百篇著名英文演讲
英语经典演讲稿（精选6篇）
英语经典演讲稿（精选6篇）英语经典篇1honorable judges, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen:it is a great honor and pleasure to be here on this beautiful saturday morning to share with you my sentiments about life and passion for the english language.about a year and a half ago, i took part in my very first english speech contest. when i stood before the microphone with all eyes starring directly at me, i could hardly speak. i stood there, embarrassed and helpless, struggling in vain for the right thing to say. my fears had paralyzed me.while my passion for english has never changed, i lost my courage to speak in public. when my professor again encouraged me to take part in this competition, i said “no.” i couldn’t endure yet another painful experience. he looked me straight in the eye and said something that pierced my heart. i will never forget his words. “look,” he said, “we all have our fears, and you have yours. you could twist your ankle in a basketball game, but then be afraid to ever play again. running away can never dispel your fears, but action will. a winner is not one who never fails，but one who never quits.”i spent a whole day with his words twisting and turning in my mind. then i made the bravest and wisest decision of my life: i would face my fears – and take part in the competition!as it turned out, my dear old professor was right. now, here i am, once again standing before a microphone. my heart is beating fast, and my mouth is dry, but most importantly, i have faced my fears -- and that makes all the difference!thank you.英语经典演讲稿篇2Welcome to Guangdongladies and gentlemen, honorable judges, good afternoon.i come from one of the most lovely and attractive areas of china, the pearl river delta of guangdong province and i'd love to say a few words about this area that is so dear to my heart.guangdong province is a magically beautiful wonderland, with endless natural treasures. the lush and green mountains are inhabited by songbirds and exotic animals; the farm land is fertile and productive, providing all of its people with wonderfully nutritious grains and all the fruits they need to be healthy and strong. the pearl river meanders through the province and eventually comes to our beautiful seashore with crystal clear blue water, flourishing with all kinds of different fish and sea creatures. all these natural advantages help to boost the ever-expanding economy of guangdong and increase the welfare of its people.guangdong is privileged to have such a beautiful landscape, with hundreds of historical sites and places of great interest to local people and foreigners alike. our capital city, guangzhou, is also known as "the city of flowers". everywhere you look you will see flourishing plants and blossoming flowers overflowing with vigor.the people of guagdong are very friendly to visitors from anywhere. whoever you are and wherever you come from, guangdong people will greet you with the only language---guangdong dialect.guangdong is also known as the chinese capital of delicious food. there is an old saying that "the only best delicacies are in guangdong.” food from this province is internationally famous.its variety of tastes, shapes and colors can satisfy even the most refined palette. i'm sure, the moment you seat yourself at a cantonese banquet, your appetite will naturally become keen and eager to taste all the numerous delicacies of the region. here are but a few i will mention in passing: steamed fish in ginger sauce, seasoned chicken, drunken shrimp, dance fish balls, fried jellyfish, roast suckling pig or duck, braised crispy chicken or squab, shark fin soup, moon cakes, refreshments and desert, and so many more. my mouth is watering just at the sound of these wonderful dishes.i would like you all to know that there is truly nowhere in the world i would rather live and i invite you all to come discover the hidden treasures of my hometown. i would be glad to serve as your personal guide.thank you all.英语经典演讲稿篇3Developing a good learning habitthe most powerful strength in the world is a habit. the most precious fortune is also a habit. it’s true to an enterprise, a country and a nation. so is it to human life. habit is one of your belongings. if you have a good habit, you will never use it up. however, if you have a bad habit, you will be in endless debt. whether to be an owner or a slave is up to you. your behavior leads to a habit, your habit develops your personality, and your personality determines your destiny. from this, we can see it is important for middle school students to build up a good learning habit.as middle school students, what habits do we have to develop?1. show your respect and appreciation to your teachers.2. preview your lessons well.3. listen to the teacher carefully.students should concentrate on in class, and grasp the importance and difficulties, so that they will have the class effectively.4. observe attentively and think actively.5. be good at asking questions. the best students are those who are willing to ask questions and those who are creative.6. learn from others.everyone has his own advantages and disadvantages. what we should do is to learn from each other and get improved.7. do your homework independently.homework is an important part of teaching activities and it is a continuous part. it is the basic and independent practice. at the same time, it is the way to test how much students learned.some students don’t have a clear purpose and attitude towards it. they cheat in different ways. some students are afraid of doing something difficult. these bad habits influenced the efficiency of learning. so, we should pay much attention to our homework.8. think over when you take a test.9. reflect after doing exercise.10. learn to summarize.at last, make a list of your mistakes.mistral , one of the winners of nobel prize in chile, said,“we may wait for lots of things we need, but students can’t do that. they are growing up. we shouldn’t say tomorrow to them. their names are today.thus, let’s start from today, from now on, from every little thing and cultivate one good habit and another. let all the goodhabits be with us for a life time, be a ladder that leads us to success, and to a splendid tomorrow.英语经典演讲稿篇4Let’s stand up from wher e we fall downAll the celebrations welcoming the new century were hold in the year 20xx, because life without a greeting is like the sky without the sun.Greetings are very important for the whole world,in my opinion.But I don't know whether greetings are enough for us.Especially when we meet with failures .I remember quite clearly that when I was a child,if I fall down and was on the brink of crying,my father always told me"Please stand up from where you fall down!"Yes,we must stand up from where we fall down.That was a special mid night in 1993.Expectations filled our hearts.We stared at the TV,hoping excitedly as the voice would fly to our ears.But at last,each Chinese who loves our motherland was distressed to know the result:Beijing ,lost to Sydeny by a margin of two votes in the Olympic hosting competition.Eight years have past,but the frustration has not healed with time at all.Now,at the begining of the new millennium,all of the pride and disappointment of the 20th century had gone with the wind. The 21st century,which is full of hope,longing znd thought has come. Someone said,we would start from zero on.Should I really start from zero on?No!I hold that we should go on with our efferts and ambitions stayed by last century,and make our life better."New Beijing,Great Olympics!" The voice cries this out around China's captital,a 3,000 -year-old city these days.Beijing,along with Paris,Istanbul,Osake and Toronto,has been shortlisted by the International Olympic Committee as an official candidate city for the 20xx Olympic Games.英语经典演讲稿篇5in life, in school, if you don't have friends, what would you do? change isme, i will feel life is very boring, not happy at all.in school, if you have a good friend says, without a pen, a friend willlend it to you, no book friend will lend you, friends will play with you, by thetime class is over have won't do topic, friends will teach you, have somethingsad, friends will comfort you. if you don't have friends, forget to bringsomething, no one to lend you, farewell is next class, can only be a personsitting next to look at it very happy to play with friends, this kind of mood ishow uncomfortable! without a friend, your life will be dull and boring.without a friend, when you are a person at home, finished my homework, youis how lonely, maybe you can only at home watching tv, but tv can't talk withyou again, then how much do you need a bosom friend! friendship is veryprecious. friendship is the direction of the soul, friendship is sincere friend,friendship is the glow in the dark, friendship like a candle in the dark, theylike the way forward.friendship and a ray of sunshine in the winter yang, bring us warm.friendship is a cup of cool water under heat, gives me a cool and pleasant.believe that time is higher than wealth, above all is love, and friendship isthe most precious love. hope everyone the most want to cherish own friends,don't wait for friends leave you, just know to cherish.在生活中，在学校里，如果你没有朋友，你会怎样?换做是我，我就会觉得生活非常无味，没有一点儿快乐。
经典的英文演讲稿（精选5篇）
经典的英文演讲稿（精选5篇）经典的英文篇1my definition of successtoday i am very glad to be here to share with you my ideas of success. what is success? it is what everyone is longing for.sometimes success would be rather simple. winning a game is success; getting a high grade in the exam is success; making a new friend is success; even now i amstanding here giving my speech is somehow also success.however, as a person’s whole life is concerned, su ccess becomes verycomplicated. is fortune success? is fame success? is high social status success? no, i don’t think so. i believe success is the realization of people’s hopes and ideals.nowadays, in the modern society there are many peoplewho are regarded as the successful. and the most obvious characteristics of hem are money, high position and luxurious life. so most people believe that s success and all that they do is for this purpose. but the problem is wether it is real success. we all know there are always more money, higher position and better condition in front of us. if we keep chasing them, where is the end? what will satisfy us at last? therefore, we can see, to get the real success we must need something inside, which is the realization ofp eople’ hopes and ideals.different people have different ideas about success; cause people’s hopes and ideas vary from one another. but i am sure every success is dear to everybody, cause it is not easy to comeby, cause in the process of our striving for success, we got both our body and soul tempted, meanwhile we are enlightened by the most valuable qualities of human beings: love, patient, courage and sense of responsibility. these are the best treasures. so now i am very proud that i have this opportunity to stand here speaking to all of you. it is my success, cause i raise up to challenge my hope.what is success? everyone has his own interpretation as i do. but i am sureevery success leads to an ever-brighter future. so ladies and gentlemen, believe in our hopes, believe in ourselves, we, every one of us, can make asuccessful life!i have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed-we hold theses truths to be self-oevident, that all men are created equal. i have a dream that one day on the red hills of georgia, sons of former slaves and sons of former slave owners will be able to sit together at the table of brotherhood. i have a dream my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. i have a dream today! when we allow freedom to ring, when we let it ring from every village and hamlet, from every state and city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of god’s children-black men and white men , jews and gentiles, catholics and protestants-will be able to join hands and to sing in the words of the old negro spiritual, “free at least ,free at last . thank god almighty, we are free at last.”经典的英文演讲稿篇21.An aim in life is the only fortune worth finding.生活的目标，是唯一值得寻找的财富。
世界经典英文演讲100篇
Martin Luther King, Jr.: "I Have a Dream"delivered 28 August 1963, at the Lincoln Memorial, Washington D.C.I am happy to join with you today in what will go down传下去被承受in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.Five score years ago一百年前, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree重要的发令came as a great beacon light 航标灯of hope to millions of Negro slaves, who had been seared 凋枯萎in the flames of withering injustice挖苦性的不公平. It came as a joyous 〔joy〕daybreak 黎明破晓to end the long night of their captivity囚禁.一百多年前，一位伟大的美国人签署了解放奴隶宣言。
对于在挖苦性的不公平中调谐枯萎的亿万黑奴来说，这条重要的法令犹如他们的航标灯。
它想令人预约的破晓，完毕了黑奴被囚禁的漫长黑夜。
But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled使受残，使受伤，by the manacles 镣铐束缚of segregation种族隔离and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity物质繁荣. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in因受苦憔悴thecorners of American society and finds himself 意识到an e*ile放逐，流放in his own land. And so we've e here today to dramatize 将戏剧化a shameful condition.但是一百年后，黑人依旧并不自由。
著名的英语演讲稿
著名的英语演讲稿篇一：百篇著名英文演讲奥巴马纪念曼德拉the president: at his trial in 1964, nelson mandela closed his statement from the dock saying, i have fought against white domination, and i have fought against black domination. i have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons live together in harmony and with equal opportunities. it is an ideal which i hope to live for and to achieve. but if needs be, it is an ideal for which i am prepared to die.总统：纳尔逊?曼德拉（nelson mandela）在1964年接受审判时在被告席上结束他的陈述时说：“我曾为反对白人统治而斗争，也曾为反对黑人统治而斗争。
我一直珍藏着一个民主、自由的社会的理想，让所有人都生活在一个和谐共处、机会均等的社会中。
我希望为这个理想而生并将其付诸实现。
但是，如果需要，我也愿为这样一个理想献出生命。
”and nelson mandela lived for that ideal, and he made it real. he achieved more than could be expected of any man. today, he has gone home. and we have lost one of the most influential, courageous, and profoundly good human beings that any of us will share time with on this earth. he no longer belongs to us -- he belongs to the ages. 纳尔逊?曼德拉为这个理想而生，并将其变成现实。
美国经典英文演讲100篇_0
美国经典英文演讲100篇各位读友大家好，此文档由网络收集而来，欢迎您下载，谢谢篇一：美国经典英文演讲100篇Black Power美国经典英文演讲100篇:”Black Power”Stokely CarmichaelBlack Powerdelivered October 1966, Berkeley, CA[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio. (2)]Thank you very much. It’s a privilege and an honor to be in the white intellectual ghetto of the West. We wanted to do a couple of things before we started. The first is that, based on the fact that SNCC, through the articulation of its program byits chairman, has been able to win elections in Georgia, Alabama, Maryland, and by ourappearance here will win an election in California, in 1968 I’m going to run for President of the United States. I just can’t make it, ‘cause I wasn’t born in the United States. That’s the only thing holding me back.We wanted to say that this is a student conference, as it should be, held on a campus, and that we’re not ever to be caught up in the intellectual masturbation of the question of Black Power. That’s a function of people who are advertisers that call themselves reporters. Oh, for my members and friends of the press, my self-appointed white critics, I was reading Mr. Bernard Shaw two days ago, and I came across a very important quote which I think is most apropos for you. He says, “All criticism is a[n] autobiography.” Digyourself. Okay. The philosophers Camus and Sartre raise the question whether or not a man can condemn himself. The black existentialist philosopher who is pragmatic, Frantz Fanon, answered the question. He said that man could not. Camus and Sartre was not. We in SNCC tend to agree with Camus and Sartre, that a man cannot condemn Were he to condemn himself, he would then have to inflict punishment upon himself. An example would be the Nazis. Any prisoner who -- any of the Nazi prisoners who admitted, after he was caught andincarcerated, that he committed crimes, that he killed all the many people that he killed, he committed suicide. The only ones who were able to stay alive were the ones who never admitted that they committed a crimes [sic] against people -- that is, the ones who rationalized that Jews were not human beings and deserved to bekilled, or that they were only following orders.On a more immediate scene, the officials and the population -- the white population -- in Neshoba County, Mississippi -- that’s where Philadelphia is -- could not -- could not condemn [Sheriff] Rainey, his deputies, and the other fourteen men that killed three human beings. They could not because they elected Mr. Rainey to do precisely what he did; and that for them to condemn him will be for them to condemn themselves.In a much larger view, SNCC says that white America cannot condemn herself. And since we are liberal, we have done it: You standcondemned. Now, a number of things that arises from that answer of how do you condemn yourselves. Seems to me that the institutions that function in this country are clearly racist, and that they’re built uponracism. And the question, then, is how can black people inside of this country move? And then how can white people who say they’re not a part of those institutions begin to move? And how then do we begin to clear away the obstacles that we have in this society, that make us live like human beings? How can we begin to build institutions that will allow people to relate with each other as human beings? This country has never done that, especially around the country of white or black.Now, several people have been upset because we’ve said thatintegration was irrelevant when initiated by blacks, and that in fact it was a subterfuge, an insidious subterfuge, for the maintenance of white supremacy. Now we maintain that in the past six years or so, this country has been feeding us a “thalidomide drug of integration,” and that some negroes have been walking down adream streettalking about sitting next to white people; and that that does not begin to solve the problem; that when we went to Mississippi we did not go to sit next to Ross Barnett2; we did not go to sit next to Jim Clark3; we went to get them out of our way; and that people ought to understand that; that we were never fighting for the right to integrate, we were fighting against white supremacy.Now, then, in order to understand white supremacy we must dismiss the fallacious notion that white people can give anybody their freedom. No man can give anybody his freedom. A man is born free. You may enslave a man after he is born free, and that is in fact what thiscountry does. It enslaves black people after they’re born, so that the only acts that white people can do is to stop denying black people their freedom; that is, theymust stop denying freedom. They never give it to anyone.Now we want to take that to its logical extension, so that we could understand, then, what its relevancy would be in terms of new civil rights bills. I maintain that every civil rights bill in this country was passed for white people, not for black people. For example, I am black.I know that. I also know that while I am black I am a human being, and therefore I have the right to go into any public place. White people didn’t know that. Every time I tried to go into a place they stopped me. So some boys had to write a bill to tell that white man, “He’s a human being; don’t stop him.” That bill was for that white man, not for me. I knew it all the time. I knew it all the time.I knew that I could vote and that that wasn’t a privilege; it was my right. Every time I tried I was shot, killed or jailed,beaten or economically deprived. So somebody had to write a bill for white people to tell them, “When a black man comes to vote, don’t bother him.” That bill, again, was for white people, not for black people; so that when you talk about open occupancy, I know I can live anyplace I want to live. It is white people across this country who are incapable of allowing me to live where I want to live. You need a civil rights bill, not me. I know I can live where I want to live.So that the failures to pass a civil rights bill isn’t because of Black Power, isn’t because of the Student Nonviolent CoordinatingCommittee; it’s not because of the rebellions that are occurring in the major cities. It is incapability of whites to deal with their own problems inside their own communities. That is the problem of the failure of the civil rights bill.And so in a larger sense we must then ask, How is it that black people move? And what do we do? But the question in a greater sense is, How can white people who are the majority -- and who are responsible for making democracy work -- make it work? They have miserably failed to this point. They have never made democracy work, be it inside the United States, Vietnam, South Africa, Philippines, South America, Puerto Rico. Wherever American has been, she has not been able to make democracy work; so that in a larger sense, we not only condemnthe country for what it’s done internally, but we must condemn it for what it does externally. We see this country trying to rule the world, and someone must stand up and start articulating that this country is not God, and cannot rule the world.Now, then, before we move on weought to develop the white supremacy attitudes that were either conscious or subconscious thought and how they run rampant through the society today. For example, the missionaries were sent to Africa. They went with the attitude that blacks were automatically inferior. As a matter of fact, the first act the missionaries did, you know, when they got to Africa was to make us cover up our bodies, because they said it got them excited. We couldn’t go bare-breasted any more because they got excited.Now when the missionaries came to civilize us because we were uncivilized, educate us because we were uneducated, and give us some -- some literate studies because we were illiterate, they charged a price. The missionaries came with the Bible, and we had the land. When they left, they had the land, and we still have the Bible. And that has been the rationalizationfor Western civilization as it moves across the world and stealing and plundering and raping everybody in its path. Their one rationalization is that the rest of the world is uncivilized and they are in fact civilized. And they are un-civil-ized.And that runs on today, you see, because what we have today is we have what we call “modern-day Peace Corps missionaries,” and they come into our ghettos and they Head Start, Upward Lift, Bootstrap, and Upward Bound us into white society, ‘cause they don’t want to face the real problem which is a man is poor for one reason and one reason only: ‘cause he does not have money -- period. If you want to get rid of poverty, you give people money -- period.And you ought not to tell me about people who don’t work, and you can’t give people money without working, ‘cause if that were true, you’d have to startstopping Rockefeller, Bobby Kennedy, Lyndon Baines Johnson, Lady Bird Johnson, the whole of Standard Oil, the Gulf Corp, all of them, including probably a large number of the Board of Trustees of this university. So the question, then, clearly, is not whether or not one can work; it’s Who has power? Who has power to make his or her acts legitimate? That is all. And that this country, that power is invested in the hands of white people, and they make their acts legitimate. It is now, therefore, for black people to make our acts legitimate.Now we are now engaged in a psychological struggle in this country, and that is whether or not black people will have the right to use the words they want to use without white people giving their sanction to it; and that we maintain, whether they like it or not, we gonna use the word “Black Power” -- and let themaddress themselves to that; but that we are not going to wait for white people to sanction Black Power. We’re tired waiting; every time black people move in this country, they’re forced to defend their position before they move. It’s time that the people who are supposed to be defending their position do that. That’s white people. They ought to start defending themselves as to why they have oppressed and exploited us.Now it is clear that when this country started to move in terms of slavery, the reason for a man being picked as a slave was one reason -- because of the color of his skin. If one was black one wasautomatically inferior, inhuman, and therefore fit for slavery; so that the question of whether or not we are individually suppressed is nonsensical, and it’s a dowight lie. We are oppressed as a group because we are black, not becausewe are lazy, not because we’re apathetic, not because we’re stupid, not because we smell, notbecause we eat watermelon and have good rhythm. We are oppressed because we are black.And in order to get out of that oppression one must wield the group power that one has, not the individual power which this country then sets the criteria under which a man may come into it. That is what is called in this country as integration: “You do what I tell you to do and then we’ll let you sit at the table with us.” And that we are saying that we have to be opposed to that. We must now set up criteria and that if there’s going to be any integration, it’s going to be a two-way thing. If you believe in integration, you can come live in Watts. You can send your children to the ghetto schools. Let’s talk about that. If you believe in integration,then we’re going to start adopting us some white people to live in our neighborhood.So it is clear that the question is not one of integration or segregation. Integration is a man’s ability to want to move in there by himself. If someone wants to live in a white neighborhood and he is black, that is his choice. It should be his rights. It is not because white people will not allow him. So vice versa: If a black man wants to live in the slums, that should be his right. Black people will let him. That is the difference. And it’s a difference on which this country makes a number of logical mistakes when they begin to try to criticize the program articulated by SNCC.篇二：美国经典英文演讲一百篇!练口语和演讲的好材料,值得收藏!!!美国经典英文演讲一百篇！练口语和演讲的好材料，值得收藏！！！梁志埠的日志? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ?????????????????·美国20世纪经典英语演讲100篇（MP3+文本）·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Farewell Address to Congress ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1984 DNC Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:WeShall Overcome ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Shuttle’’Challenger’’Disaster Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Checkers ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Pearl Harbor Address to the Nation ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:I Have a Dream ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Civil Rights Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Time to Break Silence-Beyond Vietnam ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1988 DNC Keynote Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Atoms for Peace ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Truman Doctrine ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:First Inaugural Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Great Arsenal of Democracy ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Acres of Diamonds ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Great Silent Majority ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Farewell Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Oklahoma Bombing MemorialAddress ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Crisis of Confidence ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1992 DNC Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:On Vietnam and Not Seeking Re-Election ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Cambodian Incursion Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Eulogy for Robert Francis Kennedy ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Black Power ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Chappaquiddick ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:40th Anniversary of D-Day Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Presidential Nomination Acceptance.. ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Marshall Plan ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Whisper of AIDS ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1988 DNC Address(下) ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:I’ve Been to the Mountaintop ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Statement on the Articles of Impeachment ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1984 DNC Keynote Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Houston Ministerial Association Speech ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Ballot or the Bullet ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1976 DNC Keynote Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Inaugural Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Television News Coverage? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Against Imperialism ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Four Freedoms ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:American University Commencement Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Nobel Prize Acceptance Speech ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:First Fireside Chat ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Evil Empire ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Time for Choosing ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Ich bin ein Berliner ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Duty, Honor,Country ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Remarks on the Assassination of MLKing ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Message to the Grassroots ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Address on Taking the Oath of Office ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Sproul Hall Sit-in Speech... ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1980 DNC Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Statement to the Senate Judiciary... ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Television and the Public Interest ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Presidential Nomination ... ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Religious Belief and Public Morality ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Vice-Presidential Nomination... ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Truth and Tolerance in America ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Great Society ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1988 DNC Address(上) ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Brandenburg GateAddress篇三：美国经典英文演讲100篇Sproul Hall Sit-in Speech美国经典英文演讲100篇:Sproul Hall Sit-in Speech...delivered 2 December 1964, The University of California at Berkeley[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio]You know, I just wanna say one brief thing about something the previous speaker said. I didn’t wanna spe nd too much time on that ‘cause I don’t think it’s important enough. But one thing is worth considering.He’s the -- He’s the nominal head of an organization supposedly representative of the undergraduates. Whereas in fact under the current director it derives -- its authority is delegated power from the Administration. It’s totally uepresentativeof the graduate students andBut he made the following statement (I quote): “I would ask all those who are not definitely committed to the FSM2 cause to stay away from demonstration.” Alright, now listen to this: “For all upper division students who are interested in alleviating the TA shortage problem, I would encourage you to offer your services to Department Chairmen and Advisors.” That has two things: A strike breaker and a fink. I’d like to say -- like to say one other thing about a union problem. Upstairs you may have noticed they’re ready on the 2nd floor of Sproul Hall, Locals 40 and 127 of the Painters Union are painting the inside of the 2nd floor of Sproul Hall. Now, apparently that action had been planned some time in the past. I’ve tried to contact those unions. Unfortunately -- and [it] tears my heart out -- they’re asbureaucratized as the Administration. It’s difficult to get through toanyone in authority there. Very sad. We’re still -- We’re still making an attempt. Those people up there have no desire to interfere with what we’re doing. I would ask that they be considered and that they not be heckled in any way. And I think that -- you know -- while there’s unfortunately no sense of -- no sense of solidarity at this pointbetween unions and students, there at least need be no -- you know -- excessively hard feelings between the two groups.Now, there are at least two ways in which sit-ins and civil disobedience and whatever -- least two major ways in which it can occur. One, when a law exists, is promulgated, which is totally unacceptable to people and they violate it again and again and again till it’s rescinded, appealed.Alr ight, but there’s another way. There’s another way. Sometimes, the form of the law is such as to render impossible its effective violation -- as a method to have it repealed. Sometimes, the grievances of people are more -- extend more -- to more than just the law, extend to a whole mode of arbitrary power, a whole mode of arbitrary exercise of arbitrary power.And that’s what we have here. We have an autocracy which -- which runs this university. It’s managed. We were told the following: IfPresident Kerr actually tried to get something more liberal out of the Regents in his telephone conversation, why didn’t he make somepublic statement to that effect? And the answer we received -- from a well-meaning liberal -- was the following: He said, “Wou ld you ever imagine the manager of a firm making a statementpublicly in opposition to his Board of Directors?” That’s the answer.Well I ask you to consider -- if this is a firm, and if the Board of Regents are the Board of Directors, and if President Kerr in fact is the manager, then I tell you something -- the faculty are a bunch of employees and we’re the raw material! But we’re a bunch of rawmaterials that don’t mean to be -- have any process upon us. Don’t mean to be made into any product! D on’t mean -- Don’t mean to end up being bought by some clients of the University, be they the government, be they industry, be they organized labor, be they anyone! We’re human beings!And that -- that brings me to the second mode of civil disobedience. There’s a time when the operation of the machine becomes so odious, makes you so sick at heart that you can’t take part! Youcan’t even passively take part! And you’ve got to put your bodies upon the gears and upon the wheels, upon the levers, upon all the apparatus -- and you’ve got to make it stop! And you’ve got to indicate to the peoplewho run it, to the people who own it -- that unless you’re free the machine will be prevented from working at all!!That doesn’t mean -- I know it will be interpreted to mean,unfortunately, by the bigots who run The Examiner, for example -- That doesn’t mean that you have to break anything. One thousand people sitting down some place, not letting anybody by, not [letting] anything happen, can stop any machine, including this machine! And it will stop!!We’re gonna do the following -- and the greater the number of people, the safer they’ll be and the more effective it will be. We’re going, once again, to march up tothe 2nd floor of Sproul Hall. And we’re gonna conduct our lives for awhile in the 2nd floor of Sproul Hall. We’ll show movies, for example. We tried to get -- and [they] shut them off. Unfortunately, that’s tied up in the court because of a lot of squeamish moral mothers for a moral America and other people on the outside. The same people who get all their ideas out of the San Francisco Examiner. Sad, sad. But, Mr. Landau -- Mr. Landau has gotten us some other films.Likewise, we’ll do something -- we’ll do something which hasn’toccurred at this University in a good long time! We’re going to have real classes up there! They’re gonna be freedom schools conducted up there! We’re going to have classes on [the] 1st and 14thamendments!! We’re gonna spend our time learning about the things this University is afraid that we know! We’regoing to learn about freedom up there, and we’re going to learn by doing!!Now, we’ve had some good, long rallies. [Rally organizers inform Savio that Joan Baez has arrived.] Just one moment. We’ve had som e good, long rallies. And I think I’m sicker of rallies than anyone else here. She’s not going to be long. I’d like to introduce one last person -- one last person before we enter Sproul Hall. Yeah. And the person is Joan Baez.《美国经典英文演讲100篇》各位读友大家好，此文档由网络收集而来，欢迎您下载，谢谢。
著名英语演讲稿（通用18篇）
著名英语演讲稿（通用18篇）著名英语篇1ladies and gentlemen, boys and girls,i am chinese. i am proud of being a chinese with five thousand years of civilization behind. i've learned about the four great inventions made by our forefathers. i've learned about the great wall and the yangtze river. i've learned about zhang heng(张衡)and i've learned about zheng he(郑和).who says the yellow river civilization has vanished(消失)?i know that my ancestors have made miracles(奇迹)on this fertile land and we're still making miracles. who can ignore the fact that we have established ourselves as a great state in the world, that we have devised our own nuclear weapons, that we have successfully sent our satellites into space, and that our gnp ranks no. 7 in the world? we have experienced the plunders (掠夺) by other nations, and we have experienced the war. yet, based on such ruins, there still stands our nation----china, unyielding and unconquerable!i once came across an american tourist. she said, “china has a history of five thousand years, but the us only has a history of 200 years. five thousand years ago, china took the lead in the world, and now it is the us that is leading.”my heart was deeply touched by these words. it is true that we're still a developing nation, but it doesn't mean that we can despise (鄙视) ourselves. we have such a long-standing history, we have such abundant resources, we have such intelligent and diligent people, and we have enough to be proud of. we have reasons to say proudly：we are sure to take the lead in the world in the future again, for our problems are big, but our ambition (雄心) is even bigger, our challenges (挑战) are great, but our will is even greater.i am chinese. i have inherited (继承) black hair and black eyes.i have inherited the virtues of my ancestors. i have also taken over responsibility. i am sure, that wherever i go, whatever i do, i shall never forget that i am chinese!著名英语演讲稿篇2since the quality of honesty applies to all behaviors, one cannot refuse to consider factual information, for example, in an unbiased manner and still claim that one's knowledge, belief or position is an attempt to be truthful. such a belief is clearly a product of one's desires and simply has nothing to do with the human ability to know. basing one's positions on what one wants — rather than unbiased evidence gathering — is dishonest even when good intentions can be cited — after all even hitler could cite good intentions and intended glory for a select group of people. clearly then, an unbiased approach to the truth is a requirement of honesty.human beings are inherently biased about what they believe to be good due to individual tastes & backgrounds, but once one understands that a decidedly biased approach to what is true —is inherently dishonest, one can also understand how idealism and ideology have poorly served the quest for an honest, moral society. both honesty and morality require that we base our opinions about what is good — upon unbiased ideas of what is true — rather than vice versa(determining what is true based on what we feel is good) —the way all ideologies would have us believe.著名英语演讲稿篇3It’s beyond reproach that we will come across all kinds of difficulties andchallenges in our life time .Some will be subjected to frequent sadness .Somewill lose their way to moveon .Thus,only when we equip ourselves with hope andcourage can we finally succeed in the uncertain future.Forrest Gump showed so great courage in the movie that he touched me a lot. For one thing,no matter when and where Jenny got into trouble ,Forrest Gumpwould bring her out of it without thinking how dangerous the situation would be.Maybe we should all fell ashamed that we love ourselves more than we love love,but Forrest showed great courage in love .For another,Forrest gump risked hislife to save Bubba in the war.It’s courage that helped Forrest gain a series ofhonor after war .Forrest Gump is beautiful for his perseverance and touchesothers with his courage.A per son can’t do without courage in terms of love and friendship ,letalone life . A weak person may avoid the difficulties ,but a person with couragewill face up to it head-on. Therefore,let’equip ourselves with greatcourage.【参考译文】我们一生中遇到各种困难和挑战是无可指责的，有些人会经常悲伤，有些人将失去前进的道路，只有当我们有希望和勇气时，我们才能在不确定的将来取得成功。
经典英文演讲100篇
经典英文演讲100篇第一篇：经典英文演讲100篇Robert F.Kennedy: Remarks on the Assassination of Martin LutherKing, Jr.“Ladies and Gentlemen...Martin Luther King was shot and was killed tonight in Memphis, Tennessee”Ladies and Gentlemen: I'm only going to talk to you just for a minute or so this evening, because I have some very sad news for all of you--Could you lower those signs, please?--I have some very sad news for all of you, and, I think, sad news for all of our fellow citizens, and people who love peace all over the world;and that is that Martin Luther King was shot and was killed tonight in Memphis, Tennessee.Martin Luther King dedicated his life to love and to justice between fellow human beings.He died in the cause of that effort.In this difficult day, in this difficult time for the United States, it's perhaps well to ask what kind of a nation we are and what direction we want to move in.For those of you who are black--considering the evidence evidently is that there were white people who were responsible--you can be filled with bitterness, and with hatred, and a desire for revenge.We can move in that direction as a country, in greater polarization--black people amongst blacks, and white amongst whites, filled with hatred toward one another.Or we can make an effort, as Martin Luther King did, to understand, and to comprehend, and replace that violence, that stain of bloodshed that has spread across our land, with an effort to understand, compassion and love.For those of you who are black and are tempted to be filled with hatred and mistrust of the injustice of such an act, against all white people, I would only say that I can also feel in my own heartthe same kind of feeling.I had a member of my family killed, but he was killed by a white man.But we have to make an effort in the United States, we have to make an effort to understand, to get beyond, or go beyond these rather difficult times.My favorite poem, my favorite poet was Aeschylus.And he once wrote: “Even in our sleep, pain which cannot forget falls drop by drop upon the heart, until, in our own despair, against our will, comes wisdomthrough the awful grace of God.”What we need in the United States is not division;what we need in the United States is not hatred;what we need in the United States is not violence and lawlessness, but is love and wisdom, and compassion toward one another, and a feeling of justice toward those who still suffer within our country, whether they be white or whether they be black.So I ask you tonight to return home, to say a prayer for the family of Martin Luther King--yeah, it's true--but more importantly to say a prayer for our own country, which all of us love--a prayer for understanding and that compassion of which I spoke.We can do well in this country.We will have difficult times.We've had difficult times in the past.And we will have difficult times in the future.It is not the end of violence;it is not the end of lawlessness;and it's not the end of disorder.But the vast majority of white people and the vast majority of black people in this country want to live together, want to improve the quality of our life, and want justice for all human beings that abide in our land.Let us dedicate ourselves to what the Greeks wrote so many years ago: to tame the savageness of man and make gentle the life of this world.Let us dedicate ourselves to that, and say a prayer for our country and for our people.Thank you very much.第二篇：经典英文演讲美国20世纪经典英语演讲100篇（MP3+文本）••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Farewell Address to Congress·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1984 DNC Address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:We Shall Overcome·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Shuttle’’Challenger’’Disaster Address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Checkers·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Pearl Harbor Address to the Nation·美国经典英文演讲100篇:I Have a Dream·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Civil Rights Address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Time to Break Silence-Beyond Vietnam·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1988 DNC Keynote Address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Atoms for Peace·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Truman Doctrine·美国经典英文演讲100篇:First Inaugural Address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Great Arsenal of Democracy·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Acres of Diamonds·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Great Silent Majority·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Farewell Address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Oklahoma Bombing Memorial Address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Crisis of Confidence·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1992 DNC Address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:On Vietnam and Not Seeking Re-Election·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Cambodian Incursion Address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Eulogy for Robert Francis Kennedy·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Black Power·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Chappaquiddick·美国经典英文演讲100篇:40th Anniversary of D-Day Address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Presidential Nomination Acceptance..·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Marshall Plan·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Whisper of AIDS·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1988 DNC Address(下)·美国经典英文演讲100篇:I’ve Been to the Mountaintop·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Statement on the Articles of Impeachment·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1984 DNC Keynote Address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Houston Ministerial Association Speech·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Ballot or the Bullet·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1976 DNC Keynote Address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Inaugural Address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Television News Coverage•••••••••••••••••••••••·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Against Imperialism·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Four Freedoms·美国经典英文演讲100篇:American University Commencement Address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Nobel Prize Acceptance Speech·美国经典英文演讲100篇:First Fireside Chat·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Evil Empire·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Time for Choosing·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Ich bin ein Berliner·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Duty, Honor, Country·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Remarks on the Assassination of MLKing·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Message to the Grassroots·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Address on Taking the Oath of Office·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Sproul Hall Sit-in Speech...·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1980 DNC Address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Statement to the Senate Judiciary...·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Television and the Public Interest·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Presidential Nomination...·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Religious Belief and Public Morality·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Vice-Presi dential Nomination...·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Truth and Tolerance in America·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Great Society·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1988 DNC Address(上)·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Brandenburg Gate Address第三篇：英文演讲范文Serial News Broadcast, USA美国新闻广播,系列Male: Hello audience.男:大家好。
名人的经典英语演讲稿优秀10篇
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文档下载后可定制修改，请根据实际需要进行调整和使用，谢谢!并且，本店铺为大家提供各种类型的经典范文，如工作资料、求职资料、报告大全、方案大全、合同协议、条据文书、教学资料、教案设计、作文大全、其他范文等等，想了解不同范文格式和写法，敬请关注!Download tips: This document is carefully compiled by this editor.I hope that after you download it, it can help you solve practical problems. The document can be customized and modified after downloading, please adjust and use it according to actual needs, thank you!In addition, this shop provides you with various types of classic model essays, such as work materials, job search materials, report encyclopedia, scheme encyclopedia, contract agreements, documents, teaching materials, teaching plan design, composition encyclopedia, other model essays, etc. if you want to understand different model essay formats and writing methods, please pay attention!名人的经典英语演讲稿优秀10篇好的演讲稿可以引导听众，使听众能更好地理解演讲的内容。
世界著名英语演讲稿经典
世界著名英语演讲稿经典著名的演讲对于人很有启发的作用，英语能够让演讲更加的国际化。
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世界著名英语演讲篇一Words of Wisdom:"Take action. Every story you've ever connected with, every leader you've ever admired, every puny little thing that you've ever accomplished is the result of taking action. You have a choice. You can either be a passive victim of circumstance or you can be the active hero of your own life. Action is the antidote to apathy and cynicism and despair. You will inevitably make mistakes. Learn what you can and move on. At the end of your days, you will be judged by your gallop, not by your stumble."As an actor, Whitford's most famous character was The West Wing's Josh Lyman, a pragmatic political wonk with a drive to win and no compunction about kneecapping his foes. So it's a little strange to read Whitford's earnest advice for overcoming adversity. But there's no denying that his addremakes a heartfelt, inspiring read.Words of Wisdom:"Let us examine our attitude toward peace itself. Too many of us think it is impossible. Too many think it unreal. But that is a dangerous, defeatist belief. It leads to the conclusion that war is inevitable, that mankind is doomed, that we are gripped by forces we cannot control."We need not accept that view. Our problems are man-made — therefore, they can be solved by man. And man can be as big as he wants. No problem of human destiny is beyond humanbeings. Man's reason and spirit have often solved the seemingly unsolvable — and we believe they can do it again."Consider the last time you witnessed an exchange about the thorny issues on today's agenda — pork-barrel spending, say, or instituting universal health care. Chances are the discussion was conducted in weary, whispered tones. Pragmatism is in, and talk of grand solutions is the kiof death for many a politician. Reading J.F.K.'s 1963 addreto American University graduates on the need for world peace is a reminder of how much our political discourse has changed — and, in many ways, diminished. Say this for the President: he made no small plans.世界著名英语演讲篇二Today I would like to begin with a story.There was once a physical therapist(临床医学家) who traveled all the way from America to Africa to do a census(调查) about mountain gorillas(大猩猩). These gorillas are a main attraction to tourists from all over the world; this put them severely under threat of poaching(偷猎) and being put into the zoo. She went there out of curiosity, but what she saw strengthened her determination to devote her whole life to fighting for those beautiful creatures. She witnessed a scene, a scene taking us to a place we never imaged we've ever been, where in the very depth of the African rainforest, surrounded by trees, flowers and butterflies, the mother gorillas cuddled(拥抱) their babies.Yes, that's a memorable scene in one of my favorite movies, called Gorillas in the Mist, based on a true story of Mrs. Dian Fossey, who spent most of bet lifetime in Rwanda to protect the eco-environment there until the very end of her life.To me, the movie not only presents an unforgettable scene but also acts as a timeless(永恒的) reminder that we should notdevelop the tourist industry at the cost of our eco-environment.Today, we live in a world of prosperity but still threatened by so many new problems. On the one hand, tourism, as one of the most promising industries in the 21st century, provides people with the great opportunity to see everything there is to see and to go any place there is to go. It has become a lifestyle for some people, and has turned out to be the driving force in GDP growth. It has the magic to turn a backward town into a wonderland of prosperity. But on the other hand, many problems can occur---natural scenes aren't natural anymore. Deforestation to heat lodges is devastating Nepal. Oil spills from tourist boats are polluting Antarctica. Tribal people are forsaking their native music and dress to listen to U2 on Walkman and wear Nike and Reeboks.All these appalling(令人震惊的) facts have brought us to the realization that we can no longer stand by and do nothing, because the very thought of it has been eroding(侵蚀) our resources. Encouragingly, the explosive growth of global travel has put tourism again in the spotlight, which is why the United Nations has made 2002 the year of ecotourism, for the first time to bring to the world's attention the benefits of tourism, but also its capacity to destroy our eco-environment.Now every year, many local ecoenvironmental protection organizations an: receiving donations--big notes, small notes or even coins--from housewives, plumbers(水管工人), ambulance drivers, salesmen, teachers, children and invalids(残疾人), Some of them can not afford to send the money but they do. These are the ones who drive the cabs, who nurse in hospitals, who are suffering from ecological damage in their neighborhood. Why? Because they care, because they still want their Mother Natureback. Because they know it still belongs to them.世界著名英语演讲篇三Good morning, ladies and gentlemen.In today’s technologically advanced world, the role of humanism has been more visible and touchable than ever. It’s not only about compassion, sacrifice and kindness in the old time, but more like a magnifying glass to make the good part of human nature much better and the bad part much clearer for us to see.Without doubt that humanism could magnify the best part of human nature and bring hope, belief and love to everyone in despair with the help of today’s highly developed technology. Think about the moment that how happy you can be when you help a devastated person just by clicking your mouse online. And will you be overwhelmed with happiness when you could make this seemingly impossible task possible?Micro blog right now enjoys a huge popularity in China. Last year, a young couple updated a single status on micro blog begging that they need people’s help to find their 5 year-old missing son. Within a second, this message was forwarded more than thousands of times. At first, I forwarded this message without any strong feeling or hope attached. I was wondering what can it do except from comforting those devastated parents. However, with the messages forwarded by more and more people, some surprising news popping on my page that one stranger spotted the missing child and updated the photo online. Only one day later, the missing boy was home safe and sound with the help of more than 10 thousand people within 48 hours. Being part of this amazing and exciting 48 hours is so meaningful and inspiring, for I see the most beautiful and moving part of human nature.On the other side of the picture, technology can also help humanism magnify the most evil part of human nature for us to see. Online forum made it possible for us to have access to any information we want, while it also made it easier to spread unhealthy values that more and more people are becoming more greedy, indifferent and selfish than ever. When an old woman fell over in the street, more than 80% of people refused to offer help, for people hea rd so much about how an old lady’s family treated the person who helped as some bad guy who made the lady fall. And most of us even feel it OK not to help, unfortunately we make those exceptions into a golden rule. Last year, when a case like this happened and the old lady struggled for help, we finally think it as a right time to break the worst stereotype. Experts, students, reporters and all kinds of people start to save the moral decline. Professors from Peking University even said to their students that you should offer help whenever you see an old man fall over, for the school of law will help you win the lawsuit and the school of journalism and communication will help you win the media. In this technologically advanced world, we can easily see the dark side of human nature. However, no matter how bad we turn into, humanity never fails to be the best cure and teach us to cherish the best part of human nature.Humanism is indeed a magnifying glass in this technologically advanced world, no matter which side of human nature we are in. Humanism can always light up the world and make it as beautiful as we first saw it. And that can create the most inspiring moments in our lives.世界著名英语演讲篇四When I was in primary school, once our math teacher told us: Mathematics is the most important subject since it is thefoundation of all science and technology. Without math, there would be no skyscrapers, no cars or planes and no human’s today. You must learn math well because it promotes technology and technology is of top priority.The interesting thing is, in the next class, our Chinese teacher also said: Chinese is the most important subject, poems and essays depict people’s everlasting emotion. Love, friendship, hatred can all be conveyed by words and language. You must learn Chinese well because literature unfolds human nature and humanism is of top priority.After the class, my classmates and I were all confused. What is exactly the most important subject? Mathematics or Chinese? Science or humanism?The confusion has been in my mind for many years. No matter what kind of exam it is, they share the same credit. No matter whether it is science or humanism, each of them plays an essential role. By and by, it seems to me that: They are of the same importance.My perception, however, changed after a military course in my university. During the class, our teacher said: If one day, 5 billion TNT nuclear warheads exploded, what would be the result?2 billion people would die. And for the temperature, 10 centigrade would drop. All of us would vanish. This is called “Nuclear Winter”.We were shocked! And suddenly my math teacher’s voice echoed in my mind: Without technology, there would be no human’s today. But where is our tomorrow? Will it be fantastic?I don’t think so.Ladies and gentleman, we must be clearly aware that: Compared with high-tech, our humanism becomes more trivial.Warfare destroyed our rosy homeland. Disasters left millions of people homeless. Our Earth is scarred and battered. Without morality, technology is dragging us into darkness. There is only one thing that can save us: humanism.In 1994, Nash, the Nobel Prize winner, said in the awarding ceremony: I've always believed in numbers and the equations and logics that lead to reason. But after a lifetime of such pursuits, I ask, "What truly is logic?" "Who decides reason? And I have made the most important discovery of my career, the most important discovery of my life: It is only in the mysterious equations of love that any logic or reasons can be found.Nash’s words struck me. What is the most precious? It must be love, love for ourselves, love for people and love for our mother Earth. And it is the technology guided by our beautiful mind that brings us a bright future.Finally I’d like to say: It’s great to be great, but it’s greater to be human.【世界著名英语演讲稿经典范文】。
经典演讲100篇
经典演讲100篇以下是一些被认为是经典演讲的100篇：1. 马丁·路德·金恩（Martin Luther King, Jr.）——《我有一个梦想》（I Have a Dream）2. 约翰·F·肯尼迪（John F. Kennedy）——《不要问国家能给你什么，而问你能给国家什么》（Ask Not What Your Country Can Do for You）3. 温斯顿·丘吉尔（Winston Churchill）——《我们会战斗到底》（We Shall Fight on the Beaches）4. 巴拉克·奥巴马（Barack Obama）——《美国是一个有可能变为更好的地方》（A More Perfect Union）5. 艾伦·图灵（Alan Turing）——《计算机时代的新机遇和力量》（Computing Machinery and Intelligence）6. 尼尔·阿姆斯特朗（Neil Armstrong）——登月演讲（The Eagle Has Landed）7. 约翰·列侬（John Lennon）——《想象》（Imagine）8. 爱默生（Ralph Waldo Emerson）——《自我依赖》（Self-Reliance）9. 奥普拉·温弗瑞（Oprah Winfrey）——《关于梦想和成功的演讲》（The Path Made Clear）10. 乔布斯（Steve Jobs）——《留下你的痕迹》（Stay Hungry, Stay Foolish）11. 东奥塞鲁（Sojourner Truth）——《不是女人吗》（Ain't Ia Woman?）12. 纳尔逊·曼德拉（Nelson Mandela）——《我有一个理想》（I Am Prepared to Die）13. 古德曼（Dorothy Goodman）——《交流的魔法》（The Magic of Communication）14. 女王伊丽莎白一世（Queen Elizabeth I）——《我是一个女王》（Gloriana Speech）15. 阿根廷总统埃瓦尔多·雷昂·甘斯（Eva Perón）——《告别致辞》（Farewell Speech）16. 迈克尔·杰克逊（Michael Jackson）——《他们不在乎我们》（They Don't Care About Us）17. 乔治·华盛顿（George Washington）——《告别演说》（Farewell Address）18. 玛丽·居里（Marie Curie）——《女性的怀才不遇》（The Woman Genius Who Was Half Forgotten）19. 朱利叶斯·凯撒（Julius Caesar）——《我把命运放在自己手中》（Veni, vidi, vici）20. 罗纳德·里根（Ronald Reagan）——《柏林墙下的演讲》（Tear Down This Wall）21. 约瑟夫·斯图尔特（Joseph Stalin）——《我们会胜利》（We Shall Win）22. 马克·吐温（Mark Twain）——《关于真理的意见》（What Is Man?）23. 马哈特玛·甘地（Mahatma Gandhi）——《非暴力抵抗》（Quit India Speech）24. 亨利·福特（Henry Ford）——《心有多大，舞台就有多大》（What I Do Best）25. 贾巴尔·加斯里耶夫（Jawaharlal Nehru）——《独立之时》（Tryst with Destiny）26. 丘吉尔（Churchill）——《让我们为战斗而努力》（Their Finest Hour）27. 约翰·F·肯尼迪（John F. Kennedy）——《不是问你能为国家做些什么》（Ich bin ein Berliner）28. 毛泽东（Mao Zedong）——《世上无难事》（The Foolish Old Man Who Removed the Mountains）29. 昂山素季（Aung San Suu Kyi）——《和平、自由和民主》（Freedom from Fear）30. 蒙克玛特·阿利（Malala Yousafzai）——《让教育重生》（The Girl Who Stood Up for Education）31. 凯瑟琳·亨米尔（Katharine Hepburn）——《女性权益》（Ladies, Unite）32. 奥古斯特·温特贝格（August Wintberg）——《我的共和国》（myrepubliks）33. 伊丽莎白二世（Elizabeth II）——《我们会胜利》（WeWill Meet Again）34. 马特·达蒙（Matt Damon）——《给母校的助学金》（Maritime Academy Scholarship）35. 米开朗琪罗·达·芬奇（Leonardo da Vinci）——《完美进化》（Perfection in Evolution）36. 乔治·梅森（George Mason）——《有权力怀疑的权利》（The Right of Dissent）37. 乔治·奥威尔（George Orwell）——《自由的本质》（The Freedom of the Press）38. 约会·福尔摩斯（Sherlock Holmes）——《天才的缺点》（The Science of Deduction）39. 巴克教授（Professor Dumbledore）——《自愿的变形》（On Choosing Your Own Metamorphosis）40. 穆罕默德·阿里（Muhammad Ali）——《逃离细小的名字》（Float Fighting）41. 亚伯哈·林肯（Abraham Lincoln）——《林肯葬礼演说》（Farewell Address）42. 萨拉·保罗森（Sarah Palin）——《彻底归零》（Going Rogue）43. 爱因斯坦（Albert Einstein）——《简单的智慧》（Simple Wisdom）44. 北欧以及平民大众——《布里吉特花蜜琼迪斯和我们无比走运》（Bridget Honeyquinn and Our Incredibly Lucky Lives）45. 斯特勒·霍利·摩里耶（Stella Holley Moriarty）——《必须付出的代价》（A Price That Must Be Paid）46. 格拉夫·特吕伊（Graf Trui）——《独自一人的自由飞行》（Flying Alone）47. 路易斯·帕斯特（Louis Pasteur）——《微生物的洞察力》（Insight into Microbes）48. 雅典娜（Athena）——《残忍的智慧》（Cruel Wisdom）49. 托马斯·爱迪生（Thomas Edison）——《电力的力量》（The Power of Electricity）50. 优斯特（Oscar Wilde）——《往日的笑声》（The Laughter of Yesterday）51. 岳飞（Yue Fei）——《燕子河畔聚精会神》（Focus on the Bank of Yan River）52. 阿尔伯特·金斯莱（Albert Kingsley）——《父辈的观念》（The Ideas of Our Forefathers）53. 杰弗瑞·斯通普尔虞（Geoffrey St. John-Smythe）——《红皮书中的智者》（The Sage of the Red Book）54. 加缪（Albert Camus）——《自由与奴役》（Freedom and Slavery）55. 约翰·列侬（John Lennon）——《爱情的好处》（The Benefits of Love）56. 纽曼·阿图拉（Neuman Atulla）——《未来的时间》（The Time of the Future）57. 波德拉来酋（Chief Bodilam）——《原始的光芒》（The Primitive Light）58. 比尔·盖茨（Bill Gates）——《数字革命》（The Digital Revolution）59. 帕特里克·亨利（Patrick Henry）——《为自由而战》（Give Me Liberty or Give Me Death）60. 约瑟夫·匹特斯（Joseph Pitts）——《我的良师》（My Teacher）61. 马克·吐温（Mark Twain）——《我和佛朗西斯科》（Francisco and Me）62. 约翰·凯奇（John Cage）——《音乐的自由》（The Freedom of Music）63. 雷·查尔斯（Ray Charles）——《我的音乐，我的家》（My Music, My Home）64. 埃琳·凯洛格（Eileen Kellogg）——《沉默的背后》（The Silence Behind）65. 约翰·路易斯（John Lewis）——《生活中的重要选择》（Choices in Life）66. 阿姆斯特朗（Armstrong）——《尝试新事物》（Trying New Things）67. 托尔斯泰（Tolstoy）——《有关自由的一场竞争》（A Competition About Freedom）68. 曹操（Cao Cao）——《命运的轮回》（The Wheel of Fate）69. 丹妮莉丝·坦格利安（Daenerys Targaryen）——《破除束缚》（Breaking Chains）70. 大卫·霍姆斯·史密斯（David Holmes Smith）——《创造力的觉醒》（The Awakening of Creativity）71. 约瑟夫·杜贝克（Joseph Dubek）——《使命感的诞生》（The Birth of a Mission）72. 亨利·黑里特（Henry “Box” Brown）——《奴隶的逃亡》（The Escape of a Slave）73. 拉达克里斯·伯奇·麦库尼亚克（Radakris Burcham McKenzie）——《查理的阴影》（Charlie's Shadow）74. 约翰·亚当斯（John Adams）——《构建民族》（Building a Nation）75. 老勃朗宁（Old Browning）——《过去的后果》（The Consequences of the Past）76. 约翰·洛克（John Locke）——《人权的自然法则》（The Natural Law of Human Rights）77. 美芙·波号尔德（Maeve Pollard）——《战胜恐惧》（Overcoming Fear）78. 马克·安东尼（Mark Antony）——《我们都能改变世界》（We Can All Change the World）79. 纽曼斯·琼斯（Newman Jones）——《迈克尔-迈克尔》（Michael-Michael）80. 凯撒·查瓦亚兹姆麦姆本·阿兹菲拉卡·鲁卢巴拉·麦瑟普亚·迪西里努，简称凯撒·瓦兹迪斯尼·查瓦亚兹姆麦姆本·阿兹菲拉卡·鲁卢巴拉·麦瑟普亚·迪西里努（Caesar Chawazim Mambozi Lesipya Dizirinu, abbreviated as Caesar Wazdeni Chawazimbe Lesipya Dizirinu）——《最后的战斗》（The Last Battle）81. 凯瑟琳·埃利斯（Catherine Ellis）——《女性的权利》（The Rights of Women）82. 洛佐纳尔·巴托比尼（Rosynal Bartobini）——《时光之流》（The Flow of Time）83. 丹尼斯·鳄鱼（Dennis Alligator）——《勇敢的选择之路》（The Path of Brave Choices）84. 斯坦利·兰德（Stanley Rand）——《为未来做准备》（Preparing for the Future）85. 乔恩·尼斯顿（Jon Neston）——《最后的报复》（TheFinal Retribution）86. 威廉·华莱士（William Wallace）——《自由的重要性》（The Importance of Freedom）87. 约翰·法肯伯格（John Falkenberg）——《绝地武士的诅咒》（The Curse of the Jedi）88. 贾·巴拉亚（Jah Ballaya）——《赞美太阳》（Praise the Sun）89. 丹·古列克（Dan Gulek）——《音乐的力量》（The Powerof Music）90. 丁俊晖（Ding Junhui）——《打破困境》（Breaking Barriers）91. 柳岁十三（Ryu Saisan）——《心中的山水画》（The Landscape in My Mind）92. 迈克尔·詹宁斯（Michael Jennings）——《跳跃的勇士》（The Leaping Warrior）93. 约翰·罗克菲勒（John D. Rockefeller）——《走出自己的路》（Making Your Own Path）94. 乔治·希尔（George Hill）——《坚持不懈》（Never Give Up）95. 约翰·道尔顿（John Dalton）——《原子的真相》（The Truth About Atoms）96. 约翰·威尔士（John Whales）——《人类学的观点》（The Perspective of Anthropology）97. 泰勒·斯威夫特（Taylor Swift）——《与人共舞》（Dancing with Others）98. 清·华君勋（Joe Junhoon）——《捕获太阳》（Catching the Sun）99. 约翰斯·阿莱尔斯（Johns Airels）——《流行音乐的未来》（The Future of Pop Music）100. 约翰·柯林斯（John Collins）——《翅膀上的梦想》（Dreams on Wings）。
美国经典英文演讲100篇_0
美国经典英文演讲100篇篇一：美国经典英文演讲100篇Black Power美国经典英文演讲100篇:”Black Power”Stokely CarmichaelBlack Powerdelivered October 1966, Berkeley, CA[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio. (2)]Thank you very much. It’s a privilege and an honor to be in the white intellectual ghetto of the West. We wanted to do a couple of things before we started. The first is that, based on the fact that SNCC, through the articulation of its program by its chairman, has been able to win elections in Georgia, Alabama, Maryland, and by ourappearance here will win an election in California, in 1968 I’m going to run for President of the United States. I just can’t make it, ‘cause I wasn’t born in the United States. That’s the only thing h olding me back.We wanted to say that this is a student conference, as it should be, held on a campus, and that we’re not ever to be caught up in the intellectual masturbation of the question of Black Power. That’s a function of people who are advertisers that call themselves reporters. Oh, for my members and friends of the press, my self-appointed white critics, I was reading Mr. Bernard Shaw two days ago, and I came across a very important quote which I think is most apropos for you. He says, “All criticism is a[n] autobiography.” Dig yourself. Okay. The philosophers Camus and Sartre raise the question whether or not a man can condemn himself. The black existentialist philosopher who is pragmatic, Frantz Fanon, answered the question. He said that man could not. Camus and Sartre was not. We in SNCC tend to agree withCamus and Sartre, that a man cannot condemn himself.1 Were he to condemn himself, he would then have to inflict punishment upon himself. An example would be the Nazis. Any prisoner who -- any of the Nazi prisoners who admitted, after he was caught andincarcerated, that he committed crimes, that he killed all the many people that he killed, he committed suicide. The only ones who were able to stay alive were the ones who never admitted that they committed a crimes [sic] against people -- that is, the ones who rationalized that Jews were not human beings and deserved to be killed, or that they were only following orders.On a more immediate scene, the officials and the population -- the white population -- in Neshoba County, Mississippi -- that’s where Philadelphia is -- could not -- could not condemn [Sheriff] Rainey, his deputies, and the other fourteen men that killed three human beings. They could not because they elected Mr. Rainey to do precisely what he did; and that for them to condemn him will be for them to condemn themselves. In a much larger view, SNCC says that white America cannot condemn herself. And since we are liberal, we have done it: You standcondemned. Now, a number of things that arises from that answer of how do you condemn yourselves. Seems to me that the institutions that function in this country are clearly racist, and that they’re built upon racism. And the question, then, is how can black people inside of this country move? And then how can white people who say they’re not a part of those institutions begin to move? And how then do we begin to clear away the obstacles that we have in this society, that make us live like human beings? How can we begin to build institutions that will allow people to relate with each other as human beings? This country has never done that, especially around the country of white or black.Now, several people have been upset because we’ve said thatintegration was irrelevant when initiated by blacks, and that in fact it was a subterfuge, an insidious subterfuge, for the maintenance of white supremacy. Now we maintain that in the past six years or so, this country has been feeding us a “thalidomide drug of integration,” and that som e negroes have been walking down a dream streettalking about sitting next to white people; and that that does not begin to solve the problem; that when we went to Mississippi we did not go to sit next to Ross Barnett2; we did not go to sit next to Jim Clark3; we went to get them out of our way; and that people ought to understand that; that we were never fighting for the right to integrate, we were fighting against white supremacy.Now, then, in order to understand white supremacy we must dismiss the fallacious notion that white people can give anybody their freedom. No man can give anybody his freedom. A man is born free. You may enslave a man after he is born free, and that is in fact what thiscountry does. It enslaves black people after they’re born, so that the only acts that white people can do is to stop denying black people their freedom; that is, they must stop denying freedom. They never give it to anyone.Now we want to take that to its logical extension, so that we could understand, then, what its relevancy would be in terms of new civil rights bills. I maintain that every civil rights bill in this country was passed for white people, not for black people. For example, I am black. I know that. I also know that while I am black I am a human being, and therefore I have the right to go into any public place. White people didn’t know that. Every time I tried to go into a place they stopped me. So some boys had to write a bill to tell that white man, “He’s a human being; don’t stop him.” That bil l was for that white man, not for me. I knew it all the time. I knew it all the time.I knew that I could vote and that that wasn’t a privilege; it was my right. Every time I tried I was shot, killed or jailed, beaten or economically deprived. So somebody had to write a bill for white people to tell them, “When a black man comes to vote, don’t bother him.” That bill, again, was for white people, not for black people; so that when you talk about open occupancy, I know I can live anyplace I want to live. It is white people across this country who are incapable of allowing me to live where I want to live. You need a civil rights bill, not me. I know I can live where I want to live.So that the failures to pass a civil rights bill isn’t because of Black Powe r, isn’t because of the Student Nonviolent CoordinatingCommittee; it’s not because of the rebellions that are occurring in the major cities. It is incapability of whites to deal with their own problems inside their own communities. That is the problem of the failure of the civil rights bill.And so in a larger sense we must then ask, How is it that black people move? And what do we do? But the question in a greater sense is, How can white people who are the majority -- and who are responsible for making democracy work -- make it work? They have miserably failed to this point. They have never made democracy work, be it inside the United States, Vietnam, South Africa, Philippines, South America, Puerto Rico. Wherever American has been, she has not been able to make democracy work; so that in a larger sense, we not only condemnthe country for what it’s done internally, but we must condemn it for what it does externally. We see this country trying to rule the world, and someone must stand up and start articulating that this country is not God, and cannot rule the world.Now, then, before we move on we ought to develop the white supremacy attitudes that were either conscious or subconscious thought and how theyrun rampant through the society today. For example, the missionaries were sent to Africa. They went with the attitude that blacks were automatically inferior. As a matter of fact, the first act the missionaries did, you know, when they got to Africa was to make us cover up our bodies, because they said it got them excited. We couldn’t go bare-breasted any more because they got excited.Now when the missionaries came to civilize us because we were uncivilized, educate us because we were uneducated, and give us some -- some literate studies because we were illiterate, they charged a price. The missionaries came with the Bible, and we had the land. When they left, they had the land, and we still have the Bible. And that has been the rationalization for Western civilization as it moves across the world and stealing and plundering and raping everybody in its path. Their one rationalization is that the rest of the world is uncivilized and they are in fact civilized. And they are un-civil-ized.And that runs on today, you see, because what we have today is we have what we call “modern-day Peace Corps missionaries,” and they come into our ghettos and they Head Start, Upward Lift, Bootstrap, and Upward Bound us into white society, ‘cause they don’t want to face the real problem which is a man is poor for one reason and one reason only: ‘cause he does not have money -- period. If you want to get rid of poverty, you give people money -- period.And you ought not to tell me about people who don’t work, and you can’t give people money without working, ‘cause if that were true, you’d have to start stopping Rockefeller, Bobby Kennedy, Lyndon Baines Johnson, Lady Bird Johnson, the whole of Standard Oil, the Gulf Corp, all of them, including probably a large number of the Board of Trustees of this university. So the question, then, clearly, is not whether or not one can work; it’s Who has power? Who has power to make his or her acts legitimate?That is all. And that this country, that power is invested in the hands of white people, and they make their acts legitimate. It is now, therefore, for black people to make our acts legitimate.Now we are now engaged in a psychological struggle in this country, and that is whether or not black people will have the right to use the words they want to use without white people giving their sanction to it; and that we maintain, whether they like it or not, we gonna use the word “Black Power” -- and let them address themselves to that; but that we are not going to wait for white people to sanction Black Power. We’re tired waiting; every time black people move in this country, they’re forced to defend their position before they move. It’s time that the people who are supposed to be defending their position do that. That’s white people. They ought to start defending themselves as to why they have oppressed and exploited us.Now it is clear that when this country started to move in terms of slavery, the reason for a man being picked as a slave was one reason -- because of the color of his skin. If one was black one wasautomatically inferior, inhuman, and therefore fit for slavery; so that the question of whether or not we are individually suppressed is nonsensical, and it’s a dowight lie. We are oppressed as a group because we are black, not because we are lazy, not because we’re apat hetic, not because we’re stupid, not because we smell, notbecause we eat watermelon and have good rhythm. We are oppressed because we are black.And in order to get out of that oppression one must wield the group power that one has, not the individual power which this country then sets the criteria under which a man may come into it. That is what is called in this country as integration: “You do what I tell you to do and then we’ll let you sit at the table with us.” And that we are saying that we haveto be opposed to that. We must now set up criteria and that if there’s going to be any integration, it’s going to be a two-way thing. If you believe in integration, you can come live in Watts. You can send your children to the ghetto schools. Let’s talk about that. If you believe in integration, then we’re going to start adopting us some white people to live in our neighborhood.So it is clear that the question is not one of integration or segregation. Integration is a man’s ability to want to move in the re by himself. If someone wants to live in a white neighborhood and he is black, that is his choice. It should be his rights. It is not because white people will not allow him. So vice versa: If a black man wants to live in the slums, that should be his right. Black people will let him. That is the difference. And it’s a difference on which this country makes a number of logical mistakes when they begin to try to criticize the program articulated by SNCC.篇二：美国经典英文演讲一百篇!练口语和演讲的好材料,值得收藏!!!美国经典英文演讲一百篇！练口语和演讲的好材料，值得收藏！！！来源：梁志埠的日志???????????????????????????????????????·美国20世纪经典英语演讲100篇（MP3+文本）·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Farewell Address to Congress ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1984 DNC Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:We Shall Overcome ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Shuttle’’Challenger’’Disaster Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Checkers ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Pearl Harbor Address to the Nation ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:I Have a Dream ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Civil Rights Addre ss ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Time to Break Silence-Beyond Vietnam ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1988 DNC Keynote Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Atoms for Peace ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Truman Doctrine ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:First Inaugural Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Great Arsenal of Democracy ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Acres of Diamonds ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Great Silent Majority ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Farewell Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Oklahoma Bombing Memorial Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Crisis of Confidence ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1992 DNC Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:On Vietnam and Not Seeking Re-Election ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Cambodian Incursion Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Eulogy for Robert Francis Kennedy ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Black Power ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Chappaquiddick ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:40th Anniversary of D-Day Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Presidential Nomination Acce ptance.. ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Marshall Plan ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Whisper of AIDS ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1988 DNC Address(下) ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:I’ve Been to the Mountaintop ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Statement on the Articles of Impeachment ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1984 DNC Keynote Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Houston Ministerial Association Speech ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Ballot or the Bullet ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1976 DNC Keynote Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Inaugural Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Television News Coverage? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Against Imperialism ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Four Freedoms ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:American University Commencement Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Nobel Prize Acceptance Speech ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:First Fireside Chat ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Evil Empire ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Time for Choo sing ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Ich bin ein Berliner ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Duty, Honor, Country ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Remarks on the Assassination of MLKing ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Message to the Grassroots ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Address on Taking the Oath of Office ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Sproul Hall Sit-i n Speech... ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1980 DNC Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Statement to the Senate Judiciary... ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Television and the Public Interest ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Presidential Nomination ... ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Religious Belief and Public Morality ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Vice-Presidential Nomination... ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Truth and Tolerance in America ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Great Society ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1988 DNC Address(上) ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Brandenburg Gate Address篇三：美国经典英文演讲100篇Sproul Hall Sit-in Speech美国经典英文演讲100篇:Sproul Hall Sit-in Speech...delivered 2 December 1964, The University of California at Berkeley [AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio]You know, I just wanna say one brief thing about something the previous speaker said. I didn’t wanna spend too much time on that ‘cause I don’t think it’s important enough. But one thing is worth considering.He’s the -- He’s the nominal head of an organization supposedly representative of the undergraduates. Whereas in fact under the currentdirector it derives -- its authority is delegated power from the Administration. It’s totally uepresentative of the graduate students and TAs.1But he made the following statement (I quote): “I would ask all those who are not definitely committed to the FSM2 cause to stay away from demonstration.” Alright, now listen to this: “For all upper division students who are interested in alleviating the TA shortage problem, I would encourage you to offer your services to Department Chairmen and Advisors.” That has two things: A strike breaker and a fink. I’d like to say -- like to say one other thing about a union problem. Upstairs you may have noticed they’re ready on the 2nd floor of Sproul Hall, Locals 40 and 127 of the Painters Union are painting the inside of the 2nd floor of Sproul Hall. Now, apparently that action had been planned some time in the past. I’ve tried to contact those unions. Unfortunately -- and [it] tears my heart out -- they’re asbureaucratized as the Administration. It’s difficult to get through toanyone in authority there. Very sad. We’re still -- We’re still making an attempt. Those people up there have no desire to interfere with what we’re doing. I would ask that they be considered and that they not be heckled in any way. And I think that -- you know -- while there’s unfortunately no sense of -- no sense of solidarity at this pointbetween unions and students, there at least need be no -- you know -- excessively hard feelings between the two groups.Now, there are at least two ways in which sit-ins and civil disobedience and whatever -- least two major ways in which it can occur. One, when a law exists, is promulgated, which is totally unacceptable to people and they violate it again and again and again till it’s rescinded, app ealed. Alright, but there’s another way. There’s another way. Sometimes, theform of the law is such as to render impossible its effective violation -- as a method to have it repealed. Sometimes, the grievances of people are more -- extend more -- to more than just the law, extend to a whole mode of arbitrary power, a whole mode of arbitrary exercise of arbitrary power.And that’s what we have here. We have an autocracy which -- which runs this university. It’s managed. We were told the following: IfPresident Kerr actually tried to get something more liberal out of the Regents in his telephone conversation, why didn’t he make somepublic statement to that effect? And the answer we received -- from a well-meaning liberal -- was the following: He said, “Would you ever imagine the manager of a firm making a statement publicly in opposition to his Board of Directors?” That’s the answer.Well I ask you to consider -- if this is a firm, and if the Board of Regents are the Board of Directors, and if President Kerr in fact is the manager, then I tell you something -- the faculty are a bunch of employees and we’re the raw material! But we’re a bunch of rawmaterials that don’t mean to be -- have any process upon us. Don’t mean to be made into any product! Don’t mean -- Don’t mean to end up being bought by some clients of the University, be they the government, be they industry, be they organized labor, be they anyone! We’re human beings!And that -- that brings me to the second mode of civil disobedience. There’s a time when the operation of the machine becomes so odious, makes you so sick at heart that you can’t take part! You can’t even passively take part! And you’ve got to put your bodies upon the gears and upon the wheels, upon the levers, upon all the apparatus -- and you’ve got to make it stop! And you’ve got to indicate to the peoplewho run it, to the people who own it -- that unless you’re free the machinewill be prevented from working at all!!That doesn’t mean -- I know it will be interpreted to mean,unfortunately, by the bigots who run The Examiner, for example -- That doesn’t mean that you have to break anything. One thousand people sitting down some place, not letting anybody by, not [letting] anything happen, can stop any machine, including this machine! And it will stop!!We’re gonna do the following -- and the greater the number of people, the safer they’ll be and the more effective it will be. We’re going, once again, to march up to the 2nd floor of Sproul Hall. And we’re gonna conduct our lives for awhile in the 2nd floor of Sproul Hall. We’ll show movies, for example. We tried to get -- and [they] shut them off. Unfortunately, that’s tied up in the court because of a lot of squeamish moral mothers for a moral America and other people on the outside. The same people who get all their ideas out of the San Francisco Examiner. Sad, sad. But, Mr. Landau -- Mr. Landau has gotten us some other films. Likewise, we’ll do something -- we’ll do something which hasn’toccurred at this University in a good long time! We’re going to have real classes up there! They’re gonna be freedom schools conducted up there! We’re going to have classes on [the] 1st and 14thamendments!! We’re gonna spend our time learning about the things this University is afraid that we know! We’re going to learn about freedom up there, and we’re going to learn by doing!!Now, we’ve had some good, long rallies. [Rally organizers inform Savio that Joan Baez has arrived.] Ju st one moment. We’ve had some good, long rallies. And I think I’m sicker of rallies than anyone else here. She’s not going to be long. I’d like to introduce one last person -- one last person before we enter Sproul Hall. Yeah. And the person is Joan Baez.。
著名英语演讲稿
篇一：世界著名英文演讲_附译文1 世界著名英文演讲一．man’s dearest possession is life. it is given to him but once, and he must live it so as to feel no torturing regrets for wasted years, never know the burning shame of a mean and petty past; so live that, dying, he might say: all my life, all my strength were given to the finest cause in all the world—the fight for the liberation of mankind.人生最宝贵的是生命。
生命对于人来说只有一次。
一个人的生命应该这样度过：当他回首往事时，不因虚度年华而悔恨；也不会因为碌碌无为而羞耻。
在临死的时候他能够说：我的整个生命和全部精力都已经献给了世界上最壮丽的事业――为人类的解放事业而斗争！ help：possession: n.财产torturing : adj. 使痛苦的二．我能奉献的唯有热血、辛劳、泪水和汗水。
我们所面临的将是一场极为残酷的考验，我们面临的将是旷日持久的斗争和苦难。
你若问我们的目标是什么？我可以用一个词来概括，那就是胜利。
不惜一切代价去夺取胜利，不畏惧一切恐怖去夺取胜利，不论前路再长再苦也要多去胜利，因为没有胜利纠无法生存！我们必须意识到，没有胜利就没有大英帝国，没有胜利就没有大英帝国所象征的一切，没有胜利就没有多少世纪以来强烈的要求和冲动：人类应当向自己的目标迈进。
此刻，我的精神振奋，满怀信心地承当起自己的人物。
我确信，只要我们大家联合，我们的事业就不会挫败。
此时此刻千钧一发之际，我觉得我有权要求各方面的支持。
美国经典英文演讲100篇
美国经典英文演讲100篇篇一：美国经典英文演讲100篇Black Power美国经典英文演讲100篇："Black Power"Stokely CarmichaelBlack Powerdelivered October 1966,Berkeley,CA[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED：Text version below transcribed directly from audio.(2)]Thank you very much.It’s a privilege and an honor to be in the white intellectual ghetto of the West.We wanted to do a couple of things before we started.The first is that,based on the fact that SNCC,through the articulation of its program by its chairman,has been able to win elections in Georgia,Alabama,Maryland,and by our appearance here will win an election in California,in 1968 I'm going to run for President of the United States.I just can't make it,'cause I wasn't born in the United States.That's the only thing holding me back.We wanted to say that this is a student conference,as it should be,held on a campus,and that we're not ever to be caught up in the intellectual masturbation of the question of Black Power.That’s a function of people who are advertisers that call themselvesreporters.Oh,for my members and friends of the press,my self-appointed white critics,I was reading Mr.Bernard Shaw two days ago,and I came across a very important quote which I think is most apropos for you.He says,"All criticism is a[n]autobiography."Dig yourself.Okay.The philosophers Camus and Sartre raise the question whether or not a man can condemn himself.The black existentialist philosopher who is pragmatic,Frantz Fanon,answered the question.He said that man could not.Camus and Sartre was not.We in SNCC tend to agree withCamus and Sartre,that a man cannot condemn himself.1 Were he to condemn himself,he would then have to inflict punishment upon himself.An example would be the Nazis.Any prisoner who --any of the Nazi prisoners who admitted,after he was caught andincarcerated,that mitted crimes,that he killed all the many people that he killed,mitted suicide.The only ones who were able to stay alive were the ones who never admitted that mitted a crimes [sic]against people --that is,the ones who rationalized that Jews were not human beings and deserved to be killed,or that they were only following orders.On a more immediate scene,the officials and the population --the white population --in Neshoba County,Mississippi --that’s where Philadelphia is --could not --could not condemn [Sheriff]Rainey,his。
著名英语演讲稿(优秀8篇)
著名英语演讲稿（优秀8篇）经典英语演讲稿篇一Ladies and gentlemen,I am honored to stand here to share with you on such a important subject as climate change.Yes ,it is global warming .Let me give you two phenomenons.Here is the first and more people used to be using air condition,but how many people ever thought whether this new ?hobby? will bring side-effects or not? Maybe just few people.In fact,the side-effect is apparent.The emissions of gases exhausted from air conditioning contain a lot of methane which could cause global warming.By the way,air conditioning will waste a lot of electricity .The second one is about the increasing amount of cars.According to the statistics,in 21st century,there are 7 millions cars in the world,a large amount of exhaust gases has seriously influenced us,such as: cough,throat inflammation.This two phenomenons are just few part of reason which change our environment badly.There are many other reasons.In nearly 100 years,the average global temperature experienced twice fluctuations which is “cold-warm-cold-warm”。
经典英文演讲100篇--07--★【汉魅】
Malcolm X: "The Ballot or the Bullet"Mr. Moderator, Brother Lomax, brothers and sisters, friends and enemies: I just can't believe everyone in here is a friend, and I don't want to leave anybody out. The question tonight, as I understand it, is "The Negro Revolt, and Where Do We Go From Here?" or What Next?" In my little humble way of understanding it, it points toward either the ballot or the bullet.Before we try and explain what is meant by the ballot or the bullet, I would like to clarify something concerning myself. I'm still a Muslim; my religion is still Islam. That's my personal belief. Just as Adam Clayton Powell is a Christian minister who heads the Abyssinian Baptist Church in New York, but at the same time takes part in the political struggles to try and bring about rights to the black people in this country; and Dr. Martin Luther King is a Christian minister down in Atlanta, Georgia, who heads another organization fighting for the civil rights of black people in this country; and Reverend Galamison, I guess you've heard of him, is another Christian minister in New York who has been deeply involved in the school boycotts to eliminate segregated education; well, I myself am a minister, not a Christian minister, but a Muslim minister; and I believe in action on all fronts by whatever means necessary.Although I'm still a Muslim, I'm not here tonight to discuss my religion. I'm not here to try and change your religion. I'm not here to argue or discuss anything that we differ about, becauseit's time for us to submerge our differences and realize that it is best for us to first see that we have the same problem, a common problem, a problem that will make you catch hell whether you're a Baptist, or a Methodist, or a Muslim, or a nationalist. Whether you're educated or illiterate, whether you live on the boulevard or in the alley, you're going to catch hell just like I am. We're all in the same boat and we all are going to catch the same hell from the same man. He just happens to be a white man. All of us have suffered here, in this country, political oppression at the hands of the white man, economic exploitation at the hands of the white man, and social degradation at the hands of the white man.Now in speaking like this, it doesn't mean that we're anti-white, but it does mean we'reanti-exploitation, we're anti-degradation, we're anti-oppression. And if the white man doesn't want us to be anti-him, let him stop oppressing and exploiting and degrading us. Whether we are Christians or Muslims or nationalists or agnostics or atheists, we must first learn to forget our differences. If we have differences, let us differ in the closet; when we come out in front, let us not have anything to argue about until we get finished arguing with the man. If the late President Kennedy could get together with Khrushchev and exchange some wheat, we certainly have more in common with each other than Kennedy and Khrushchev had with each other.If we don't do something real soon, I think you'll have to agree that we're going to be forced either to use the ballot or the bullet. It's one or the other in 1964. It isn't that time is running out -- time has run out!1964 threatens to be the most explosive year America has ever witnessed. The most explosive year. Why? It's also a political year. It's the year when all of the white politicians will be back in the so-called Negro community jiving you and me for some votes. The year when all of the white political crooks will be right back in your and my community with their false promises, building up our hopes for a letdown, with their trickery and their treachery, with their false promises which they don't intend to keep. As they nourish these dissatisfactions, it can only lead to one thing, an explosion; and now we have the type of black man on the scene in America today -- I'm sorry, Brother Lomax -- who just doesn't intend to turn the other cheek any longer.Don't let anybody tell you anything about the odds are against you. If they draft you, they send you to Korea and make you face 800 million Chinese. If you can be brave over there, you can be brave right here. These odds aren't as great as those odds. And if you fight here, you will at least know what you're fighting for.I'm not a politician, not even a student of politics; in fact, I'm not a student of much of anything. I'm not a Democrat. I'm not a Republican, and I don't even consider myself an American. If you and I were Americans, there'd be no problem. Those Honkies that just got off the boat, they're already Americans; Polacks are already Americans; the Italian refugees are already Americans. Everything that came out of Europe, every blue-eyed thing, is already an American. And as long as you and I have been over here, we aren't Americans yet.Well, I am one who doesn't believe in deluding myself. I'm not going to sit at your table and watch you eat, with nothing on my plate, and call myself a diner. Sitting at the table doesn't make you a diner, unless you eat some of what's on that plate. Being here in America doesn't make you an American. Being born here in America doesn't make you an American. Why, if birth made you American, you wouldn't need any legislation; you wouldn't need any amendments to the Constitution; you wouldn't be faced with civil-rights filibustering in Washington, D.C., right now. They don't have to pass civil-rights legislation to make a Polack an American.No, I'm not an American. I'm one of the 22 million black people who are the victims of Americanism. One of the 22 million black people who are the victims of democracy, nothing but disguised hypocrisy. So, I'm not standing here speaking to you as an American, or a patriot, or a flag-saluter, or a flag-waver -- no, not I. I'm speaking as a victim of this American system. And I see America through the eyes of the victim. I don't see any American dream; I see an American nightmare.These 22 million victims are waking up. Their eyes are coming open. They're beginning to see what they used to only look at. They're becoming politically mature. They are realizing that there are new political trends from coast to coast. As they see these new political trends, it's possible for them to see that every time there's an election the races are so close that they have to have a recount. They had to recount in Massachusetts to see who was going to be governor, it was so close. It was the same way in Rhode Island, in Minnesota, and in many other parts of the country. And the same with Kennedy and Nixon when they ran for president.It was so close they had to count all over again. Well, what does this mean? It means that when white people are evenly divided, and black people have a bloc of votes of their own, it is left up to them to determine who's going to sit in the White House and who's going to be in the dog house.lt. was the black man's vote that put the present administration in Washington, D.C. Your vote, your dumb vote, your ignorant vote, your wasted vote put in an administration in Washington, D.C., that has seen fit to pass every kind of legislation imaginable, saving you until last, then filibustering on top of that. And your and my leaders have the audacity to run around clapping their hands and talk about how much progress we're making. And what a good president we have. If he wasn't good in Texas, he sure can't be good in Washington, D.C. Because Texas is a lynch state. It is in the same breath as Mississippi, no different; only they lynch you in Texas with a Texas accent and lynch you in Mississippi with a Mississippi accent. And these Negro leaders have the audacity to go and have some coffee in the White House with a Texan, a Southern cracker -- that's all he is -- and then come out and tell you and me that he's going to be better for us because, since he's from the South, he knows how to deal with the Southerners. What kind of logic is that? Let Eastland be president, he's from the South too. He should be better able to deal with them than Johnson.In this present administration they have in the House of Representatives 257 Democrats to only 177 Republicans. They control two-thirds of the House vote. Why can't they pass something that will help you and me? In the Senate, there are 67 senators who are of the Democratic Party. Only 33 of them are Republicans. Why, the Democrats have got the government sewed up, and you're the one who sewed it up for them. And what have they given you for it? Four years in office, and just now getting around to some civil-rights legislation. Just now, after everything else is gone, out of the way, they're going to sit down now and play with you all summer long -- the same old giant con game that they call filibuster. All those are in cahoots together. Don't you ever think they're not in cahoots together, for the man that is heading the civil-rights filibuster is a man from Georgia named Richard Russell. When Johnson became president, the first man he asked for when he got back to Washington, D.C., was "Dicky" -- that's how tight they are. That's his boy, that's his pal, that's his buddy. Butthey're playing that old con game. One of them makes believe he's for you, and he's got it fixed where the other one is so tight against you, he never has to keep his promise.So it's time in 1964 to wake up. And when you see them coming up with that kind of conspiracy, let them know your eyes are open. And let them know you -- something else that's wide open too. It's got to be the ballot or the bullet. The ballot or the bullet. If you're afraid to use an expression like that, you should get on out of the country; you should get back in the cotton patch; you should get back in the alley. They get all the Negro vote, and after they get it, the Negro gets nothing in return. All they did when they got to Washington was give a few big Negroes big jobs. Those big Negroes didn't need big jobs, they already had jobs. That's camouflage, that's trickery, that's treachery, window-dressing. I'm not trying to knock out the Democrats for the Republicans. We'll get to them in a minute. But it is true; you put the Democrats first and the Democrats put you last.Look at it the way it is. What alibis do they use, since they control Congress and the Senate? What alibi do they use when you and I ask, "Well, when are you going to keep your promise?" They blame the Dixiecrats. What is a Dixiecrat? A Democrat. A Dixiecrat is nothing but a Democrat in disguise. The titular head of the Democrats is also the head of the Dixiecrats, because the Dixiecrats are a part of the Democratic Party. The Democrats have never kicked the Dixiecrats out of the party. The Dixiecrats bolted themselves once, but the Democrats didn't put them out. Imagine, these lowdown Southern segregationists put the Northern Democrats down. But the Northern Democrats have never put the Dixiecrats down. No, look at that thing the way it is. They have got a con game going on, a political con game, and you and I are in the middle. It's time for you and me to wake up and start looking at it like it is, and trying to understand it like it is; and then we can deal with it like it is.The Dixiecrats in Washington, D.C., control the key committees that run the government. The only reason the Dixiecrats control these committees is because they have seniority. The only reason they have seniority is because they come from states where Negroes can't vote. This is not even a government that's based on democracy. lt. is not a government that is made up of representatives of the people. Half of the people in the South can't even vote. Eastland is not even supposed to be in Washington. Half of the senators and congressmen who occupy these key positions in Washington, D.C., are there illegally, are there unconstitutionallyI was in Washington, D.C., a week ago Thursday, when they were debating whether or not they should let the bill come onto the floor. And in the back of the room where the Senate meets, there's a huge map of the United States, and on that map it shows the location of Negroes throughout the country. And it shows that the Southern section of the country, the states that are most heavily concentrated with Negroes, are the ones that have senators and congressmen standing up filibustering and doing all other kinds of trickery to keep the Negro from being able to vote. This is pitiful. But it's not pitiful for us any longer; it's actually pitiful for the white man, because soon now, as the Negro awakens a little more and sees the vise that he's in, sees the bag that he's in, sees the real game that he's in, then the Negro's going to develop a new tactic.These senators and congressmen actually violate the constitutional amendments that guarantee the people of that particular state or county the right to vote. And the Constitution itself has within it the machinery to expel any representative from a state where the voting rights of the people are violated. You don't even need new legislation. Any person in Congress right now, who is there from a state or a district where the voting rights of the people are violated, that particular person should be expelled from Congress. And when you expel him, you've removed one of the obstacles in the path of any real meaningful legislation in this country. In fact, when you expel them, you don't need new legislation, because they will be replaced by black representatives from counties and districts where the black man is in the majority, not in the minority.If the black man in these Southern states had his full voting rights, the key Dixiecrats in Washington, D. C., which means the key Democrats in Washington, D.C., would lose their seats. The Democratic Party itself would lose its power. It would cease to be powerful as aparty. When you see the amount of power that would be lost by the Democratic Party if it were to lose the Dixiecrat wing, or branch, or element, you can see where it's against the interests of the Democrats to give voting rights to Negroes in states where the Democrats have been in complete power and authority ever since the Civil War. You just can't belong to that Party without analyzing it.I say again, I'm not anti-Democrat, I'm not anti-Republican, I'm not anti-anything. I'm just questioning their sincerity, and some of the strategy that they've been using on our people by promising them promises that they don't intend to keep. When you keep the Democrats in power, you're keeping the Dixiecrats in power. I doubt that my good Brother Lomax will deny that. A vote for a Democrat is a vote for a Dixiecrat. That's why, in 1964, it's time now for you and me to become more politically mature and realize what the ballot is for; what we're supposed to get when we cast a ballot; and that if we don't cast a ballot, it's going to end up in a situation where we're going to have to cast a bullet. It's either a ballot or a bullet.In the North, they do it a different way. They have a system that's known as gerrymandering, whatever that means. It means when Negroes become too heavily concentrated in a certain area, and begin to gain too much political power, the white man comes along and changes the district lines. You may say, "Why do you keep saying white man?" Because it's the white man who does it. I haven't ever seen any Negro changing any lines. They don't let him get near the line. It's the white man who does this. And usually, it's the white man who grins at you the most, and pats you on the back, and is supposed to be your friend. He may be friendly, but he's not your friend.So, what I'm trying to impress upon you, in essence, is this: You and I in America are faced not with a segregationist conspiracy, we're faced with a government conspiracy. Everyone who's filibustering is a senator -- that's the government. Everyone who's finagling in Washington, D.C., is a congressman -- that's the government. You don't have anybody putting blocks in your path but people who are a part of the government. The same government that you go abroad to fight for and die for is the government that is in a conspiracy to deprive you of your voting rights, deprive you of your economic opportunities, deprive you of decent housing, deprive you of decent education. You don't need to go to the employer alone, it is the government itself, the government of America, that is responsible for the oppression and exploitation and degradation of black people in this country. And you should drop it in their lap. This government has failed the Negro. This so-called democracy has failed the Negro. And all these white liberals have definitely failed the Negro.So, where do we go from here? First, we need some friends. We need some new allies. The entire civil-rights struggle needs a new interpretation, a broader interpretation. We need to look at this civil-rights thing from another angle -- from the inside as well as from the outside. To those of us whose philosophy is black nationalism, the only way you can get involved in the civil-rights struggle is give it a new interpretation. That old interpretation excluded us. It kept us out. So, we're giving a new interpretation to the civil-rights struggle, an interpretation that will enable us to come into it, take part in it. And these handkerchief-heads who have beendillydallying and pussy footing and compromising -- we don't intend to let them pussyfoot and dillydally and compromise any longer.How can you thank a man for giving you what's already yours? How then can you thank him for giving you only part of what's already yours? You haven't even made progress, if what's being given to you, you should have had already. That's not progress. And I love my Brother Lomax, the way he pointed out we're right back where we were in 1954. We're not even as far up as we were in 1954. We're behind where we were in 1954. There's more segregation now than there was in 1954. There's more racial animosity, more racial hatred, more racial violence today in 1964, than there was in 1954. Where is the progress?And now you're facing a situation where the young Negro's coming up. They don't want to hear that "turn the-other-cheek" stuff, no. In Jacksonville, those were teenagers, they were throwing Molotov cocktails. Negroes have never done that before. But it shows you there's a new deal coming in. There's new thinking coming in. There's new strategy coming in. It'll be Molotov cocktails this month, hand grenades next month, and something else next month. It'll be ballots, or it'll be bullets. It'll be liberty, or it will be death. The only difference about this kind of death -- it'll be reciprocal. You know what is meant by "reciprocal"? That's one of Brother Lomax's words. I stole it from him. I don't usually deal with those big words because I don't usually deal with big people. I deal with small people. I find you can get a whole lot of small people and whip hell out of a whole lot of big people. They haven't got anything to lose, and they've got every thing to gain. And they'll let you know in a minute: "It takes two to tango; when I go, you go."The black nationalists, those whose philosophy is black nationalism, in bringing about this new interpretation of the entire meaning of civil rights, look upon it as meaning, as Brother Lomax has pointed out, equality of opportunity. Well, we're justified in seeking civil rights, if it means equality of opportunity, because all we're doing there is trying to collect for our investment. Our mothers and fathers invested sweat and blood. Three hundred and ten years we worked in this country without a dime in return -- I mean without a dime in return. You let the white man walk around here talking about how rich this country is, but you never stop to think how it got rich so quick. It got rich because you made it rich.You take the people who are in this audience right now. They're poor. We're all poor as individuals. Our weekly salary individually amounts to hardly anything. But if you take the salary of everyone in here collectively, it'll fill up a whole lot of baskets. It's a lot of wealth. If you can collect the wages of just these people right here for a year, you'll be rich -- richer than rich. When you look at it like that, think how rich Uncle Sam had to become, not with this handful, but millions of black people. Your and my mother and father, who didn't work an eight-hour shift, but worked from "can't see" in the morning until "can't see" at night, and worked for nothing, making the white man rich, making Uncle Sam rich. This is our investment. This is our contribution, our blood.Not only did we give of our free labor, we gave of our blood. Every time he had a call to arms, we were the first ones in uniform. We died on every battlefield the white man had. We havemade a greater sacrifice than anybody who's standing up in America today. We have made a greater contribution and have collected less. Civil rights, for those of us whose philosophy is black nationalism, means: "Give it to us now. Don't wait for next year. Give it to us yesterday, and that's not fast enough."I might stop right here to point out one thing. Whenever you're going after something that belongs to you, anyone who's depriving you of the right to have it is a criminal. Understand that. Whenever you are going after something that is yours, you are within your legal rights to lay claim to it. And anyone who puts forth any effort to deprive you of that which is yours, is breaking the law, is a criminal. And this was pointed out by the Supreme Court decision. It outlawed segregation.Which means segregation is against the law. Which means a segregationist is breaking the law. A segregationist is a criminal. You can't label him as anything other than that. And when you demonstrate against segregation, the law is on your side. The Supreme Court is on your side.Now, who is it that opposes you in carrying out the law? The police department itself. With police dogs and clubs. Whenever you demonstrate against segregation, whether it is segregated education, segregated housing, or anything else, the law is on your side, and anyone who stands in the way is not the law any longer. They are breaking the law; they are not representatives of the law. Any time you demonstrate against segregation and a man has the audacity to put a police dog on you, kill that dog, kill him, I'm telling you, kill that dog. I say it, if they put me in jail tomorrow, kill that dog. Then you'll put a stop to it. Now, if these white people in here don't want to see that kind of action, get down and tell the mayor to tell the police department to pull the dogs in. That's all you have to do. If you don't do it, someone else will.If you don't take this kind of stand, your little children will grow up and look at you and think "shame." If you don't take an uncompromising stand, I don't mean go out and get violent; but at the same time you should never be nonviolent unless you run into some nonviolence. I'm nonviolent with those who are nonviolent with me. But when you drop that violence on me, then you've made me go insane, and I'm not responsible for what I do. And that's the way every Negro should get. Any time you know you're within the law, within your legal rights, within your moral rights, in accord with justice, then die for what you believe in. But don't die alone. Let your dying be reciprocal. This is what is meant by equality. What's good for the goose is good for the gander.When we begin to get in this area, we need new friends, we need new allies. We need to expand the civil-rights struggle to a higher level -- to the level of human rights. Whenever you are in a civil-rights struggle, whether you know it or not, you are confining yourself to the jurisdiction of Uncle Sam. No one from the outside world can speak out in your behalf as long as your struggle is a civil-rights struggle. Civil rights comes within the domestic affairs of this country. All of our African brothers and our Asian brothers and our Latin-American brotherscannot open their mouths and interfere in the domestic affairs of the United States. And as long as it's civil rights, this comes under the jurisdiction of Uncle Sam.But the United Nations has what's known as the charter of human rights; it has a committee that deals in human rights. You may wonder why all of the atrocities that have been committed in Africa and in Hungary and in Asia, and in Latin America are brought before the UN, and the Negro problem is never brought before the UN. This is part of the conspiracy. This old, tricky blue eyed liberal who is supposed to be your and my friend, supposed to be in our corner, supposed to be subsidizing our struggle, and supposed to be acting in the capacity of an adviser, never tells you anything about human rights. They keep you wrapped up in civil rights. And you spend so much time barking up the civil-rights tree, you don't even know there's a human-rights tree on the same floor.When you expand the civil-rights struggle to the level of human rights, you can then take the case of the black man in this country before the nations in the UN. You can take it before the General Assembly. You can take Uncle Sam before a world court. But the only level you can do it on is the level of human rights. Civil rights keeps you under his restrictions, under his jurisdiction. Civil rights keeps you in his pocket. Civil rights means you're asking Uncle Sam to treat you right. Human rights are something you were born with. Human rights are yourGod-given rights. Human rights are the rights that are recognized by all nations of this earth. And any time any one violates your human rights, you can take them to the world court.Uncle Sam's hands are dripping with blood, dripping with the blood of the black man in this country. He's the earth's number-one hypocrite. He has the audacity -- yes, he has -- imagine him posing as the leader of the free world. The free world! And you over here singing "We Shall Overcome." Expand the civil-rights struggle to the level of human rights. Take it into the United Nations, where our African brothers can throw their weight on our side, where our Asian brothers can throw their weight on our side, where our Latin-American brothers can throw their weight on our side, and where 800 million Chinamen are sitting there waiting to throw their weight on our side.Let the world know how bloody his hands are. Let the world know the hypocrisy that's practiced over here. Let it be the ballot or the bullet. Let him know that it must be the ballot or the bullet.When you take your case to Washington, D.C., you're taking it to the criminal who's responsible; it's like running from the wolf to the fox. They're all in cahoots together. They all work political chicanery and make you look like a chump before the eyes of the world. Here you are walking around in America, getting ready to be drafted and sent abroad, like a tin soldier, and when you get over there, people ask you what are you fighting for, and you have to stick your tongue in your cheek. No, take Uncle Sam to court, take him before the world.By ballot I only mean freedom. Don't you know -- I disagree with Lomax on this issue -- that the ballot is more important than the dollar? Can I prove it? Yes. Look in the UN. There are poor nations in the UN; yet those poor nations can get together with their voting power and keep the。
经典英文演讲100篇
Ronald ReaganRemarks at the Brandenburg Gatedelivered 12 June 1987, West BerlinThank you. Thank you, very much.Chancellor Kohl, Governing Mayor Diepgen, ladies and gentlemen: Twenty four years ago, President John F. Kennedy visited Berlin, and speaking to the people of this city and the world at the city hall. Well since then two other presidents have come, each in his turn to Berlin. And today, I, myself, make my second visit to your city.We come to Berlin, we American Presidents, because it's our duty to speak in this place of freedom. But I must confess, we’re drawn here by other things as well; by the feeling of history in this city -- more than 500 years older than our own nation; by the beauty of the Grunewald and the Tiergarten; most of all, by your courage and determination. Perhaps the composer, Paul Linke, understood something about American Presidents. You see, like so many Presidents before me, I come here today because wherever I go, whatever I do: “Ich hab noch einen Koffer in Berlin” [I st ill have a suitcase in Berlin.]Our gathering today is being broadcast throughout Western Europe and North America. I understand that it is being seen and heard as well in the East. To those listening throughout Eastern Europe, I extend my warmest greetings and the good will of the American people. To those listening in East Berlin, a special word: Although I cannot be with you, I address my remarks to you just as surely as to those standing here before me. For I join you, as I join your fellow countrymen in the West, in this firm, this unalterable belief: Es gibt nur ein Berlin. [There is only one Berlin.]Behind me stands a wall that encircles the free sectors of this city, part of a vast system of barriers that divides the entire continent of Europe. From the Baltic South, those barriers cut across Germany in a gash of barbed wire, concrete, dog runs, and guard towers. Farther south, there may be no visible, no obvious wall. But there remain armed guards and checkpoints all the same -- still a restriction on the right to travel, still an instrument to impose upon ordinary men and women the will of a totalitarian state.Yet, it is here in Berlin where the wall emerges most clearly; here, cutting across your city, where the news photo and the television screen have imprinted this brutal division of a continent upon the mind of the world.Standing before the Brandenburg Gate, every man is a German separated from his fellow men.Every man is a Berliner, forced to look upon a scar.President Von Weizsäcker has said, "The German question is open as long as the Brandenburg Gate is closed." Well today -- today I say: As long as this gate is closed, as long as this scar of a wall is permitted to stand, it is not the German question alone that remains open, but the question of freedom for all mankind.Yet, I do not come here to lament. For I find in Berlin a message of hope, even in the shadow of this wall, a message of triumph.In this season of spring in 1945, the people of Berlin emerged from their air-raid shelters to find devastation. Thousands of miles away, the people of the United States reached out to help. And in 1947 Secretary of State -- as you've been told -- George Marshall announced the creation of what would become known as the Marshall Plan. Speaking precisely 40 years ago this month, he said: "Our policy is directed not against any country or doctrine, but against hunger, poverty, desperation, and chaos."In the Reichstag a few moments ago, I saw a display commemorating this 40th anniversary of the Marshall Plan. I was struck by a sign -- the sign on aburnt-out, gutted structure that was being rebuilt. I understand that Berliners of my own generation can remember seeing signs like it dotted throughout the western sectors of the city. The sign read simply: "The Marshall Plan is helping here to strengthen the free world." A strong, free world in the West -- that dream became real. Japan rose from ruin to become an economic giant. Italy, France, Belgium -- virtually every nation in Western Europe saw political and economic rebirth; the European Community was founded.In West Germany and here in Berlin, there took place an economic miracle, the Wirtschaftswunder. Adenauer, Erhard, Reuter, and other leaders understood the practical importance of liberty -- that just as truth can flourish only when the journalist is given freedom of speech, so prosperity can come about only when the farmer and businessman enjoy economic freedom. The German leaders -- the German leaders reduced tariffs, expanded free trade, lowered taxes. From 1950 to 1960 alone, the standard of living in West Germany and Berlin doubled.Where four decades ago there was rubble, today in West Berlin there is the greatest industrial output of any city in Germany: busy office blocks, fine homes and apartments, proud avenues, and the spreading lawns of parkland. Where a city's culture seemed to have been destroyed, today there are two great universities, orchestras and an opera, countless theaters, and museums. Wherethere was want, today there's abundance -- food, clothing, automobiles -- the wonderful goods of the Kudamm.¹ From devastation, from utter ruin, you Berliners have, in freedom, rebuilt a city that once again ranks as one of the greatest on earth. Now the Soviets may have had other plans. But my friends, there were a few things the Soviets didn't count on: Berliner Herz, Berliner Humor, ja, und Berliner Schnauze. [Berliner heart, Berliner humor, yes, and a Berliner Schnauze.²]In the 1950s -- In the 1950s Khrushchev predicted: "We will bury you."But in the West today, we see a free world that has achieved a level of prosperity and well-being unprecedented in all human history. In the Communist world, we see failure, technological backwardness, declining standards of health, even want of the most basic kind -- too little food. Even today, the Soviet Union still cannot feed itself. After these four decades, then, there stands before the entire world one great and inescapable conclusion: Freedom leads to prosperity. Freedom replaces the ancient hatreds among the nations with comity and peace. Freedom is the victor.And now -- now the Soviets themselves may, in a limited way, be coming to understand the importance of freedom. We hear much from Moscow about a new policy of reform and openness. Some political prisoners have been released. Certain foreign news broadcasts are no longer being jammed. Some economic enterprises have been permitted to operate with greater freedom from state control.Are these the beginnings of profound changes in the Soviet state? Or are they token gestures intended to raise false hopes in the West, or to strengthen the Soviet system without changing it? We welcome change and openness; for we believe that freedom and security go together, that the advance of human liberty -- the advance of human liberty can only strengthen the cause of world peace.There is one sign the Soviets can make that would be unmistakable, that would advance dramatically the cause of freedom and peace.General Secretary Gorbachev, if you seek peace, if you seek prosperity for the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, if you seek liberalization: Come here to this gate.Mr. Gorbachev, open this gate.Mr. Gorbachev -- Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall!I understand the fear of war and the pain of division that afflict this continent, and I pledge to you my country's efforts to help overcome these burdens. To be sure, we in the West must resist Soviet expansion. So, we must maintain defenses of unassailable strength. Yet we seek peace; so we must strive to reduce arms on both sides.Beginning 10 years ago, the Soviets challenged the Western alliance with a grave new threat, hundreds of new and more deadly SS-20 nuclear missiles capable of striking every capital in Europe. The Western alliance responded by committing itself to a counter-deployment (unless the Soviets agreed to negotiate a better solution) -- namely, the elimination of such weapons on both sides. For many months, the Soviets refused to bargain in earnestness. As the alliance, in turn, prepared to go forward with its counter-deployment, there were difficult days, days of protests like those during my 1982 visit to this city; and the Soviets later walked away from the table.But through it all, the alliance held firm. And I invite those who protested then -- I invite those who protest today -- to mark this fact: Because we remained strong, the Soviets came back to the table. Because we remained strong, today we have within reach the possibility, not merely of limiting the growth of arms, but of eliminating, for the first time, an entire class of nuclear weapons from the face of the earth.As I speak, NATO ministers are meeting in Iceland to review the progress of our proposals for eliminating these weapons. At the talks in Geneva, we have also proposed deep cuts in strategic offensive weapons. And the Western allies have likewise made far-reaching proposals to reduce the danger of conventional war and to place a total ban on chemical weapons.While we pursue these arms reductions, I pledge to you that we will maintain the capacity to deter Soviet aggression at any level at which it might occur. And in cooperation with many of our allies, the United States is pursuing the Strategic Defense Initiative -- research to base deterrence not on the threat of offensive retaliation, but on defenses that truly defend; on systems, in short, that will not target populations, but shield them. By these means we seek to increase the safety of Europe and all the world. But we must remember a crucial fact: East and West do not mistrust each other because we are armed; we are armed because we mistrust each other. And our differences are not about weapons but about liberty. When President Kennedy spoke at the City Hall those 24 years ago, freedom was encircled; Berlin was under siege. And today, despite all the pressures upon this city, Berlin stands secure in its liberty. And freedom itself is transforming the globe.In the Philippines, in South and Central America, democracy has been given a rebirth. Throughout the Pacific, free markets are working miracle after miracle of economic growth. In the industrialized nations, a technological revolution is taking place, a revolution marked by rapid, dramatic advances in computers and telecommunications.In Europe, only one nation and those it controls refuse to join the community of freedom. Yet in this age of redoubled economic growth, of information and innovation, the Soviet Union faces a choice: It must make fundamental changes, or it will become obsolete.Today, thus, represents a moment of hope. We in the West stand ready to cooperate with the East to promote true openness, to break down barriers that separate people, to create a safer, freer world. And surely there is no better place than Berlin, the meeting place of East and West, to make a start.Free people of Berlin: Today, as in the past, the United States stands for the strict observance and full implementation of all parts of the Four Power Agreement of 1971. Let us use this occasion, the 750th anniversary of this city, to usher in a new era, to seek a still fuller, richer life for the Berlin of the future. Together, let us maintain and develop the ties between the Federal Republic and the Western sectors of Berlin, which is permitted by the 1971 agreement.And I invite Mr. Gorbachev: Let us work to bring the Eastern and Western parts of the city closer together, so that all the inhabitants of all Berlin can enjoy the benefits that come with life in one of the great cities of the world.To open Berlin still further to all Europe, East and West, let us expand the vital air access to this city, finding ways of making commercial air service to Berlin more convenient, more comfortable, and more economical. We look to the day when West Berlin can become one of the chief aviation hubs in all central Europe.With -- With our French -- With our French and British partners, the United States is prepared to help bring international meetings to Berlin. It would be only fitting for Berlin to serve as the site of United Nations meetings, or world conferences on human rights and arms control, or other issues that call for international cooperation.There is no better way to establish hope for the future than to enlighten young minds, and we would be honored to sponsor summer youth exchanges, cultural events, and other programs for young Berliners from the East. Our French and British friends, I'm certain, will do the same. And it's my hope that an authoritycan be found in East Berlin to sponsor visits from young people of the Western sectors.One final proposal, one close to my heart: Sport represents a source of enjoyment and ennoblement, and you may have noted that the Republic of Korea -- South Korea -- has offered to permit certain events of the 1988 Olympics to take place in the North. International sports competitions of all kinds could take place in both parts of this city. And what better way to demonstrate to the world the openness of this city than to offer in some future year to hold the Olympic games here in Berlin, East and West.In these four decades, as I have said, you Berliners have built a great city. You've done so in spite of threats -- the Soviet attempts to impose theEast-mark, the blockade. Today the city thrives in spite of the challenges implicit in the very presence of this wall. What keeps you here? Certainly there's a great deal to be said for your fortitude, for your defiant courage. But I believe there's something deeper, something that involves Berlin's whole look and feel and way of life -- not mere sentiment. No one could live long in Berlin without being completely disabused of illusions. Something, instead, that has seen the difficulties of life in Berlin but chose to accept them, that continues to build this good and proud city in contrast to a surrounding totalitarian presence, that refuses to release human energies or aspirations, something that speaks with a powerful voice of affirmation, that says "yes" to this city, yes to the future, yes to freedom. In a word, I would submit that what keeps you in Berlin -- is "love."Love both profound and abiding.Perhaps this gets to the root of the matter, to the most fundamental distinction of all between East and West. The totalitarian world produces backwardness because it does such violence to the spirit, thwarting the human impulse to create, to enjoy, to worship. The totalitarian world finds even symbols of love and of worship an affront.Years ago, before the East Germans began rebuilding their churches, they erected a secular structure: the television tower at Alexander Platz. Virtually ever since, the authorities have been working to correct what they view as the tower's one major flaw: treating the glass sphere at the top with paints and chemicals of every kind. Yet even today when the sun strikes that sphere, that sphere that towers over all Berlin, the light makes the sign of the cross. There in Berlin, like the city itself, symbols of love, symbols of worship, cannot be suppressed.As I looked out a moment ago from the Reichstag, that embodiment of German unity, I noticed words crudely spray-painted upon the wall, perhaps by a young Berliner (quote):"This wall will fall. Beliefs become reality."Yes, across Europe, this wall will fall, for it cannot withstand faith; it cannot withstand truth. The wall cannot withstand freedom.And I would like, before I close, to say one word. I have read, and I have been questioned since I've been here about certain demonstrations against my coming. And I would like to say just one thing, and to those who demonstrate so.I wonder if they have ever asked themselves that if they should have the kind of government they apparently seek, no one would ever be able to do what they're doing again.Thank you and God bless you all. Thank you.。
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奥巴马纪念曼德拉THE PRESIDENT: At his trial in 1964, Nelson Mandela closed his statement from the dock saying, "I have fought against white domination, and I have fought against black domination. I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons live together in harmony and with equal opportunities. It is an ideal which I hope to live for and to achieve. But if needs be, it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die." 总统：纳尔逊?曼德拉( Nelson Mandela )在1964 年接受审判时在被告席上结束他的陈述时说：“我曾为反对白人统治而斗争，也曾为反对黑人统治而斗争。
我一直珍藏着一个民主、自由的社会的理想，让所有人都生活在一个和谐共处、机会均等的社会中。
我希望为这个理想而生并将其付诸实现。
但是，如果需要，我也愿为这样一个理想献出生命。
” And Nelson Mandela lived for that ideal, and he made it real. He achieved more than could be expected of any man. Today, he has gone home. And we have lost one of the most influential, courageous, and profoundly good human beings that any of us will share time with on this Earth. He no longer belongs to us -- he belongs to the ages.纳尔逊?曼德拉为这个理想而生，并将其变成现实。
他的成就超出了我们能够寄望于任何一个人去取得的。
今天，他安息了。
而我们失去了一位我们任何一个人能在这个地球上与之共渡时光的人中最有影响力、最有勇气、最无比善良的一位。
他不再属于我们——他属于千秋万世。
Through his fierce dignity and unbending will to sacrifice his own freedom for the freedom of others, Madiba transformed South Africa -- and moved all of us. His journey from a prisoner to a President embodied the promise that human beings -- and countries -- can change for the better. His commitment to transfer power and reconcile with those who jailed him set an example that all humanity should aspire to, whether in the lives of nations or our own personal lives. And the fact that he did it all with grace and good humor, and an ability to acknowledge his own imperfections, only makes the man that much more remarkable. As he once said, "I am not a saint, unless you think of a saint as a sinner who keeps on trying." 曼德拉以其强烈的尊严和为了他人的自由不惜牺牲自己的自由的不折的意志，改变了南非的面貌，并感动了我们所有人。
他从一名囚徒变成一位总统的历程体现了全人类——以及各个国家——都能变得更美好的希望。
他移交权力并同那些关押他的人和解的承诺树立了一个全人类都应当追求的典范，不论是在国家生活中，还是在我们的个人生活中。
而他在做到这一切时还能保持风度和幽默，以及承认自己的不足的能力，这使他更加卓尔不群。
他曾说过：“我不是一个圣人，除非你们认为圣人是一个不断努力的罪人。
”I am one of the countless millions who drew inspiration from Nelson Mandela's life. My veryfirst political action, the first thing I ever did that involved an issue or a policy or politics, was a protest against apartheid. I studied his words and his writings. The day that he was released from prison gave me a sense of what human beings can do when they're guided bytheir hopes and not by their fears. And like so many around the globe, I cannot fully imagine my own life without the example that Nelson Mandela set, and so long as I live I will do what I can to learn from him. 我是从曼德拉的一生得到启迪的千百万人之一。
我从事的第一次政治活动，第一次同任何议题、政策或者政治有关的活动，是一次反对种族隔离的抗议。
我常常学习他的言论和文章。
他走出监狱的那一天使我意识到，人类在奔向希望而没有恐惧的时候是何等的大有作为。
我和世界各地许多人一样，无法想象如果没有曼德拉树立的榜样，我自己的一生会是什么样子。
在我有生之年，我将竭尽所能向他学习。
To Gra?a Machel and his family, Michelle and I extend our deepest sympathy and gratitude for sharing this extraordinary man with us. His life's work meant long days away from those wholoved him the most. And I only hope that the time spent with him these last few weeks brought peace and comfort to his family.米歇尔和我谨向格拉萨?马歇尔和曼德拉的家人致以最深沉的慰唁，并感谢他们与我们分享这位不平凡的人。
他的毕生努力意味着长年累月远离最爱他的人们。
我真切地希望与他共同度过的最后这几个星期为他的家人带来了平静与安慰。
To the people of South Africa, we draw strength from the example of renewal, and reconciliation, and resilience that you made real. A free South Africa at peace with itself -- that's an example to the world, and that's Madiba's legacy to the nation he loved. 对南非人民，我们要说，你们通过复生、和解与坚毅树立的榜样给了我们力量。
一个自由、和平的南非——这是世界的榜样，这是“马迪巴”为他所热爱的国家留下的遗产。
We will not likely see the likes of Nelson Mandela again. So it falls to us as best we can to forward the example that he set: to make decisions guided not by hate, but by love; to never discount the difference that one person can make; to strive for a future that is worthy of his sacrifice. 我们可能难以再见到像纳尔逊?曼德拉这样的伟人。
因此，我们的责任是尽我们所能把他树立的榜样传承下去：基于爱——而不是恨——来作决定；永远不要低估一个人所能带来的变化；努力建设一个无愧于他的牺牲的未来。
For now, let us pause and give thanks for the fact that Nelson Mandela lived -- a man who took history in his hands, and bent the arc of the moral universe toward justice. May God Bless his memory and keep him in peace.现在，让我们停下来，为纳尔逊?曼德拉曾经活着而表达我们的感激之情——他用双手握住历史，把道德宇宙的长虹折向正义。
愿上帝保佑他的记忆，使他安息。
祖玛纪念曼德拉My Fellow South Africans, 亲爱的南非同胞们：Our beloved Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela, the founding President of our democratic nation has departed.我们敬爱的纳尔逊-罗利赫拉赫拉-曼德拉，这个民主国家的国父，已经去世了。