年之久，《富兰克林自传》是一部影响
了几代美国人、历经两百余年经久不衰的励志奇书，它包含了人生奋斗与成功的真 知灼见，以及诸种善与美的道德真谛，被公认为是改变了无数人命运的美国精神读 本。本书只写到1757年，精彩的后半部分，如美国独立战争、《独立宣言》、制宪 会议等都没有写完，作者就去世了。
一）个人成就
一）个人成就
他是一位优秀的政治家
美国独立战争的老战士 《独立宣言》和美国宪法 法美同盟 英国谈判签订《巴黎和约》
积极主张废除奴隶制度
一）个人成就
世界一流的科学家 电学成就尤其显著 “风筝实验”，他借用了数学上
正负的概念，第一个科学地用正
电、负电概念表示电荷性质，电 荷不能创生、也不能消灭的思想， 后人在此基础上发现了电荷守恒 定律。 最先解释清楚北极光 发现了感冒的原因 近代牙科医术之父
一）个人成就
杰出的发明家 新式火炉、避雷针、电轮、三轮 钟、双焦距眼镜、自动烤肉机、 玻璃乐器、高架取书器、新式路 灯等一系列发明创造 两年小学
哈佛大学、耶鲁大学、牛津大学、
爱丁堡大学、圣安德鲁大学 硕士学位或博士学位
一）个人成就
《宾夕法尼亚报》的出版商和发行人，政治漫画的创始人 北美洲第一个巡回图书馆的建立者，他是美洲哲学会的组织者，宾夕法尼亚大 学的创办者
本杰明.富兰克林PPT课件
美国 牛人——本杰明·富兰克林
主讲人：陈钰滢
Benjamin Franklin (1706-1790)
A scientist
The prototype of the
American dream
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“牛人”简介
姓名：Benjamin Franklin 中文名：本杰明·富兰克林 性别：男 出生日期：1706年1月17日 身高：未知 体重：未知 星座：摩羯座 配偶：Deborah Read 特长：上通天文下晓地理，才高八斗 职业：科学家、发明家、政治家、外
富兰克林的父亲原是英国漆匠，当时以制
造蜡烛和肥皂为业，生有十七个孩子，富兰克 林是最小的儿子。
2019/11/3
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“牛人诞生”
富兰克林八岁入学读书，虽然学习成绩优 异，但由于他家中孩子太多，父亲收入无法负 担，他十岁时就离开学校，回家帮父亲做蜡烛。 十二岁时，他到哥哥詹姆士经营的小印刷所当 学徒，自此他当了近十年的印刷工人，但他的 学习从未间断过，他从伙食费中省下钱来买书。 同时，利用工作之便，他结识了几家书店的学 徒，将书店的书在晚间偷偷地借来，通宵达旦 地阅读。第二天清晨便归还。
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The Autobiography
《本杰明·富兰克林自传》
《富兰克林自传》是美国第一部现代自传，它以朴素
的语言，叙述成功的经验和失败的教训。富兰克林出身
贫寒，十二岁为做印刷匠的哥哥詹姆斯做学徒，在詹姆
斯出版的《新英格兰报》上，富兰克林开始成为撰稿人。
后因兄弟二人关系破裂，而离家出走，辗转纽约、费城
交家、文学家和航海家等
1706-1790
3
“牛人诞生”
本杰明·富兰克林的父亲若西亚·富兰克林(Jo siah Franklin)是英格兰北安普顿郡一个铁匠家庭 之子。母亲艾比亚·富尔家(Abiah Folger)则是出生 于一教师家庭。若西亚·富兰克林于1677年在英 格兰结婚，生下数名儿女后，在1683年举家离 开英格兰移居波士顿，以售卖杂货为生。之后 他首任妻子去世，再娶的妻子艾比亚于1706年 在波士顿生下本杰明·富兰克林。
FDR 富兰克林罗斯福简要PPT
The only thing we have to fear is fear itself
Franklin
Delano Roosevelt ( January 30, 1882 – April 12, 1945),was an American political leader who served as the 32nd President of the United States from 1933 until his death in 1945. Emerged as a central figure in world events during the mid-20th century. He directed the United States government during most of the Great Depression, implementing his New Deal domestic agenda in response to the worst economic crisis in U.S. history.
election as Governor of New York
Anna Eleanor Roosevelt was an American politician, diplomat and activist.She was the longest-serving First Lady of the United States A niece of President Theodore Roosevelt. She had an unhappy childhood, having suffered the deaths of both parents and one brother. 1918 happened to find FDR's affair She advocated for expanded roles for women in the workplace, the civil rights of African Americans and Asian Americans, and the rights of World War II refugees.
介绍富兰克林 德拉诺 罗斯福ppt课件作品
答案是肯定的。罗斯福的权威传记作家詹姆斯·伯恩斯， 经过大量研究而得出以下结论：抓住公众舆论；善于 选择时机；关心政治细节；注意内部的派别之争；个 人的魅力和政治上的技巧。
1941年3月，国会通过的租借法案（总统有权将武器装备租借给与美国安全有 关的国家）使美国处于非交战状态，是美国积极干预反法西斯战争的重要里程 碑。
1941年12月7日，日本偷袭珍珠港，太平洋战争爆发。德国和意大利对美国宣战。 美国则向日本、德国和意大利宣战，正式参加第二次世界大战。 为了赢得战 争，罗斯福下令实施战争动员和改组军队指挥机构。
1936-1940年 第二次当选美国总统，继续实行新政 四次
1940-1944年 蝉联总统，卷入二战
总统任期
1944年 第四次当选总统
1945年 参加雅尔塔会议，两个月后（4月12日）逝世
罗斯福于1882年1月30日出生在纽约。 其父詹姆斯·罗斯福是外交界和商业
界的活跃人物，其母萨拉·德拉诺出 身上层社会且受过国外教育。 罗斯福从小随家庭教师学习拉丁语、法语、德语、书法、算术和 欧洲历史。1896年被送入以培养政界人物为目标的格罗顿学校， 开始适应新的环境。他读书多，见识广，文质彬彬，酷爱体育， 擅长网球、高尔夫球，爱好骑马和驾驶帆船，且擅长辩论。 1900年，他进入哈佛大学，攻读政治学、历史学和新闻学。后 于1904年，进入哥伦比亚大学法学院。 1907年，罗斯福从法学院毕业，进入律师事务所任律师。当时， 他还为著名旅美侨领、中国致公党创始人的司徒美堂在纽约成立 的“安良总堂”当法律顾问。
精美PPT《富兰克林传》
节俭自律
节俭生活
富兰克林在生活中非常节俭，从 不浪费资源和财物。他注重节约 开支，量入为出，过着简朴的生
活。
自律精神
富兰克林具有高度的自律精神，能 够自我约束和控制自己的行为。他 遵循良好的生活习惯和规律，保持 身心健康。
长期规划
富兰克林注重长期规划，不追求短 期利益和享受。他懂得合理规划和 安排自己的时间和资源，以达到长 期的成功和稳定。
富兰克林在14岁时因家庭经济 困难而辍学，开始在印刷店工 作。
富兰克林的印刷工生涯
富兰克林在印刷店工作期间，勤奋好学，掌握了印刷技术，并开始从事写作和出版 工作。
他创办了《宾夕法尼亚公报》，并在此期间发表了一系列具有影响力的文章和言论。
富兰克林通过印刷工作结识了许多政治、文化和社会领域的杰出人物，逐渐崭露头 角。
自学成才
富兰克林通过自学获得了丰富的知识和技能，成为了一位多才多艺的通才。他 的自学精神激励着人们不断学习、充实自己。
道德楷模
富兰克林一生品行端正、道德高尚，他的言行成为人们学习的榜样，引导人们 树立正确的价值观和人生观。
对现代社会的启示
重视教育
富兰克林认为教育是提高个人素质和社会进步的关键，他提 倡普及教育，这对现代社会重视教育、提高国民素质价值观
勤奋努力
勤奋努力
富兰克林通过不懈的努力，在各个领域都取得了卓越的成 就。他坚信“时间就是金钱”，善于利用时间，不断提高 自己的技能和能力。
追求卓越
富兰克林在工作中追求卓越，不断挑战自我，以达到更高 的目标。他不怕困难，勇于面对挑战，并从中汲取经验和 教训。
自我驱动
富兰克林具有强烈的自我驱动力，不需要外界的激励或监 督，就能够持续不断地努力工作。他对自己要求严格，不 断推动自己向前发展。
富兰克林实验课文阅读课教案ppt+英文
Retelling
Use your own words to illustrate the steps of the experiment according to the following key words.
A kite A key Bad
A
weather condenser
Made of Make a Tie ...to Add a tail
• 钱财并不属于拥有它的人，而只属于享用它的 人。
• 缺少谦虚就是缺少见识。
Please discuss what have you known about him?
Look at pictures carefully
key
bad weather
kite
condenser
Discussion and Prediction
(2)How did he know that the kite was charged?
He saw some of the hairs on the string stand up.
Read 4
(1)Why is it better to make the kite of silk than of paper? A kite made of silk will not tear so soon in weather with rain and strong winds.
(1)Did you have a experience ( 1 ) w h y d i d F r a n k i n of making a kite by yourself ? make a kite?
(2)What materials did you need to make a kite?
本杰明·富兰克林PPT美国文学史
+ Franklin wrote many things during his lifetime:
articles for his newspaper, the Pennsylvania Gazette（宾夕法尼亚公报）, letters about his life (later published as his Autobiography), letters on an amazingly wide range of subjects, including politics, science, libraries, even fire stations. + Sometimes he was humorous, but he always followed his own rule for writing: make it "smooth, clear and short."
品质：
节制（restrained）、沉默(silent)、 秩序(plan)、意志(strong-willed)、 节俭(thrifty)、产出(effective)、诚 恳(sincere)、公平(fair)、中道()整 洁(tidiness)、平静(calm)、洁身 (integrity)、谦逊(modest)
Nation:
1.He developed and improved the postal system , making it run at a profit after years of losses.(邮政系统) . 2.He supported and aided Jefferson in writing the Declaration of Independence(独立宣言). 3.He conducted the difficult negotiations with France that support for America in the war. 4.He was a delegate to the Convention that wrote the Constitution.
富兰克林13条美德中英文(课堂PPT)
（From:Charpter 2)
----By LSJ
1
Benjamin Franklin’s thirteen virtues
Temperance Silence Order Resolution
Frugality
Industry Sincerity
9
Benjamin Franklin’s thirteen virtues
• 8、Justice:
• Justice:Wrong none, by doing injuri es or omitting the benefits that ar e your duty
10
Benjamin Franklin’s thirteen virtues
Cut off all unnecessary actions.
• 勤勉：珍惜光阴，做有用的事。(不要浪费时间。总应该有些有用的事来做。
取消一切不必要的活动)
8
Benjamin Franklin’s thirteen virtues
•7、Sincerity:
• Sincerity:Use no hur
•秩序：物归其所，事定期限(让东西各归其位。给自己的事务安排好时)
5
Hale Waihona Puke Benjamin Franklin’s thirteen virtues
• 4. Resolution
• Resolution: Resolve to perform what you ought. Perform without
•
。沉默:言必有益，避免闲聊（只说那些能让他人或自己受益的话。避免闲聊。)
富兰克林ppt-英语课前演讲report
Franklin‘ Franklin‘s life 富兰克林生平
• 在宾夕法尼亚，他始终同殖民地人民一道同业主集团的横
行不法作斗争．1757年，他代表州议会赴伦敦向英王请愿， 行不法作斗争．1757年，他代表州议会赴伦敦向英王请愿， 要求业主交纳税款，取得成功；1764年，他第二次赴伦敦， 要求业主交纳税款，取得成功；1764年，他第二次赴伦敦， 要求英王保护殖民地利益，没有结果．其后，英国政府加 强对北美殖民地的镇压，激发了殖民地人民更强烈的反抗 斗争．富兰克林的立场彻底转到革命方面． 宾夕法尼亚 原为业主殖民地，是1681年英王查理二世赐予威廉· 原为业主殖民地，是1681年英王查理二世赐予威廉·宾的 土地．后来，威廉· 土地．后来，威廉·宾的两个儿子继承产业．业主在其领 有的殖民地享有委派包括州长在内的官吏、否决议会议案、 免交捐税等特权． 1775年5月，他回到美洲，立即投入到 1775年 革命斗争中去．他担任宾州治安委员会主席，主持地方军 委，并和潘恩共同起草了州宪法；他作为宾州代表出席第 二议，成为美国独立言的起草人之一
Franklin statue 本杰明· 本杰明·富兰克林铜像
顿 古 铜 ， 带 ，这 ，这 杰 · 兰克 铸 。 这 远处 国 公 学校—— 顿拉 学校，该校建 校，该 1635年， 1635年， 顿 区 供教 供教 务。 杰 . 兰克 （Benjamin Franklin）——资 （Benjamin Franklin）——资 义 代 ， 纪 国 伟大 科学家， 科学 家 学家 。 国历 国声誉 科学家 发 家 科学 乐家。 为 对电进 经 过 “风筝实验”， “风筝实验”， 电学 显 ，为 讨电运动 规 ，创 ，创 许多专 词 电、 负电、 负电、导电 、电 、 电、 电等 为 界 、电 词汇。 词汇。 数学 负 概念， 个科学 电、负电概念 负电概念 电 质。并 电 能创 能创 、 能 灭 ， 基础 基础 发现 电 。 针 设 ， 针， 击 难， 。 优 家， 国独 战争 战 。 参加起 《独 》 国宪 ，积极 张废 奴 ，积极 度， 国 敬。 国 驻 大 ( 国), 界 较高 声誉。 声誉。 厅 内
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Franklin‘ Franklin‘s life 富兰克林生平
• 他担任美国邮政部长，组织战争期间的邮政，成绩显著；
在美军作战屡次受挫的情况下，他作为三人委员会成员顿 会商，决定实行北美13州的总动员，使得独立战争得以坚 会商，决定实行北美13州的总动员，使得独立战争得以坚 持6年之久． 在英强美弱的局势下，殖民地人民必须争取 外援．富兰克林奉大陆会议之命出使法国，争取美法结盟， 共同对英作战．在当时复杂而不利于美国的外交环境中， 他以美国必胜的念、坚韧不拔的耐心，巧妙灵活的外交手 腕，利用欧洲国家之间的矛盾，抓住有利时机，缔结了美 法同盟盟约，争取了人力、物力、财力上的大量外援，确 保了独立战争的胜利．在战争后期，他参加并一度主持美 英议和谈判，签订了有利于美国的英美和平条约，胜利地 完成了艰巨的战时外交使命．
Franklin statue 本杰明· 本杰明·富兰克林铜像
顿 古 铜 ， 带 ，这 ，这 杰 · 兰克 铸 。 这 远处 国 公 学校—— 顿拉 学校，该校建 校，该 1635年， 1635年， 顿 区 供教 供教 务。 杰 . 兰克 （Benjamin Franklin）——资 （Benjamin Franklin）——资 义 代 ， 纪 国 伟大 科学家， 科学 家 学家 。 国历 国声誉 科学家 发 家 科学 乐家。 为 对电进 经 过 “风筝实验”， “风筝实验”， 电学 显 ，为 讨电运动 规 ，创 ，创 许多专 词 电、 负电、 负电、导电 、电 、 电、 电等 为 界 、电 词汇。 词汇。 数学 负 概念， 个科学 电、负电概念 负电概念 电 质。并 电 能创 能创 、 能 灭 ， 基础 基础 发现 电 。 针 设 ， 针， 击 难， 。 优 家， 国独 战争 战 。 参加起 《独 》 国宪 ，积极 张废 奴 ，积极 度， 国 敬。 国 驻 大 ( 国), 界 较高 声誉。 声誉。 厅 内
My English class report
• Name : wangminglei • Date : 2010.4.6
Today I want to introduce a great man , his name is Benjamin Franklin, my Idol
今天我想给大家介绍一位伟人，他 的名字是富兰克林---我的偶像 的名字是富兰克林---我的偶像
Franklin‘ Franklin‘s life 富兰克林生平
• 这些电学上划时代的研究成果使他成为蜚声世界的第一流的科学
家．他在光学、热学、声学、数学、海洋学、植物学等方面也有研究， 并有新式火炉、避雷针、电轮、三轮钟、双焦距眼镜、自动烤肉机、 玻璃乐器、高架取书器、新式路灯等一系列发明创造．因而，他以仅 读过两年小学的学历，被美国的哈佛大学、耶鲁大学，英国的牛津大 学、爱丁堡大学、圣安德鲁大学等六七所大学授予硕士学位或博士学 位． 富兰克林成名以后在北美殖民地的文化传播和社会福利方面做了 大量的工作．他先后组织建立了“共读社” 大量的工作．他先后组织建立了“共读社”、“美洲哲学学会”、 美洲哲学学会” “北美科学促进会”、报社、图书馆、书店、医院、大学、消防队、 北美科学促进会” 地方民兵组织等学术、文化、医疗卫生、消防、治安组织和机构；他 还改革了北美殖民地的邮政制度，建立起北美殖民地统一的邮政系 统．
Franklin‘ Franklin‘s life 富兰克林生平
•
他出身寒微，10岁便辍学回家做工，12岁起 他出身寒微，10岁便辍学回家做工，12岁起 在印刷所当学徒、帮工．但他刻苦好学，在 掌握印刷技术之余，还广泛阅读文学、历史、 哲学方面的著作，自学数学和4 哲学方面的著作，自学数学和4门外语，潜心 练习写作.他常常在做完了一天的工作后, 练习写作.他常常在做完了一天的工作后,到印 刷厂的图书室阅读各种各样的.有时看得入迷, 刷厂的图书室阅读各种各样的.有时看得入迷, 直到夜幕降临,焦急的母亲来工厂找他, 直到夜幕降临,焦急的母亲来工厂找他,他才回 家.所有这一切为他在一生中取得多方面的成 就打下了坚实的基础． 为了自立于当时的社 会，他几经周折，创办了自己的企业——印 会，他几经周折，创办了自己的企业——印 刷所．由于吃苦耐劳，讲求信誉，注意经营 管理，他不仅在印刷界激烈的竞争中站住了 脚，并且把业务扩大到邻近几个州以及西印 度群岛，成为北美洲印刷出版行业中的佼佼 者． 他注意观察自然现象，研究科学问 题．他从实践出发，从事科学实验和观察， 在电学上解答了“电为何物” 在电学上解答了“电为何物”的问题，将不 同状态下的电称为“正电” 同状态下的电称为“正电”和“负电”，提 负电” 出了电学中的“一流论” 出了电学中的“一流论”，在大气电学方面 揭示了雷电现象的本质，被誉为“ 揭示了雷电现象的本质，被誉为“第二个普
• Benjamin Franklin (Benjamin
Franklin) was the United States in the 18th century industrialist, scientists, social activists, thinkers and diplomats. He is the first man to enjoy the reputation of scientists and inventors . In order to explore power has been well-known well"kite experiment" in the electrical significant achievements, in order to exercise power in-depth study inof the law, the creation of many of the specific terms such as positive, negative, electrical conductors, batteries, charger, Spark GM to become the world's vocabulary.
Franklin's photo
Introduction to Franklin
•
本杰明·富兰克林（Benjamin Franklin） 本杰明·富兰克林（Benjamin Franklin） (1706.1.17—1790.4.17)是18世纪美国的实业 (1706.1.17—1790.4.17)是18世纪美国的实业 家、科学家、社会活动家、思想家、文学家 和外交家。他是美国历史上第一位享有国际 声誉的科学家和发明家。为了对电进行探索 曾经作过著名的“风筝实验” 曾经作过著名的“风筝实验”，在电学上成 就显著，为了深入探讨电运动的规律，创造 的许多专用名词如正电、负电、导电体、电 池、充电、放电等成为世界通用的词汇。他 借用了数学上正负的概念，第一个科学地用 正电, 正电,负电概念表示电荷性质。并提出了电荷 不能创生、也不能消灭的思想，后人在此基 础上发现了电荷守恒定律。他最先提出了避 雷针的设想，由此而制造的避雷针，避免了 雷击灾难，破除了迷信。这个震惊世界的实 验还被苏教国标版语文第九册（五年级上册） 介绍，为第19课 天火之谜》 介绍，为第19课《天火之谜》。他是一位优 秀的政治家，是美国独立战争的老战士。他 参加起草了《独立宣言》 参加起草了《独立宣言》和美国宪法，积极 主张废除奴隶制度，深受美国人民的崇敬。 他是美国第一位法国驻外大使, 他是美国第一位法国驻外大使,所以在世界上 也享有较高的声誉。
Franklin‘ Franklin‘s life 富兰克林生平
• 在宾夕法尼亚，他始终同殖民地人民一道同业主集团的横
行不法作斗争．1757年，他代表州议会赴伦敦向英王请愿， 行不法作斗争．1757年，他代表州议会赴伦敦向英王请愿， 要求业主交纳税款，取得成功；1764年，他第二次赴伦敦， 要求业主交纳税款，取得成功；1764年，他第二次赴伦敦， 要求英王保护殖民地利益，没有结果．其后，英国政府加 强对北美殖民地的镇压，激发了殖民地人民更强烈的反抗 斗争．富兰克林的立场彻底转到革命方面． 宾夕法尼亚 原为业主殖民地，是1681年英王查理二世赐予威廉· 原为业主殖民地，是1681年英王查理二世赐予威廉·宾的 土地．后来，威廉· 土地．后来，威廉·宾的两个儿子继承产业．业主在其领 有的殖民地享有委派包括州长在内的官吏、否决议会议案、 免交捐税等特权． 1775年5月，他回到美洲，立即投入到 1775年 革命斗争中去．他担任宾州治安委员会主席，主持地方军 委，并和潘恩共同起草了州宪法；他作为宾州代表出席第 二议，成为美国独立言的起草人之一
Franklin away 巨星陨落
• 1790年4月17日，富兰克林与世长辞．在他 1790年 17日，富兰克林与世长辞．在他
出殡的那一天，为他送葬的人数多达两万， 充分表达了美国人民对他的痛悼之情．同 时，不仅美国国会决定为他服丧一个月， 法国国民议会也决议为他哀悼，表明了他 不仅属于美国，也属于全世界！
Franklin‘ Franklin‘s life 富兰克林生平
• 他是杰出的社会活动家，成为北美殖民地有影响的人物． 他不仅善于
解决自然科学里的专门问题和社会政治活动中的实际问题，还常常探 索许多哲学问题和社会问题．他是自然神论者，认为精神依附于物质； 他认为社会贫困的原因是劳动者必须养活寄生者；他酷爱自由和平， 反对战争，痛恨种族歧视和奴隶制度，主张维护黑人和印第安人的利 益．他是当时最渊博的资产阶级自思想家之一． 富兰克林生活的时代 正值美国从殖民地向独立的资产阶级国家迈进的重大转折时期，他积 极投身革命运动，对独立战争的胜利和美国国家制度的初期建设作出 了重大的贡献． 在1754年北美各殖民地领导人物出席的奥尔巴尼议 1754年北美各殖民地领导人物出席的奥尔巴尼议 上，他提出著名的“奥尔巴尼联盟” 上，他提出著名的“奥尔巴尼联盟”的计划，被会议通过，成为最早 将美利坚合众国的大联合这种思想灌输到殖民地人民头脑中去的人．