艾森豪威尔离职演讲
1974年美国总统福特就职演说
1974年美国总统福特就职演说篇一：1974年美国总统福特就职演说Vice President Gerald Ford was sworn in as the 38th President of the United States after the resignation of President Nixon.President Ford s Inaugural Address:[Oath of Office administered by Chief Justice Warren E. Burger]Mr. Chief Justice, my dear friends, my fellow Americans:The oath that I have taken is the same oath that was taken by George Washington and by every President under theConstitution. But I assume the Presidency under extraordinary circumstances never before experienced by Americans. This is an hour of history that troubles our minds and hurts our hearts.Therefore, I feel it is my first duty to make an unprecedented compact with my countrymen. Not an inaugural address, not a fireside chat, not a campaign speech -- just a little straight talk among friends. And I intend it to be the first of many.I am acutely aware that you have not elected me as your President by your ballots, and so I ask you to confirm me as your President with your prayers. And I hope that such prayers will also be the first of many. If you have not chosen me by secret ballot, neither have I gained office by any secret promises. I have not campaigned either for the Presidency or the VicePresidency. I have not subscribed to any partisan platform. I am indebted to no man, and only to one woman -- my dear wife -- as I begin this very difficult job.I have not sought this enormous responsibility, but I will not shirk it. Those who nominated and confirmed me as Vice President were my friends and are my friends. They were of both parties, elected by all the peopleand acting under the Constitution in their name. It is only fitting then that I should pledge to them and to you that I will be the President of all the people.Thomas Jefferson said the people are the only sure reliance for the preservation of our liberty. And down the years, Abraham Lincoln renewed this American article of faith asking, Is there any better way or equal hope in the world?I intend, on Monday next, to request of the Speaker of the House of Representatives and the President pro tempore of the Senate the privilege of appearing before the Congress to share with my former colleagues and with you, the American people, my views on the priority business of the Nation and to solicit your views and their views. And may I say to the Speaker and the others, if I could meet with you right after these remarks, I would appreciate it.Even though this is late in an election year, there is no way we can go forward except together and no way anybody can win except by serving the people s urgent needs. We cannot stand still or slip backwards. We must go forward now together.To the peoples and the governments of all friendly nations, and I hope that could encompass the whole world, I pledge an uninterrupted and sincere search for peace. America will remain strong and united, but its strength will remain dedicated to the safety and sanity of the entire family of man, as well as to our own precious freedom. I believe that truth is the glue that holds government together, not only our Government but civilization itself. That bond, though stained, is unbroken at home and abroad.In all my public and private acts as your President, I expect to follow my instincts of openness and candor with full confidence that honesty is always the best policy in the end.My fellow Americans, our long national nightmare is over.Our Constitution works. Our great Republic is a government of laws and not of men. Here, the people rule. But there is a higher Power, by whatever name we honor Him, who ordains not only righteousness but love, not only justice but mercy. As we bind up the internal wounds of Watergate, more painful and more poisonous than those of foreign wars, let us restore the golden rule to our political process, and let brotherly love purge our hearts of suspicion and of hate.In the beginning, I asked you to pray for me. Before closing, I ask again your prayers, for Richard Nixon and for his family. May our former President, who brought peace to millions, find it for himself. May God bless and comfort his wonderful wife and daughters, whose love and loyalty will forever be a shining legacy to all who bear the lonely burdens of the White House. I can only guess at those burdens, although I have witnessed at close hand the tragedies that befell three Presidents and the lesser trials of others.With all the strength and all the good sense I have gained from life, with all the confidence of my family, my friends, and my dedicated staff impart to me, and with the good will of countless Americans I have encountered in recent visits to 40 States, I now solemnly reaffirm my promise I made to you last December 6: To uphold the Constitution; to do what is right as God gives me to see the right; and to do the very best I can for America.God helping me, I will not let you down.Thank you.原文链接：/thread-2841-1-1.html篇二：美国历届总统1865年4月15日，安德鲁·约翰逊总统：因为总统死亡，约翰逊是第一位由总检察长带领宣誓就任总统的副总统。
艾森豪威尔离职演讲
美国第34任总统艾森豪威尔告别演说(全文)时间：1961年1月17日地点：白宫我来说两句再过三天，在我为我国服务半个世纪之后，随着总统的权威按传统的隆重仪式归属我的继任者，本人将卸下公职。
我们现在的日期距本世纪中点已过十年，这个世纪经历了大国之间四次大的战争，我们自己的国家卷入其中三次。
尽管发生了这些大规模的战祸，当今美国乃是世界上最强大、最有影响、生産力最高的国家。
我们自然爲此卓越成就感到自豪，但我们也意识到，美国的领导地位和威信不仅取决于我们举世无双的物质进步、财富和军事力量，而且取决于我们如何爲世界和平与人类福利使用我们的力量。
纵观美国在自由政府体制上的探索历程，我们的基本目的始终是维护和平，促进人类进步，在人民中和国家之间增进自由权，提高尊严，宏扬正直的品质。
追求较低的目标会辱没一个自由、有虔诚宗教信仰的民族。
任何由于骄傲自大或理解力不强或缺乏奉献精神的失败都将在国内外给我们带来严重损害。
走向这些崇高目标的进程一直受到现在正席卷全球的冲突的威胁。
这种冲突迫使我们全神贯注，全力以赴。
我们面对一种敌对的意识形态──具有世界性规模和无神论性质，目标残忍，手段阴险。
不幸的是，它所造成的危险将长期存在。
欲成功地对付它，所要求的与其说是危急关头感情上短暂的痛苦，毋宁说是作出牺牲以使我们能坚定踏实、任劳任怨地承担一场长期复杂斗争的重任──与自由共存亡。
只有这样我们才能战胜一次又一次的挑衅，始终朝着世界持久和平和人类美好未来的方向前进。
我们的军队是维护和平必不可少的要素。
我们的武装力量必须强大，随时准备投入行动，以使任何潜在的侵略者都不敢贸然以卵击石。
我们今天的军事组织与我的任何一位和平时期前任所了解的，与第二次世界大战或朝鲜战争中的军人所了解的军事组织大相径庭。
直至最近的一次世界性冲突之前、美国仍没有军事工业。
美国的犁铧制造商们在必要时也能制造剑。
但是现在我们不能再以临阵磨枪的方式承担国防上的风险；我们已被迫创建一个规模宏大的永久性军事工业。
美国历届总统就职演讲
奥巴马2009年就职演说同胞们：我今天站在这里，因为面前的任务而感到谦卑，因为你们的信任而心存感激，同时铭记先辈们做所出的巨大牺牲。
感谢布什总统为这个国家做出的贡献，同时也谢谢他在整个政权交接期间表现出的慷慨与合作。
迄今已经有44名美国人宣誓就任总统。
这些誓词曾出现在繁荣的上升趋势和如水般平静的和平中，当然，也经常会出现在乌云密布和狂风暴雨之时。
在这各种时刻，美国一直在继续前行，这不仅仅是因为执政的技巧或者有先见之明，而是因为我们的人民一直在坚守先辈们的理想，忠实履行我们的建国宣言。
过去是这样，这一代的美国人仍将会坚持这样做。
众所周知，我们目前正处在危机之中。
我们的国家正在对暴力和仇恨宣战。
我们的经济也被严重削弱，这是一些人贪婪和不负责任的后果，但在做出艰难选择和准备迎接新时代方面，我们出现了集体性的失误。
房屋失去了；工作丢掉了；商业萧条了；我们的卫生保健耗资巨大；我们太多的学校不合格；每天都能找到更多的证据表明我们利用能源的方式使得对手更加强大，并且威胁到了我们整个星球。
这些数据和统计都是危机的表现特征。
虽然无法具备测量，但产生的深远影响是我们的信心受到了侵蚀--担心美国的衰退不可避免，担心下一代会降低他们的期待。
今天我要向你们说的是，我们面临的挑战是真实存在的。
这些挑战很多，而且非常严重，它们不会轻易地或者在短时间内就能得以解决。
但大家也必须认识到，美国，终将会解决这些困难。
今天，我们聚集在这里，是因为我选择用希望来战胜恐惧，用团结来战胜冲突与分歧。
今天，我们来到这里将结束悲戚和错误的承诺，抛弃指责和教条主义这些扼杀我们政治的东西。
我们仍然是一个年轻的国家，但现在应该摒弃充满孩子气的行为，重申我们不朽的精神；选择我们更好的历史；宏扬那些珍贵而且高尚的理念，并将这一代一代地传递下去。
上帝认为天下众生皆平等，众生皆自由，而且都应该拥有追求幸福的机会。
在重申我们国家的伟大时，我们必须明白，伟大绝对不会是一种馈赠，而是要靠我们去努力争取。
不与下属争功
不与下属争功
不与下属争功二战中，盟军胜利登陆诺曼底之后，最高统帅艾森豪威尔将军发表讲话：我们已经登陆，德军被打败，这是大家共同努力的结果，我向大家表示祝贺。
大家后来才知道，艾森豪威尔将军还准备了另外一份面对失败的发言稿：我很悲伤地宣布，登陆失败，这完全是我个人的决策和指挥失误。
我愿意承担所有的责任，并向所有人道歉。
夫唯不争，故天下莫能与之争。
“不争”是一种境界。
一个内心富有的人，带着不争者那种洒脱的胸怀和坦然的气度，带着个人领导力光环被大家信任的人;他也肯定不辜负一众下属所托，当然，也不会让领导失望。
在工作中，我们经常看到有一些领导的做法恰恰相反。
“功劳是领导的，错误时下属的”是很现实的写照!显然，人心不足蛇吞
象，一个与下属争功的领导，其团队必然不和谐。
真正的好领导，只能在功劳面前保持清醒的头脑，牢固树立“功劳是大家的，问题我来处理，压力我来背”的想法，处理好团队内部的胜利、失败与问题，做好团队激励，带领自己的团队向前冲。
因为，也只有处理好与下属的关系，做到“让马儿跑，也给马儿吃草”，做到“不与下属争功”，才能凝聚人心，共创辉煌业绩。
道威斯计划名词解释
道威斯计划名词解释道威斯计划（Dwight D. Eisenhower's Farewell Address）是美国第34任总统德怀特·D·艾森豪威尔在1961年1月17日发表的告别演说。
这个演讲被认为是对美国政治和国家安全的一种警示，同时也强调了美国在国际事务中应采取的态度和政策。
道威斯计划主要内容包括以下几个方面的解释：1.军事工业复杂结构（Military-Industrial Complex）：艾森豪威尔在演讲中警告了军事工业复杂结构对美国国家安全和自由的潜在威胁。
他指出，军事工业复杂结构是指军队和军事产业之间的紧密联系，它使军工企业过度依赖军事开支和军火贸易，从而可能导致国家在和平时期也不断提高军费，并影响政治家和经济领导人的决策。
2.冷战（Cold War）：艾森豪威尔在演讲中批评了冷战态势，并呼吁寻求外交、政治和经济解决冲突的方法。
他警告称，美国应该避免盲目地投入战争，并认识到军事力量的限制性。
他还指出，冷战竞赛可能导致国家资源的过度消耗，忽视社会和经济建设，甚至可能危及民主制度。
3.在国际事务中的充分参与（Active Participation in International Affairs）：艾森豪威尔强调美国与其他国家合作的重要性，包括遵循联合国的原则和使用外交手段解决争端。
他表示，美国应该通过外交政策和经济援助来帮助其他国家，并与他们建立稳固的伙伴关系，以维护全球和平和稳定。
4.公民责任（Citizen Responsibility）：艾森豪威尔强调每个公民对国家的责任，包括参与选举过程和支持自己的政府。
他鼓励美国人民保持警惕，不断关注政府的决策和行动，并积极参与社会事务，以确保国家的民主和自由得以持续。
道威斯计划的核心理念是克制和审慎，它提醒了美国军事力量和国际政治的互动中存在的风险和挑战，并呼吁美国在外交、政治和经济层面上更加开放和合作。
艾森豪威尔的告别演说
艾森豪威尔的告别演说今晚，我向你们请假和告别，和你们分享离任前的一些最后想法，我的同胞们。
和每位其他公民一样，我祝新总统和他的班子成功。
我祈祷来年和平繁荣。
我们现在已经走过本世纪中点十年了，在这个世纪我们目睹了四场伟大国家之间的大规模战争。
其中有三场我们国家也卷入了。
尽管经历了这些浩劫，美国仍是今天世界上最强大、最有影响力和最创造财富的国家。
我们为我们的杰出而自豪，然而我们也认识到美国的领导地位和威望不仅取决于我们无以伦比的物质加工能力、财富和军事实力，还取决于我们如何为人类的进步和世界的和平而使用这种力量。
向着这些崇高目标的进程一直受到席卷全球的冲突的威胁。
它主宰我们的全部注意，蚕食我们的存在。
我们面对以全球为范围的、以无神论为特征的、以凶残为目的的和以阴险为手段的敌对意识形态。
不幸的是它带来的威胁恐怕要无限延续。
为了成功地应对它，要求不能是太过冲冠一怒的牺牲，而是那些使我们坚定、稳步前行和为了自由的缘故无怨无悔地承担旷日持久的错综复杂的斗争的负担的东西。
只有这些才是我们要坚持的，不管在我们走向永久和平和人类进步的既定路线上遇到什么挑衅。
一个维护和平的性命攸关的要素就是我们的军事编制。
我们的武力必须强大，时刻能战，这样才能使潜在的侵略者不敢玩火自焚。
我们今天的军事组织已经今非昔比，是我的和平时期的各位前任，或者，说实话，包括二战和韩战的参与者都无法想象的。
直到我们的最后一次国际冲突，我国还没有军火工业。
美国的民品制造商们也可以，随时间推移，按需要生产军火。
但我们不能再拿国防冒险，临阵磨枪。
我们被迫创建了大批永久的军火工业。
此外，还有三百五十万优秀儿女直接投身于国防力量。
仅我们每年对军事安全的投入就超过了美国所有大公司的净收入。
现在庞大的军事力量于巨大的军火工业的结合在美国是史无前例的。
其总影响――经济的、政治的，甚至精神的――可以在每个城市，州政府和联邦政府感觉到。
我们认识到了发展的需要的急迫。
艾森豪威尔诺曼底登陆前演讲
Soilders,sailors and airman of the Allied Expenditionary Force. You are about to embark upon the great crusade towards which we have striven for many months. The eyes of the world are upon you. Hopes and prayers of the liberty-loving people everywhere march with you. In company with our brave allies and brothers in arms on other fronts,You will bring about the destruction of the German war machine, the elimination of Nazi tyranny over the oppressed peoples of Europe, and security for ourselves in a free world.Your task will not be an easy one. Your enemy is well trained, well equipped, and battle-hardened. He will fight savagely.But this is the year 1944. Much has happened since the Nazi triumphs of 1940-41.The United Nations have inflicted upon the Germans great defeat in open battle man to man. Our air offensive has seriously reduced their strength in the air and their capacity to wage war on the ground.Our home fronts have given us an overwhelming superiority in weapons and munitions of war and placed at our disposal great reserves of trained fighting men.The tide has turned.The free men of the world are marching together to victory. I have full confidence in your courage, devotion to duty, and skill in battle.We will accept nothing less than full victory.Good luck, and let us all beseech the blessings of Almighty God upon this great and noble undertaking.soldiers, sailors, and airmen of the Allied Expeditionary Force：[各位联合远征军的海陆空战士们：]you are about to embark upon the great crusade towards which we have striven these many months The eyes of the world are upon you the hopes and prayers of liberty-loving people everywhere march with you In company with our brave allies and brothers in arms on other fronts, you will bring about the destruction of the German war machine. The e1imination of Nazi t3'ranny over the oppressed people of Europe, and security for ourselves in a free world. Your task will not be an easy one Your enemy is wel-trained, well-equipped, and battle-hardenedyou are about to embark upon the great crusade towards which we have striven these many months.[你们马上就要踏上征程去进行一场伟大的圣战，为此我们已精心准备了数月。
艾森豪威尔
1944年6月，美国、英国盟军 实施诺曼底登陆，正向法国 纵深进攻时，正在这个时候， 丘吉尔说：“准备在法国南 部登陆的盟军应该调往地中 海。”因为当时盟军先在法 国北部诺曼底登陆，然后准 备又在法国南部登陆，来解 放法国。他对艾森豪威尔说： “如果不能这样做，我将向 国王辞去我首相职务。”这 等于要挟。艾森豪威尔坚持 自己原来的作战计划，坚决 反对从欧洲大陆抽调兵力。 他同丘吉尔多次通话，最终 说服了丘吉尔放弃自己的决 定。所以，在原则问题上， 艾森豪威尔是不让步的—— 该斗，则斗；斗时，保持斗 而不破。
艾森豪威尔的领导力
领导力
一、协调与随和
二、果断与坚决 三、责任与担当
协调与随和
英国名将蒙哥马利的傲慢与无理
美国巴顿将军的固执与倔强 亚历山大将军的任用与回报
由于语言、信仰、民族等因素的 ‘影响，有些美军抱有“救世主” 思想，英国人民对于美军 十分反感，艾森豪威尔 将军在军民之间举办 了诸多活动，从而消 除军民之间的误 解与隔阂。
在报告中，艾森豪威尔详细地提出 了，美军在欧洲作战时各军兵种统 一指挥问题。艾森豪威尔，在菲律 宾服役6年，对日本人进攻太平洋应 该说是最仇恨的了。因此作为他本 人来讲，最应该主张“先亚后欧” 战略的。然而，艾森豪威尔在不知 道马歇尔和英国人签订那个具体的 草案的前提之下，不仅坚决主张 “先欧后亚”，而且制定了一个非 常好的美国赴欧作战统一指挥的报 告
②西西里岛战 役中，登陆战役 的一切都已准备 就绪，但天气突 变，风大浪急， 对海军、空军作 战极为不利，许 多参谋人员要求 更改登陆日期。 艾森豪威尔不为 所动，坚持盟军 按原计划行动。
③6月4日，在盟
军作战会议上，艾森 豪威尔根据气候形势 的变化，果断地决定 将攻击发起日改为 6 月 6 日。 1944 年 6 月 6 日凌晨．“霸王”作 战开始实施。
著名企业英语演讲稿
著名企业英语演讲稿篇一：著名英语演讲目录第一部分美国总统演说亚伯拉罕·林肯：葛底斯堡演说富兰克林·罗斯福：第一次就职演说富兰克林·罗斯福：论四大自由富兰克林·罗斯福：向日本宣战哈里·杜鲁门：在日本投降时发表的广播演说哈里·杜鲁门：杜鲁门主义德怀特·艾森豪威尔：告别演说约翰·F·旨尼迪：第一次就职演况约翰·F·肯尼迪：美国大学毕业典礼演讲林登·贝恩斯·约翰逊：我们会战胜理查德·尼克松：告别白宫罗纳德·里根：第一次就职演说罗纳德·里根：怀念挑战者号宇航员比尔·克林顿：告别演说比尔·克林顿：XX民主党全国大会演说乔治·W·布什：针对9·11恐怖分子袭击在参众议院联席会议上发表的演说乔治·W·布什：清华大学演讲乔治·W·布什：纪念哥伦比亚号宇航员乔治·W·布什：XX大选获胜时的演讲乔治·W·布什：第二次就职演说第二部分著名人士演说温德尔·威基：忠诚的反对党德怀特·艾森豪威尔：反攻动员令欧内斯特·海明威：接受诺贝尔奖时的演说乔治·C·马歇尔：马歇尔计划威廉·福克纳：接受诺贝尔奖时的演说道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟：结束军事生涯之际的演说阿德莱·史蒂文森：接受提名马丁·路德·金：我有一个梦马丁·路德·金：打破沉默的时候罗伯特·肯尼迪：马丁·路德·金之死斯皮罗·西奥多·阿格纽：电视新闻覆盖率芭芭拉·布什：威尔斯莉学院毕业典礼上的讲话玛丽·费雪：艾滋的低语柯林·鲍威尔：我的美国之旅查尔顿·赫斯顿：赢得文化战争伊利·威塞尔：冷漠的危险希拉里·克林顿：竞选纽约参议员的演讲史蒂夫·马丁及凯瑟琳·泽塔-琼斯：第七十三届奥斯卡颁奖晚会篇二：领导力英语演讲稿A good leadership is indispensable for any government, business ororganization. Qualities of a Good Leader and Leadership Abilities are essential to actuate others and achieve the desired goals. Different strategies and leadership styles are used to achieve the goals oforganization. A leader or executive directs and guides its subordinates to achieve the goals. Leaders are an essential and most significant part of any organization, which have responsibilities to set organizational goals, develop visions of future, motivate and influence subordinates and organization members to attain the goals. Leadership is one of the most important functions of any organization which is essential for maximization of efficiency and attainment of organizational goals.A leader’s job is not an easy and facile job. it is one of the mostchallenging jobs with huge responsibilities, and without specific leadership skills and qualities, it is hard to attain the desired goals. Organizations with highly enthusiastic, esteemed and skillful leaders get their goals efficiently and touch the skies of success.a leader has a set of challenging responsibilities like initiation, guidance, motivation ,building confidence and morale, building a sense of coordination and proper working environment. An effective leadership withsufficient managerial capabilities and leadership skills is an asset and key to success for any organization. To be a successful leader some leadership qualities requisites are really essential. Some qualities of a good leader are described below.: A honest leader is a precious asset to any organization. A leader must be honest with his organization and organizational workers as well. Honesty is one of the most essential qualities of a good leader. A good leader never compromise on organizational interests and never loose his integrity.and sincerity: A dedicated leader is always respected by others due to his professional approach.a good leader is always an inspirational source for his workers, due to his dedication and sincerity.and focus: A good leader always has a vision of future and possible circumstances of future. Visionary approach is also one of the most indispensable qualities of a good leader. a leader with visionary approach is able to look beyond common sight. And thenhe takes appropriate decisions according to possible circumstances of future. Future risk management is also related to this aspect of leadership qualities. a good leader must have an ability to visualize different situations. a proper focus on work and organizational goals, is of equal importance along with the vision of future.interpersonal communication skills: Communication skills are one of the most essential qualities of a good leader. As a leader has to communicate with others frequently, when you a have good communication skills and able to express what you want, then you can achieve the best.effective communication is necessary to develop good working relations, which are a requisite to attain the desired goals of an organization.capabilities: A good leader has an ability to motivate and incite his subordinates and workers to get the desired results or desired quality and quantity of the work. Motivation capabilities are one of the key qualities of a good leader. a good leader continues tomotivate and influence hissubordinates. This is very essential and effective to create a good working environment and attainment of good results. A good leader prefers the safety of workers and motivates workers adopt safety measures. He actuates them to work better improve the quality of work. he announces incentives and bonuses for hardworking workers. a good leader also announces awards and proper rewards for his subordinates in case of hard work and quality of work. These incentives and rewards are a true source of motivation for his workers.: Consistency is one of the qualities of a good leader which have crucial importance. A good leader must be consistent in his approach as well as decisions.a good leader has some specific style ofleadership. He must be consistent to maintain his specific style. Inconsistency leads to failures. A good leader must avoid different approaches ormodifications. a sensible leader has a constant working approach with a little tolerance of modifications if necessary. Simple and consistentleadership approach leads to a successful leader.power and self esteem: Will power and self confidence are key qualities of a good leader. a good leader must have self confidence if he wants to earn the confidence of his subordinates. Self confidence is also necessary while taking particular decisions. a good leader is aware and confidents that his decisions are in the interest of organization and organizational members. Will power is also a requisite for effective leadership. A leader must know himself and able to control himself resolutely.of Work: Knowledge of work is also one of the most essential qualities of a good leader. a good leader always knows about the work being accomplished and resources and man power required for a specific task. Sufficient knowledge about the work helps to make appropriate decisions.: A good leader has always patience and calmness. These are one of the crucial qualities necessary for a good leader. A good leader does not loose his temper and always take decisions with a cool and peaceful mindafter analyzing the whole situation. capability according to the circumstances. Decision making is one of the most crucial qualities of a good leader. A good leader always appreciatessuggestions from its subordinated and low level management, but takes thelast decision after analyzing whole situation. Some crucial moments also demand some daring and bold decisions. a leader having decision making capabilities can cope with different crucial circumstances篇三：产品介绍英语演讲稿公司及产品讲稿各位亲爱的家人（朋友或伙伴们）：大家上午（下午）好！我是大漠紫光非常荣幸今天由我来介绍一下我们公司及产品（打招呼表示感谢）（塑造产品价值，突出产品独特卖点，引发强烈兴趣）各位亲爱的伙伴们在进入主题之前我可不可以和大家先做一下友好的互动（可以），请问大家我们每个人都特别渴望让自己变得更年轻长寿对不对（对），我们每个人都渴望让自己远离疾病与痛苦是不是（是的），我们每个人都特别想吃到营养全面最健康的食品对吗（对的）！但是我想讲的是现代科技尽管如此发达，人们的生活水平得到了显著提高，但是现代人的死亡率却在逐渐呈现年轻化，普遍化的趋势。
演讲稿范文勇于担当(9篇通用)
演讲稿范文勇于担当（9篇通用）演讲稿范文勇于担当篇1担当是接受并担负责任，是伟岸人格的表现。
担当家庭重担的人，可以演绎精彩人生。
家是人们避风的港湾，是人们心灵的暖房。
当灾难来袭，家庭的重担由谁担当?坚强少年洪战辉一自己的经历，为人们讲述了一段担当与责任的故事。
家徒四壁不沮丧、父病妹弱不逃避，用稚嫩的肩膀担当起家庭的重担。
虽然生活艰辛，但在人生的道路上留下灿烂的人性之光。
这位少年的担当，怎不令人钦佩?“感动中国十大人物”便是对他的肯定!家庭构成社会，为社会勇挑重担之人同样令人敬重。
一个人不仅看到小我，更应着眼大我，这不能不说是一种境界。
狮子山下的“愚公”，香江边上的贤伉俪，散尽家财，投身教育，为了学生甘为孺子牛。
胡鸿烈、钟期荣，他们坚信教育能改变社会，放弃锦衣玉食，固执地投入毫无商机可言的教育，为教育界做出楷模，担当教育者树人育德的重任。
一批批优秀学子从树仁学院脱颖而出，这是远比金钱珍贵的。
担当国家重担的人，必将千古流芳。
担当国家之重担者，一生拥天下苍生入怀，以天下为己任。
担当国家之重担，是诸葛亮“鞠躬尽瘁，死而后已”、是范仲淹“先天下之忧而忧，后天下之乐而乐”、是顾炎武“天下兴亡，匹夫有责”、是周总理“为中华之崛起而读书”。
他们担当国之重任，成为民族的脊梁。
每一位青年，作为家庭的一员，作为社会的一份子，作为国家的一个公民，准备好担当了吗?担当起什么?当每一位中华儿女都勇于担当之时，一个繁荣昌盛的国家将崛起于世界的东方!演讲稿范文勇于担当篇2尊敬的各位领导，亲爱的同事们：第二次世界大战末期，美、英、加等反法西斯同盟国集结了近300万人的兵力，于1944年6月到7月在法国北部诺曼底地区进行了世界战争史上规模最大的战略性两栖登陆作战，目的是为盟国军队大规模登陆西欧，开辟欧洲第二战场、配合苏军在东线的进攻和最终击败纳粹德国创造条件。
盟军在诺曼底胜利登陆之后，指挥这场战役的最高统帅艾森豪威尔将军发表了演讲：“我们已经胜利登陆，德军被打败，这是大家共同努力的结果，我向大家表示感谢和祝贺!”1984年2月9日，前苏联领导人尤里‘安德罗波夫逝世。
历届美国总统就职演讲大全
美国历届总统就职演讲（大全）内容简介美国总统的就职演讲是美国政治的一种形式，但它已经成为了美国的一种文化，美国总统的演讲辞更成为美国、乃至世界的文化遗产。
美国是实行总统制的典型国家。
美国总统身兼国家元首和行政首脑，在三权分立的政治结构中居重要地位。
美国实行总统内阁制，每四年选举一次总统，可连选连任一次。
每当新总统当选后，便要举行庄严而隆重的就职典礼。
这是美国政治生活中的一项重大的庆典。
总统就职典礼一般有4个程序：首先是就职宣誓；宣誓之后，总统发表就职演说；演说完毕，便开始盛大的庆祝游行；最后举行舞会。
美国总统借就职演说，表明自己政见和立场，起着鼓舞人民、教育人民的作用。
为了给人民留下良好的印象，总统对演说词斟酌推敲，以求打动人心。
好的演说词常常诞生在重大历史时刻，时势造英雄，这演说词也造就了传诵千古的名篇。
这里收集的《美国历届总统就职演讲（大全）》主要参考了李其荣《美国历届总统就职演讲辞》，另有一部分是从网络媒体下载的，并增加了最新的2013年奥巴马第二次就职演讲内容。
但第二十四届第二十一任切斯特·艾伦·阿瑟、第二十九届第二十六任西奥多•罗斯福、第三十四届第三十任卡尔文-柯立芝、第四十届第三十三任哈里·杜鲁门和第四十四届第三十六任林顿·约翰逊的就职演讲译文未找到。
截至目前，这个版本应该是收集的美国总统就职演讲大全了。
另附李其荣《美国历届总统就职演讲辞》“前言”。
目录第一届第一任乔治·华盛顿（1789～1793）首次就职演讲第二届第一任乔治·华盛顿（1793～1797）第二次就职演讲第三届第二任约翰·亚当斯（1797～1801）就职演讲第四届第三任托马斯·杰斐逊（1801～1805）首次就职演讲第五届第三任托马斯·杰斐逊（1805～1809）第二次就职演讲第六届第四任詹姆斯·麦迪逊（1809～1813）首次就职演讲第七届第四任詹姆斯·麦迪逊（1813-1817）第二次就职演讲第八届第五任詹姆斯·门罗（1817-1821）首次就职演讲第九届第五任詹姆斯·门罗（1821～1825）第二次就职演讲第十届第六任约翰·昆西·亚当斯（1825～1829）就职演讲第十一届第七任安德鲁·杰克逊（1829-1833）首次就职演讲第十二届第七任安德鲁·杰克逊（1833～1837）第二次就职演讲第十三届第八任马丁·范·布伦（1837～1841）就职演讲第十四届第九任威廉·亨利·哈里森（1841）就职演讲第十四届第十任约翰·泰勒（1841～1845）就职演讲第十五届第十一任詹姆斯·波尔克（1845～1849）就职演讲第十六届第十二任扎卡里·泰勒（1849～1850）就职演讲第十六届第十三任米勒德·菲尔莫尔（1850～1853）就职演讲第十七届第十四任富兰克林·皮尔斯（1853～1857）就职演讲第十八届第十五任詹姆斯·布坎南（1857～1861）就职演讲第十九届第十六任亚伯拉罕·林肯（1861～1865）首次就职演讲第二十届第十六任亚伯拉罕·林肯（1865）第二次就职演讲第二十届第十七任安德鲁·约翰逊（1865～1869）就职演讲第二十一届第十八任尤利西斯·格兰特（1869-1873）首次就职演讲第二十二届第十八任尤利西斯·格兰特（1873～1877）第二次就职演讲第二十三届第十九任拉瑟福德·海斯（1877～1881）就职演讲第二十四届第二十任詹姆斯·加菲尔德（1881）就职演讲第二十四届第二十一任切斯特·艾伦·阿瑟（1881～1885）就职演讲（暂无演讲词）第二十五届第二十二任格罗弗·克利夫兰（1885～1889）就职演讲第二十六届第二十三任本杰明·哈里森（1889-1893）就职演讲第二十七届第二十四任格罗弗·克利夫兰（1893～1897）就职演讲第二十八届第二十五任威廉·麦金莱（1897～1901）首次就职演讲第二十九届第二十五任威廉·麦金莱（1901）第二次就职演讲第二十九届第二十六任西奥多·罗斯福（1901～1905）首次就职演讲第三十届第二十六任西奥多·罗斯福（1905～1909）第二次就职演讲第三十一届第二十七任威廉·塔夫特（1909～1913）就职演讲第三十二届第二十八任伍德罗·威尔逊（1913-1917）首次就职演讲第三十三届第二十八任伍德罗·威尔逊（1917～1921）第二次就职演讲第三十四届第二十九任华伦·哈丁（1921～1923）就职演讲第三十四届第三十任卡尔文-柯立芝（1923～1925）就职演讲第三十五届第三十任卡尔文-柯立芝（1925-1929）就职演讲第三十六届第三十一任赫伯特·胡佛（1929～1933）就职演讲第三十七届第三十二任富兰克林·罗斯福（1933～1937）首次就职演讲第三十八届第三十二任富兰克林·罗斯福（1937～1941）第二次就职演讲第三十九届第三十二任富兰克林·罗斯福（1941～1945）第三次就职演讲第四十届第三十二任富兰克林·罗斯福（1945）第四次就职演讲第四十届第三十三任哈里·杜鲁门（1945～1949）首次就职演讲（暂无演讲词）第四十一届第三十三任哈里·杜鲁门（1949～1953）第二次就职演讲第四十二届第三十四任德怀特·艾森豪威尔威尔（1953-1957）首次就职演讲第四十三届第三十四任德怀特·艾森豪威尔威尔（1957～1961）第二次就职演讲第四十四届第三十五任约翰·肯尼迪（1961～1963）就职演讲第四十四届第三十六任林顿·约翰逊（1963～1965）首次就职演讲（无演讲词）第四十五届第三十六任林顿·约翰逊（1965～1969）第二次就职演讲第四十六届第三十七任理查德德·尼克松（1969～1973）首次就职演讲第四十七届第三十七任理查德德·尼克松（1973～1974）第二次就职演讲第四十七届第三十八任杰拉德·鲁道夫·福特（1974～1977）就职演讲第四十八届第三十九任杰米·卡特（1977～1981）就职演讲第四十九届第四十任罗纳德·里根（1981-1985）首次就职演讲第五十届第四十任罗纳德·里根（1985-1989）第二次就职演讲第五十一届第四十一任乔治·布什（1989～1993）就职演讲第五十二届第四十二任比尔·克林顿（1993～1997）首次就职演讲第五十三届第四十二任比尔·克林顿（1997-2001）第二次就职演讲第五十四届第四十三任乔治·沃克·布什（2001～2005）首次就职演讲第五十五届第四十三任乔治·沃克·布什（2005～2009）第二次就职演讲第五十六届第四十四任巴拉克·奥巴马（2008～2013）首次就职演讲第五十七届第四十四任巴拉克·奥巴马（2013～2017）第二次就职演讲（注：以下所谓届、任——届：根据美国宪法，总统选举每四年举行一次，总统任期四年，任满四年为一届。
艾森豪威尔的故事介绍
艾森豪威尔的故事介绍十字时间计划画一个十字，分成四个象限，分别是重要紧急的，重要不紧急的，不重要紧急的，不重要不紧急的，把自己要做的事都放进去，然后先做重要而紧急那一象限中的事，这样以来，艾森豪威尔的工作生活效率大大提高。
此事成为美国成功学家们所津津乐道的美谈。
诺曼底登陆1944年，美军五星艾森豪威尔指挥三百多万盟军官兵、二万多艘战船，经过一昼夜的激战，在诺曼底成功抢滩登陆，拉开了盟军反攻的序幕，也为二战的胜利奠定了基础。
第二天，艾森豪威尔威尔在电台发表了一份激情澎湃的演讲：“这是人类历史上最大规模的两栖登陆战，这是盟军的伟大胜利，这是全体官兵浴血奋战的结果，法西斯德国的坟墓将就此挖掘。
”演讲完毕，电台工作人员在整理文稿时，却无意中发现了艾森豪威尔威尔的另一份演讲稿。
这也是为诺曼底登陆准备的演讲稿，内容却截然相反：“我悲伤地宣布，我们登陆失败。
这次失败完全是我个人决策和指挥失误造成了，我愿意为此承担全部责任……一个事件，两份演讲稿。
一份为胜利而准备，一份为失败而准备。
艾森豪威尔威尔在让人看到他天才的战略战术的同时，也让人感受到了他勇于接受失败的豪情。
竞选总统艾森豪威尔第一次竞选总统的口号是I Like Ike我喜欢艾克，这是他的昵称，军中士兵常这样称呼他。
而他第二次竞选总统的口号是I Still Like Ike我仍喜欢艾克。
对华政策战后美国第二任总统艾森豪威尔继续推行敌视和遏制新中国的政策，支持和控制退守台湾的以蒋介石为首的中华民国政权，阻止新中国解放台湾，由此引发了两次台海危机，它加剧了远东的紧张局势，进一步恶化了中美关系，并在朝鲜战争中威胁对中国试用核武器，而这一举动之前麦克阿瑟也曾提出过，但遭到杜鲁门总统的坚决反对，并撤销了麦克阿瑟的司令职位。
这些举动使得中美关系长期处于敌对状态，同时也正是由于美国的干涉，使台湾问题变得更加复杂化，台湾问题至今仍是中美关系的症结所在。
正确对待错误每当美国总统艾森豪威尔即将执行一个计划时，他总会把那个计划拿给他的最善于吹毛求疵的批评家去审查。
艾森豪威尔在诺曼底登陆前的演讲
艾森豪威尔在诺曼底登陆前的演讲Soldiers, Sailors and Airmen of the Allied Expeditionary Forces: Y ou are about to embark upon the Great Crusade, toward which we have striven these many months. The eyes of the world are upon you. The hopes and prayers of liberty-loving people everywhere march with you. In company with our brave Allies and brothers-in-arms on other Fronts you will bring about the destruction of the German war machine, the elimination of Nazi tyranny over oppressed peoples of Europe, and security for ourselves in a free world.Y our task will not be an easy one. Y our enemy is well trained, well equipped and battle-hardened. He will fight savagely.But this is the year 1944! Much has happened since the Nazi triumphs of 1940-41. The United Nations have inflicted upon the Germans great defeats, in open battle, man-to-man. Our air offensive has seriously reduced their strength in the air and their capacity to wage war on the ground. Our Home Fronts have given us an overwhelming superiority in weapons and munitions of war, and placed at our disposal great reserves of trained fighting men. The tide has turned! The free men of the world are marching together to Victory!I have full confidence in your courage, devotion to duty and skill in battle. We will accept nothing less than full victory!Good Luck! And let us all beseech the blessing of Almighty God upon this great and noble undertakingsoldiers, sailors, and airmen of the Allied Expeditionary Force：[各位联合远征军的海陆空战士们：]you are about to embark upon the great crusade towards which we have striven these many months.[你们马上就要踏上征程去进行一场伟大的圣战，为此我们已精心准备了数月。
【名人演讲】德怀特·戴维·艾森豪威尔：第二次总统就职演说
【名人演讲】德怀特·戴维·艾森豪威尔：第二次总统就职演说第二次总统就职演说(美国)德怀特·戴维·艾森豪威尔1957年l月21日主席先生，副总统先生，首席大法官先生，众议院议长先生，我的亲友们，同胞们及我们国家的朋友们：尽管大家分散在各地，但我们又重新相聚，正如四年前的此刻一样，你们再次亲眼目睹我庄严宣誓为你们诸位服务。
今天，我也是一个见证人，对于我们作为一个民族而保证奉行的原则和目标，我以你们的名义来作证。
首先，我们寻求全能的上帝保佑我们作为一个国家所做的共同努力。
我们心中的希望造就了全体人民最深切的祝福。
但愿我们追求正义而不自命公正。
但愿我们懂得在求同存异的基础上保持团结。
但愿我们的力量不断壮大而杜绝骄傲自满。
但愿我们与世界各国人民交往时永远讲真话和奉守公道。
这样，美国将在一切怀有善良愿望的人们面前证明，它对各项光荣的目标是忠诚不渝的。
在我们所经历的充满考验的整个时代里，我们作为一个民族受到这些目标的制约和支配。
我们生活在一个富饶的国度，但是整个世界却面临从未有过的危机。
在我们的国家里，人民各安其业，财富十分丰裕。
我国的人口不断增加。
我们的河流、港口、铁路和公路舟车云集，天空飞机穿梭，商业一派兴旺繁盛。
我国土地肥沃，农业出产丰富。
天空里回荡着工业奏出的乐章，这是一曲由轧钢机、冶炼炉、发电机、大水坝和装配线所奏出的富足美国的大合唱。
这就是我们的国家。
但这并不是我们世界的全部景象。
因为我们的世界包括我们的全部命运所涉及的每一角落，已获自由和即将获得自由的国家和人民都在其中。
对他们说来，现在并不是悠闲自在和高枕无忧的时候。
对我们来说亦复如此。
在这个地球的许多地方，还存在着贫困、纷争和危险。
新的势力和新兴的国家在全球各地纷纷奋起抗争，对自由世界的未来来说，他们的力量注定不是带来巨大的裨益，就是造成巨大的灾难。
从北非的沙漠到南太平洋的岛屿，全人类的三分之一已经参与一场争取一种新自由的历史性斗争，这是一场摆脱令人痛苦难熬的贫困的斗争。
艾森豪威尔：Farewell Address 告别演说
艾森豪威尔：Farewell Address 告别演说dwight d. eisenhowerfarewell addressdelivered 17 january 1961演讲者简介：德怀特·大卫·艾森豪威尔(dwight david eisenhower，1890年10月14日-1969年3月28日)，是美国陆军五星上将和第34任总统(1953年-1961年)。
第二次世界大战期间，他担任盟军在欧洲的最高指挥官;负责计划和执行监督1944年至1945年里，进攻维希法国和纳粹德国的行动。
1951年又出任北大西洋公约组织武装力量最高司令，昵称为艾克(ike)。
good evening, my fellow americans.first, i should like to e某press my gratitude to the radio and television networks for the opportunities they have given me over the years to bring reports and messages to our nation. my special thanks go to them for the opportunity of addressing you this evening.three days from now, after half century in the service of our country, i shall lay down the responsibilities of office as, in traditional and solemn ceremony, the authority of the presidency is vested in my successor. this evening, i come to you with a message of leave-taking and farewell, and to share a few final thoughts with you, my countrymen.like every other -- like every other citizen, i wish the new president, and all who will labor with him, godspeed. i pray that the coming years will be blessed with peace and prosperity for all.our people e某pect their president and the congress to find essential agreement on issues of great moment, the wise resolution of which will better shape the future of the nation. my own relations with the congress, which began on a remote and tenuous basis when, long ago, a member of the senate appointed me to west point, have sinceranged to the intimate during the war and immediate post-war period, and finally to the mutually interdependent during these past eight years. in this final relationship, the congress and the administration have, on most vital issues, cooperated well, to serve the nation good, rather than mere partisanship, and so have assured that the business of the nation should go forward. so, my official relationship with the congress ends in a feeling -- on my part -- of gratitude that we have been able to do so much together.we now stand ten years past the midpoint of a century that has witnessed four major wars among great nations. three of these involved our own country. despite these holocausts, america is today the strongest, the most influential, and most productive nation in the world. understandably proud of this pre-eminence, we yet realize that america's leadership and prestige depend, not merely upon our unmatched material progress, riches, and military strength, but on how we use our power in the interests of world peace and human betterment.throughout america's adventure in free government, our basic purposes have been to keep the peace, to foster progress in human achievement, and to enhance liberty, dignity, and integrity among peoples and among nations. to strive for less would be unworthy of a free and religious people. any failure traceable to arrogance, or our lack of comprehension, or readiness to sacrifice would inflict upon us grievous hurt, both at home and abroad.progress toward these noble goals is persistently threatened by the conflict now engulfing the world. it commands our whole attention, absorbs our very beings. we face a hostile ideology global in scope, atheistic in character, ruthless in purpose, and insiduous [insidious] in method. unhappily, the danger it poses promises to be of indefinite duration. to meet it successfully, there is called for, not so muchthe emotional and transitory sacrifices of crisis, but rather those which enable us to carry forward steadily, surely, and without complaint the burdens of a prolonged and comple某 struggle with liberty the stake. only thus shall we remain, despite every provocation, on our charted course toward permanent peace and human betterment.crises there will continue to be. in meeting them, whether foreign or domestic, great or small, there is a recurring temptation to feel that some spectacular and costly action could become the miraculous solution to all current difficulties. a huge increase in newer elements of our defenses; development of unrealistic programs to cure every ill in agriculture; a dramatic e某pansion in basic and applied research -- these and many other possibilities, each possibly promising in itself, may be suggested as the only way to the road we wish to travel.but each proposal must be weighed in the light of a broader consideration: the need to maintain balance in and among national programs, balance between the private and the public economy, balance between the cost and hoped for advantages, balance between the clearly necessary and the comfortably desirable, balance between our essential requirements as a nation and the duties imposed by the nation upon the individual, balance between actions of the moment and the national welfare of the future. good judgment seeks balance and progress. lack of it eventually finds imbalance and frustration. the record of many decades stands as proof that our people and their government have, in the main, understood these truths and have responded to them well, in the face of threat and stress.but threats, new in kind or degree, constantly arise. of these, i mention two only.a vital element in keeping the peace is our militaryestablishment. our arms must be mighty, ready for instant action, so that no potential aggressor may be tempted to risk his own destruction. our military organization today bears little relation to that known of any of my predecessors in peacetime, or, indeed, by the fighting men of world war ii or korea.until the latest of our world conflicts, the united states had no armaments industry. american makers of plowshares could, with time and as required, make swords as well. but we can no longer risk emergency improvisation of national defense. we have been compelled to create a permanent armaments industry of vast proportions. added to this, three and a half million men and women are directly engaged in the defense establishment. we annually spend on military security alone more than the net income of all united states cooperations -- corporations.now this conjunction of an immense military establishment and a large arms industry is new in the american e某perience. the total influence -- economic, political, even spiritual -- is felt in every city, every statehouse, every office of the federal government. we recognize the imperative need for this development. yet, we must not fail to comprehend its grave implications. our toil, resources, and livelihood are all involved. so is the very structure of our society.in the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military-industrial comple某. the potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power e某ists and will persist. we must never let the weight of this combination endanger our liberties or democratic processes. we should take nothing for granted. only an alert and knowledgeable citizenry can compel the proper meshing of the huge industrial and military machinery of defense with our peaceful methodsand goals, so that security and liberty may prosper together.akin to, and largely responsible for the sweeping changes in our industrial-military posture, has been the technological revolution during recent decades. in this revolution, research has become central; it also becomes more formalized, comple某, and costly. a steadily increasing share is conducted for, by, or at the direction of, the federal government.today, the solitary inventor, tinkering in his shop, has been overshadowed by task forces of scientists in laboratories and testing fields. in the same fashion, the free university, historically the fountainhead of free ideas and scientific discovery, has e某perienced a revolution in the conduct of research. partly because of the huge costs involved, a government contract becomes virtually a substitute for intellectual curiosity. for every old blackboard there are now hundreds of new electronic computers. the prospect of domination of the nation's scholars by federal employment, project allocations, and the power of money is ever present -- and is gravely to be regarded.yet, in holding scientific research and discovery in respect, as we should, we must also be alert to the equal and opposite danger that public policy could itself become the captive of a scientific-technological elite.it is the task of statesmanship to mold, to balance, and to integrate these and other forces, new and old, within the principles of our democratic system -- ever aiming toward the supreme goals of our free society.another factor in maintaining balance involves the element of time. as we peer into society's future, we -- you and i, and our government -- must avoid the impulse to live only for today, plundering for our own ease and convenience the precious resources of tomorrow.we cannot mortgage the material assets of our grandchildren without risking the loss also of their political and spiritual heritage. we want democracy to survive for all generations to come, not to become the insolvent phantom of tomorrow.during the long lane of the history yet to be written, america knows that this world of ours, ever growing smaller, must avoid becoming a community of dreadful fear and hate, and be, instead, a proud confederation of mutual trust and respect. such a confederation must be one of equals. the weakest must come to the conference table with the same confidence as do we, protected as we are by our moral, economic, and military strength. that table, though scarred by many fast frustrations -- past frustrations, cannot be abandoned for the certain agony of disarmament -- of the battlefield.disarmament, with mutual honor and confidence, is a continuing imperative. together we must learn how to compose differences, not with arms, but with intellect and decent purpose. because this need is so sharp and apparent, i confess that i lay down my official responsibilities in this field with a definite sense of disappointment. as one who has witnessed the horror and the lingering sadness of war, as one who knows that another war could utterly destroy this civilization which has been so slowly and painfully built over thousands of years, i wish i could say tonight that a lasting peace is in sight.happily, i can say that war has been avoided. steady progress toward our ultimate goal has been made. but so much remains to be done. as a private citizen, i shall never cease to do what little i can to help the world advance along that road.so, in this, my last good night to you as your president, i thank you for the many opportunities you have given me for publicservice in war and in peace. i trust in that -- in that -- in that service you find some things worthy. as for the rest of it, i know you will find ways to improve performance in the future.you and i, my fellow citizens, need to be strong in our faith that all nations, under god, will reach the goal of peace with justice. may we be ever unswerving in devotion to principle, confident but humble with power, diligent in pursuit of the nations' great goals.to all the peoples of the world, i once more give e某pression to america's prayerful and continuing aspiration: we pray that peoples of all faiths, all races, all nations, may have their great human needs satisfied; that those now denied opportunity shall come to enjoy it to the full; that all who yearn for freedom may e某perience its few spiritual blessings. those who have freedom will understand, also, its heavy responsibility; that all who are insensitive to the needs of others will learn charity; and that the sources -- scourges of poverty, disease, and ignorance will be made [to] disappear from the earth; and that in the goodness of time, all peoples will come to live together in a peace guaranteed by the binding force of mutual respect and love.now, on friday noon, i am to become a private citizen. i am proud to do so. i look forward to it.thank you, and good night.。
英语演讲稿之森豪威尔告别演说
英语演讲稿之森豪威尔告别演说WTT导语：这是一篇关于艾森豪威尔的英语演讲稿。
第二次世界大战期间，他担任盟军在欧洲的最高指挥官;负责计划和执行监督1944年至1945年里，进攻维希法国和纳粹德国的行动。
为第二次世界大战胜利做出了巨大的贡献。
WTT为大家提供了这篇艾森豪威尔：Farewell Address 告别演说的演讲稿，欢迎大家的阅读。
dwight d. eisenhower farewell address delivered 17 january 1961Good evening, my fellow americans.First, i should like to express my gratitude to the radio and television works for the opportunities they have given me over the years to bring reports and messages to our nation. my special thanks go to them for the opportunity of addressing you this evening.Three days from now, after half century in the service of our country, i shall lay down the responsibilities of office as, in traditional and solemn ceremony, the authority of the presidency is vested in my successor. this evening, i e to you with a message ofleave-taking and farewell, and to share a few final thoughts with you, my countrymen.Like every other -- like every other citizen, i wish the new president, and all who will labor with him, godspeed. i pray that the ing years will be blessed with peace and prosperity for all.Our people expect their president and the congress to find essential agreement on issues of great moment, the wise resolution of which will better shape the future of the nation. my own relations with the congress, which began on a remote and tenuous basis when, long ago, a member of the senate appointed me to west point, havesince ranged to the intimate during the war and immediate post-war period, and finally to the mutually interdependent during these past eight years. in thisfinal relationship, the congress and the administration have, on most vital issues, cooperated well, to serve the nation good, rather than mere partisanship, and so have assured that the business of the nation should go forward. so, my official relationship with the congress ends in a feeling -- on my part -- of gratitude that we have been able to do so much together.We now stand ten years past the midpoint of a century that has witnessed four major wars among great nations. three of these involved our own country. despite these holocausts, america is today the strongest, the most influential, and most productive nation in the world. understandably proud of this pre-eminence, we yet realize that america's leadership and prestige depend, not merely upon our unmatched material progress, riches, and military strength, but on how we use our power in the interests of world peace and human betterment.Throughout america's adventure in free government, our basic purposes have been to keep the peace, to foster progress in human achievement, and to enhance liberty, dignity, and integrity among peoples and among nations.to strive for less would be unworthy of a free andreligious people. any failure traceable to arrogance, or our lack of prehension, or readiness to sacrifice would inflict upon us grievous hurt, both at home and abroad.Progress toward these noble goals is persistently threatened by the conflict now engulfing the world. it mands our whole attention, absorbs our very beings. weface a hostile ideology global in scope, atheistic incharacter, ruthless in purpose, and insiduous [insidious] in method. unhappily, the danger it poses promises to be of indefinite duration. to meet it successfully, there is called for, not so much the emotional and transitory sacrifices of crisis, but rather those which enable us to carry forward steadily, surely, and without plaint the burdens of a prolonged and plex struggle with liberty the stake. only thus shall we remain, despite every provocation, on our charted course toward permanent peace and human betterment.Crises there will continue to be. in meeting them, whether foreign or domestic, great or small, there is a recurring temptation to feel that some spectacular and costly action could bee the miraculous solution to all current difficulties. a huge increase in newer elements of our defenses; development of unrealistic programs to cure every ill in agriculture; a dramatic expansion in basic and applied research -- these and many other possibilities, each possibly promising in itself, may be suggested as the only way to the road we wish to travel.But each proposal must be weighed in the light of a broader consideration: the need to maintain balance inand among national programs, balance between the private and the public economy, balance between the cost and hoped for advantages, balance between the clearly necessary and the fortably desirable, balance between our essential requirements as a nation and the duties imposed by the nation upon the individual, balance between actions of the moment and the national welfare of the future. good judgment seeks balance and progress. lack of it eventually finds imbalance and frustration. the record of many decades stands as proof that our people and their government have, in the main, understood these truths and have responded to them well, in the face of threat and stress.But threats, new in kind or degree, constantly arise. of these, i mention two only.A vital element in keeping the peace is our military establishment. our arms must be mighty, ready for instant action, so that no potential aggressor may be tempted to risk his own destruction. our military organization today bears little relation to that known of any of my predecessors in peacetime, or, indeed, by the fighting men of world war ii or korea.Until the latest of our world conflicts, the united states had no armaments industry. american makers of plowshares could, with time and as required, make swordsas well. but we can no longer risk emergencyimprovisation of national defense. we have been pelled to create a permanent armaments industry of vast proportions. added to this, three and a half million men and women are directly engaged in the defense establishment. weannually spend on military security alone more than the ine of all united states cooperations -- corporations.Now this conjunction of an immense military establishment and a large arms industry is new in the american experience. the total influence -- economic, political, even spiritual -- is felt in every city, every statehouse, every office of the federal government. we recognize the imperative need for this development. yet, we must not fail to prehend its grave implications. our toil, resources, and livelihood are all involved. so isthe very structure of our society.In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether soughtor unsought, by the military-industrial plex. thepotential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will persist. we must never let the weight of this bination endanger our liberties or democratic processes. we should take nothing for granted. only an alert and knowledgeable citizenry can pel the proper meshing of the huge industrial and military machinery of defense with our peaceful methods and goals, so that security and liberty may prosper together.Akin to, and largely responsible for the sweeping changes in our industrial-military posture, has been the technological revolution during recent decades. in this revolution, research has bee central; it also bees more formalized, plex, and costly. a steadily increasing share is conducted for, by, or at the direction of, the federal government.Today, the solitary inventor, tinkering in his shop, has been overshadowed by task forces of scientists in laboratories and testing fields. in the same fashion, the free university, historically the fountainhead of free ideas and scientific discovery, has experienced a revolution in the conduct of research. partly because of the huge costs involved, a government contract beesvirtually a substitute for intellectual curiosity. for every old blackboard there are now hundreds of new electronic puters. the prospect of domination of the nation's scholars by federal employment, project allocations, and the power of money is ever present -- and is gravely to be regarded.Yet, in holding scientific research and discovery in respect, as we should, we must also be alert to the equal and opposite danger that public policy could itself bee the captive of a scientific-technological elite.It is the task of statesmanship to mold, to balance, and to integrate these and other forces, new and old, within the principles of our democratic system -- ever aiming toward the supreme goals of our free society.Another factor in maintaining balance involves the element of time. as we peer into society's future, we -- you and i, and our government -- must avoid the impulse to live only for today, plundering for our own ease and convenience the precious resources of tomorrow. we cannot mortgage the material assets of our grandchildren without risking the loss also of their political and spiritual heritage. we want democracy tosurvive for all generations to e, not to bee theinsolvent phantom of tomorrow.During the long lane of the history yet to be written, america knows that this world of ours, ever growing smaller, must avoid being a munity of dreadful fear and hate, and be, instead, a proud confederation of mutualtrust and respect. such a confederation must be one of equals. the weakest must e to the conference table withthe same confidence as do we, protected as we are by our moral, economic, and military strength. that table,though scarred by many fast frustrations -- past frustrations, cannot be abandoned for the certain agonyof disarmament -- of the battlefield.Disarmament, with mutual honor and confidence, is a continuing imperative. together we must learn how to pose differences, not with arms, but with intellect and decent purpose. because this need is so sharp and apparent, i confess that i lay down my official responsibilities in this field with a definite sense of disappointment. asone who has witnessed the horror and the lingeringsadness of war, as one who knows that another war could utterly destroy this civilization which has been soslowly and painfully built over thousands of years, iwish i could say tonight that a lasting peace is in sight.Happily, i can say that war has been avoided. steady progress toward our ultimate goal has been made. but so much remains to be done. as a private citizen, i shall never cease to do what little i can to help the world advance along that road.So, in this, my last good night to you as your president, i thank you for the many opportunities youhave given me for public service in war and in peace. i trust in that -- in that -- in that service you find some things worthy. as for the rest of it, i know you willfind ways to improve performance in the future.You and i, my fellow citizens, need to be strong inour faith that all nations, under god, will reach thegoal of peace with justice. may we be ever unswerving in devotion to principle, confident but humble with power, diligent in pursuit of the nations' great goals.To all the peoples of the world, i once more give expression to america's prayerful and continuing aspiration: we pray that peoples of all faiths, all races, all nations, may have their great human needs satisfied;that those now denied opportunity shall e to enjoy it to the full; that all who yearn for freedom may experienceits few spiritual blessings. those who have freedom will understand, also, its heavy responsibility; that all who are insensitive to the needs of others will learn charity; and that the sources -- scourges of poverty, disease, and ignorance will be made [to] disappear from the earth; and that in the goodness of time, all peoples will e to live together in a peace guaranteed by the binding force of mutual respect and love.Now, on friday noon, i am to bee a private citizen. i am proud to do so. i look forward to it.Thank you, and good night.第 1 页共 1 页。
关于担当演讲稿800字
关于担当演讲稿800字担当的果实已成熟，我们也在担当中逐渐地学习和成长，我们要感谢那一道屏障，带给了我们今生难忘的岁月，我们学会了担当并固执地扛起了担当。
一起来看看关于担当演讲稿800字，欢迎查阅!关于担当演讲稿1大家好，我今天演讲的题目是—红色青春，勇担使命看了电视剧《国家命运》，感慨万千。
剧中再现了上世纪__0年代至70年代初，我国科学家在经济、技术、设备都很落后且核材料缺失的艰苦条件下成功研制“两弹一星”的动人故事。
中华人民共和国刚刚诞生之初，国家处于百废待兴的状况;以美国帝国主义为首国际反动派、以蒋介石为首的国民党虽然逃往台湾，他们相互勾结，拟将新生婴儿——中华人民共和国，扼杀于摇篮之中。
当时唯一帮助支持的国家是苏联老大哥及其朋友。
虽然如此，以共产党为领导的中华人民共和国与人民，立下建立强国的规划并实施与行动，将美帝国主义视为纸老虎。
在基地工作与建设中有一对恋人，突然被分开，谁也不知谁去了那里，去干什么，数年后，一个偶然的机遇，在大沙漠中的一颗大树下相遇，才知道干的是共同的事业，后来这树就被领导命名叫“夫妻树”。
科技工作人员在食不飽肚子的情况下，夜以既日的工作，有的因饥饿难当倒在工作台下;有一个科技单位的技术领导人，深夜潜回家中正在收集西红柿、青瓜、红罗卜等食品时，仅几岁女儿将自己的餠干筒端来给爸爸，说一道带去吧，他拿着这些东西回到办公处给大家分享，同事们如狼似虎的吃后，又开始工作。
原子弹发射场建筑之初，为了解周围环境安全与保密性，组建一支百多人的队伍徒步巡查周边情况，队伍名为打猎队，他们出发时宣誓书与遗书一同交给首长，经过六个多月的巡查，在水尽粮绝的情况下，在极度艰难的沙漠中，有六个人在作最后争扎时，依靠三支葡萄糖度过难关，被飞机寻救发现，回单位会报说，一路不但未发现特务，连人影也未见。
在所谓“二月逆流”期间，主管领导核工业的国务院副总理聂荣臻，在造反派的威迫下，一面写检查，一面想方设法坚持指导安排核工业工作与保护科技工作人员和资料设施，有一次大量资料被造反派操走，聂荣臻即令__卫戍区傅从碧，立即派部队去劫持封存保管。
艾森豪威尔的演讲
艾森豪威尔的演讲德怀特·戴维·艾森豪威尔(Dwight David Eisenhower，1890-1969)美国第34任总统，陆军五星上将。
1915年毕业于西点军校，得到军士长的军衔，后在得克萨斯州圣安东尼第十九步兵师服役，少尉军衔。
1925年先后在参谋学校、陆军军事学院学习。
1929年至1932年任陆军部长特别助理。
1938至1939年任参谋长麦克阿瑟的助手。
1941年12月美国参加第二次世界大战后，在马歇尔手下任作战计划处处长，晋升为少将。
1942年先后任欧洲战场美军司令、北非战场盟军司令，晋升为中将、上将。
1944年任欧洲盟军最高司令，成功策划指挥了盟军开辟欧洲第二战场的诺曼底登陆战役，晋升为五星上将。
1945年继乔治·马歇尔任陆军参谋长。
1948年２月退役，任哥伦比亚大学校长至1953年，但从1950年起一直缺席而担任北约司令。
1952年作为共和党总统候选人参加总统竞选获胜，成为美国第34任总统，1956年再次竞选获胜连任。
1969年3月28日因心脏病在华盛顿逝世。
1.1944年6月6日，艾森豪威尔的“登陆日演讲”——反攻动员令：各位联合远征军的海陆空战士们：你们马上就要踏上征程去进行一场伟大的圣战，为此我们已精心准备了数月。
全世界的目光都注视着你们，各地热爱和平的人们的期望与祈祷伴随着你们。
你们将与其他战线上的英勇盟军及兄弟一起并肩战斗，摧毁德国的战争机器。
推翻压在欧洲人民身上的纳粹暴政，保卫我们在一个自由世界的安全。
这是一个艰巨的任务。
你们的敌人训练有素，装备精良，久经沙场。
他们肯定会负隅顽抗。
但是现在是1944年。
与纳粹1940、41年连连取胜时大不相同。
联合国在正面战场予以德军迎头痛击空军削弱了德军的空中力量和陆上战斗能力；后方弹药充足、武器精良、部署得当、后备力量丰富。
潮流已经逆转，全世界自由的人们正在一起向胜利迈进。
我对你们的勇敢、责任心和作战技巧充满了信心，我们迎接的只会是彻底的胜利。
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美国第34任总统艾森豪威尔告别演说(全文)
时间：1961年1月17日地点：白宫我来说两句
再过三天，在我为我国服务半个世纪之后，随着总统的权威按传统的隆重仪式归属我的继任者，本人将卸下公职。
我们现在的日期距本世纪中点已过十年，这个世纪经历了大国之间四次大的战争，我们自己的国家卷入其中三次。
尽管发生了这些大规模的战祸，当今美国乃是世界上最强大、最有影响、生産力最高的国家。
我们自然爲此卓越成就感到自豪，但我们也意识到，美国的领导地位和威信不仅取决于我们举世无双的物质进步、财富和军事力量，而且取决于我们如何爲世界和平与人类福利使用我们的力量。
纵观美国在自由政府体制上的探索历程，我们的基本目的始终是维护和平，促进人类进步，在人民中和国家之间增进自由权，提高尊严，宏扬正直的品质。
追求较低的目标会辱没一个自由、有虔诚宗教信仰的民族。
任何由于骄傲自大或理解力不强或缺乏奉献精神的失败都将在国内外给我们带来严重损害。
走向这些崇高目标的进程一直受到现在正席卷全球的冲突的威胁。
这种冲突迫使我们全神贯注，全力以赴。
我们面对一种敌对的意识形态──具有世界性规模和无神论性质，目标残忍，手段阴险。
不幸的是，它所造成的危险将长期存在。
欲成功地对付它，所要求的与其说是危急关头感情上短暂的痛苦，毋宁说是作出牺牲以使我们能坚定踏实、任劳任怨地承担一场长期复杂斗争的重任──与自由共存亡。
只有这样我们才能战胜一次又一次的挑衅，始终朝着世界持久和平和人类美好未来的方向前进。
我们的军队是维护和平必不可少的要素。
我们的武装力量必须强大，随时准备投入行动，以使任何潜在的侵略者都不敢贸然以卵击石。
我们今天的军事组织与我的任何一位和平时期前任所了解的，与第二次世界大战或朝鲜战争中的军人所了解的军事组织大相径庭。
直至最近的一次世界性冲突之前、美国仍没有军事工业。
美国的犁铧制造商们在必要时也能制造剑。
但是现在我们不能再以临阵磨枪的方式承担国防上的风险；我们已被迫创建一个规模宏大的永久性军事工业。
此外，350万男人和妇女直接服务于国防机构。
我们每年在军事安全上的开支超过了美国所有的公司的纯收入。
一支庞大的军队和一个大规模军事工业相结合，在美国是史无前例的。
它的全部影响──经济的、政治的，甚至精神的──在每个城市、每座州议会大楼、每一联邦政府机构内都能感觉到。
我们承认这种发展绝对必要，但我们不应忽视其重大的影响。
它涉及我们的人力、资源、生活，乃至我们社会的结构。
在政府各部门，我们必须警惕军事─工业联合体取得无法证明是正当的影响力，不论它这样追求与否。
极不适当的权力恶性增长的可能性目前已经存在并将继续存在。
近几十年的技术革命与我们的工业─军事状况的巨大变化有相似之处，而且对这种巨大变化起了很大作用。
在这场技术革命中，研究工作已趋于集中；它也变得更正规，更复杂，更昂贵。
爲联邦政府而实施，由联邦政府实施，或在联邦政府指导下实施的研究工作份额正逐步增加。
由联邦政府雇用而形成支配全国学者的局面，以及统一分配项目，统一控制财力，这种前景一直存在，而且应当引起严重关注。
我们应该尊重科学研究和探索，但与此同时我们必须对这一同样严重的负面危险保持警惕，即政府政策本身可能沦爲一个科学──技术精英阶层的俘虏。
治国之才的任务，是在我们民主制度的原则范畴内，塑造、平衡和融合这些和其它新旧力量──始终以实现我们自由社会的最高目标爲目的。
另一个保持平衡的因素涉及时间这一要素。
当我们展望社会的未来时，我们──你、我和我国政府──必须避免一种只顾今日生活的冲动，不应爲了我们自己的舒适和便利巧取豪夺明天的宝贵资源。
我们不可能以孙儿辈的物质财富作抵押，而又不冒使他们丧失政治和精神遗産的风险。
我们要让民主代代相传，它不该成爲明天无力还债的鬼魂。
展望有待书写的未来历史长卷，美国深知我们这个越来越小的世界决不应变成一个充满恐惧和仇恨的可怕的群体，相反，它应成爲一个相互信任、相互尊重的光辉的联盟。
这样一个联盟必定是平等国家间的联盟。
最弱小的国家一定以与我们相同的自信心来到会议桌旁，和我们一样受到我们的道德、经济和军事力量的保护。
那会议桌虽然留
下历史坎坷的累累伤痕，但我们不能将它抛弃以换来战场的惨剧。
以相互尊敬和信任实行裁军仍是一项迫切任务。
我们必须一起学习怎样不用武力，而是以理智和公正的意图去解决纷争。
因爲裁军的紧迫性如此明显突出，我承认我是怀着某种失望的心情卸下我的总统职责的。
作爲一个目睹过战争的恐怖及其难以愈合的创伤的人──深知另一场战争会彻底毁掉历经数千年缓慢而又艰苦地建成的人类文明──我但愿自己今晚能说：持久和平已遥遥在望。
幸好我可以说，已经避免发生战争了。
朝我们的终极目标已迈开坚实的步伐。
但是任重而道远。
作爲一个普通公民，我将始终不渝地爲推动世界沿着这条道路前进贡献一份绵薄。