林肯解放黑人奴隶宣言(中英文对照)
#105 - 译文Lincoln, Part 10
THE MAKING OF A NATION #105- Lincoln, Part 10译文林肯发表解放奴隶宣言到1862年夏天，美国南北战争已经打了一年多，交战双方各有胜负，但是任何一方都没有胜算。
美国总统亚伯拉罕·林肯需要一场重大胜利，因为他正在失去政界和民众的支持。
一场重大胜利不仅能让林肯重新赢得支持，而且也能为他准备发布的一项重要宣言创造条件。
林肯总统几个月来一直在考虑一项关于南方黑奴的宣言，这就是后来着名的解放奴隶宣言。
1862年8月底，南军指挥官罗伯特·李在维吉尼亚州的马纳萨斯击败了北军主力部队，战场距离华盛顿只有不到五十公里。
一年前，南军就曾在那里打败过北军，一年后再传捷报。
在胜利的鼓舞下，李将军决定大胆行动，把战火烧到北方去。
他率领六万部队跨过波托马克河进入马里兰，下令部下夺取哈珀斯费里的北军据点，其余人直奔波托马克沿岸小镇夏普斯伯格。
罗伯特·李将军让部下在镇子外面的安蒂特姆河边安营扎寨，战线全长近三公里，他选择这里做为阵地，也是因为这儿离维吉尼亚不远，如果北军部队过于强大的话，可以迅速撤退。
北军部队9月中旬到达后，没有立刻行动，用了整整一天的时间，在安蒂特姆河对岸安顿下来。
第二天清晨向南军发起攻击。
北军将领麦克莱伦将军本打算全线进攻，但是没能做到。
北军部队首先对南军防线一端发起进攻，这部分南军一直延伸到高高的玉米地里；北军部队随后又向南军中段发起攻击，这部分南军驻守在一条破旧低洼的道路上，易守难攻；北军部队最后对南军防线的另外一端发起进攻。
南军将领罗伯特·李将军每次都能调兵遣将，有效抵挡住北军的攻击。
北军部队最远推进到离南军阵线25米远的地方，但是没能冲破南军防线。
安蒂特姆战役第一天，南军损失了四分之一的兵力；第二天双方都疲惫不堪，因此偃旗息鼓。
就在双方休战、养精蓄锐之际，北军援兵陆续赶到。
南军指挥官李将军知道，北军次日一定会全面进攻，他绝没有胜利的希望，只好忍痛下令撤退。
#096 - 译文Abraham Lincoln, Part 1
THE MAKING OF A NATION #96 - Abraham Lincoln, Part 1译文林肯任命新内阁截止到1861年2月1号，南方先后已经有七个州退出联邦。
他们成立了自己的独立共和国，取名美国南方邦联。
南方这些州之所以决定退出联邦，是因为共和党人林肯当选总统。
南方人相信，林肯一定会支持修改宪法，全面取缔奴隶制度。
他们担心，自己的生活方式岌岌可危。
当选总统林肯离开家乡伊利诺伊，坐火车前往华盛顿走马上任。
他沿途多次发表讲话。
快到华盛顿的时候，林肯听到消息，说有暴民准备袭击他坐的列车，林肯被迫秘密走完了剩下的旅程。
就职典礼九天前，林肯抵达华盛顿。
那是一段繁忙的日子。
林肯要跟很多人谈话，包括一些参加和平大会的代表。
这次和平大会，除了退出联邦的各州外，都派了代表参加。
代表们要求林肯支持蓄奴，不要因为奴隶问题而发动战争。
林肯只保证，他会忠实执行作为美国总统应尽的责任，捍卫美国宪法。
林肯等待宣誓就职期间，挑选了内阁成员。
他希望共和党内部的所有派系在内阁里都有代表。
林肯觉得，这么做能让共和党团结一致，帮助他渡过日后的难关。
林肯(左四)与他的内阁成员林肯选择威廉·西沃德担任国务卿，选择萨蒙·蔡斯担任财政部长，选择吉迪恩·韦尔斯担任海军部长，选择布莱尔担任邮政总局局长。
西沃德不喜欢其他三个人，表示没法跟他们共事。
林肯表示，如果西沃德不愿意当国务卿，可以担任美国驻英大使。
西沃德最后还是同意加入内阁。
3月4号总统就职。
当选总统林肯跟即将卸任的总统布坎南一起坐马车参加就职典礼。
布坎南告诉林肯说，如果你就职的心情跟我离任的心情一样愉快的话，那你一定是世界上最快乐的人。
就职典礼在国会大厦外举行。
宣誓前，林肯发表就职演说。
林肯的就职演说经过了精心准备，他希望说明自己在奴隶和脱离联邦这两大问题上的立场，因为这些是造成国家分裂、走向内战的问题。
林肯说：“南方各州的人民似乎担心，共和党政府上任，会让他们的财产、他们的平静和个人安全受到威胁。
《解放黑人奴隶宣言》
解放黑人奴隶宣言1862年9月22日，合众国总统曾发出一道宣言，其内容如下：“1863年元月1日起，凡在当地人民尚在反抗合众国的任何一州之内，或一州的指明地区之内，为人占有而做奴隶的人们都应在那时及以后永远获得自由；公众国政府行政部门，包括海陆军当局，将承认并保障这些人的自由，当他们或他们之中的任何人为自己的自由而作任何努力时，不作任何压制他们的行为。
政府的行政部门将于上述的元月1日，以公告宣布那些州或那些州的那些地区的人民当时尚在反抗合众国，如果有的话；在那一天任何一州或其人民以大多数合法选举人参加选举出来的代表参加合众国国会，同时没有强有力的反证时，这种事实就是该州及其人民没有反抗合众国的确实证据”。
所以现在我，合众国总统亚伯拉罕·林肯，以在反抗合众国政府当局的武装叛变时期被授权为合众国海陆军总司令的职权，作为一个适当的、必须的战略措施以便镇压上述叛变，特于1863年元月1日，从上面第一次所说之日起至今足足一百天的期间，根据这样的目的公开宣布现在反对合众国者有如下诸州及某些州的下列地区及其人民：阿肯色、得克萨斯、路易西安那（除去圣伯尔拿、普拉奎明、哲斐孙、圣约翰、圣查理、圣詹姆士、亚森湘、亚森普欣、得里保恩、拉伐什、圣马利、圣马丁以及奥尔良等郡，包括新奥尔良城在内）、密西西比、亚拉巴马、佛罗里达、乔治亚、南卡罗来纳、北卡罗来纳和弗吉尼亚（除去西弗吉尼亚四十八个郡以及柏克立、阿康玛克、诺珊普顿、依利萨伯、约克、安公主、诺福克等郡包括诺福克和朴茨茅斯两城在内），这些除开的地区现在仍暂时维持本公告发出之前的原有状况。
为着上述的目的，我利用我的职权，正式命令并宣告在上述诸州以及某些州的上述地区以内所有作为奴隶的人现在和今后永远获得自由；合众国政府，包括海陆军当局在内，将承认并保持上述人们的自由。
我现在命令这些被宣布自由的人们，除非是必须的自卫，不得有违法行为；我劝告他们，在任何可能的情况下，他们应当忠实地为合理的工资而劳动。
林肯葛底斯堡演说中英文对照翻译
林肯葛底斯堡演说中英文对照翻译林肯的讲话是极简短、极朴素的。
这往往使那些滔滔不绝的讲演家大瞧不起。
葛底斯堡战役后，决定为死难烈士举行盛大葬礼。
掩葬委员会发给总统一张普通的请帖，他们以为他是不会来的，但林肯答应了。
既然总统来，那一定要讲演的，但他们已经请了著名演说家艾佛瑞特来做这件事，因此，他们又给林肯写了信，说在艾佛瑞特演说完毕之后，他们希望他“随便讲几句适当的话”。
这是一个侮辱，但林肯平静地接受了。
两星期内，他在穿衣、刮脸、吃点心时也想着怎样演说。
演说稿改了两三次，他仍不满意。
到了葬礼的前一天晚上，还在做最后的修改，然后半夜找到他的同僚高声朗诵。
走进会场时，他骑在马上仍把头低到胸前默想着演说辞。
那位艾佛瑞特讲演了两个多小时，将近结束时，林肯不安地掏出旧式眼镜，又一次看他的讲稿。
他的演说开始了，一位记者支上三角架准备拍摄照片，等一切就绪的时候，林肯已走下讲台。
这段时间只有两分钟，而掌声却持续了10分钟。
后人给以极高评价的那份演说辞，在今天译成中文，也不过400字。
Commented by 鱼化石：林肯的这篇演说是演说史上著名的篇章，其思想的深刻，行文的严谨，语言的冼练，确实是不愧彪炳青史的大手笔。
尤其是其中的第二段，建议加以仔细分析，其语义的承转，结构的安排，甚至包括其句式的使用，无一不是极尽推敲之作。
GETTYSBURG ADDRESSAbraham LincolnDelivered on the 19th Day of November, 1863Cemetery Hill, Gettysburg, PennsylvaniaFourscore and seven years ago, our fathers brought forth upon this continent a new Nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.Now, we are engaged in a great Civil War, testing whether that Nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure.We are met on a great battlefield of that war.We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting-place for those who gave their lives that Nation might live.It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.But, in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate, we cannot consecrate, we cannot hallow this ground.The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it far above our power to add or detract.The world will little note norlong remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here.It is for us, the living, rather to be dedicated to the great task remaining before us; that from these honored dead, we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion; that this Nation, under GOD, shall have a new birth of freedom; and that government of the People by the People and for the People shall not perish from the earth.葛底斯堡演说亚伯拉罕·林肯，1963年11月19日87年前，我们的先辈们在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家，它孕育于自由之中，奉行一切人生来平等的原则。
林肯在葛底斯堡的演说中英对照
林肯在葛底斯堡的演说(中英对照）Lincoln’s Gettysburg Address(on Nov.19,1863)Four score and seven years ago，our fathers brought forth upon this continent a new nation, conceived in liberty and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal。
Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation，or any nation，so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure。
We are met on a great battle field of the war。
We have come to dedicate a portion of the field as the final resting—place of those who here gave their lives that that nation might live。
It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this。
But , in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate，we cannot consecrate, we cannot hallow, this ground。
The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our power to add or to detract。
林肯就职演说原文1
林肯就职演说原文1林肯的第二任总统就职演说这篇演说的讲稿是人类历史上最伟大的演说词，永久地刻在了林肯纪念堂里，英文原文是：At this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office，there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. Then a statement，somewhat in detail，of a course to be pursued，seemed fitting and proper. Now，at the expiration of four years，during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of the great contest which still absorbs the attention，and engrosses the energies of the nation，little that is new could be presented. The progress of our arms，upon which all else chiefly depends，is as well known to the public as to myself; and it is，I trust，reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. With high hope for the future，no prediction in regard to it is ventured.On the occasion corresponding to this four years ago，all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war. All dreaded it--all sought to avert it. While the inaugural address was being delivered from this place，devoted altogether to saving the Union without war，insurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war--seeking to dissolve the Union，and divide effects，by negotiation. Both parties deprecated war; but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive; and the other would accept war rather than let it perish. And the war came.One eighth of the whole population were colored slaves，not distributed generally over the Union，but localized in the Southern part of it. These slaves constituted a peculiar andpowerful interest. All knew that this interest was，somehow，the cause of the war. To strengthen，perpetuate，and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the Union，even by war; while the government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it. Neither party expected for the war，the magnitude，or the duration，which it has already attained. Neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with，or even before，the conflict itself should cease.Each looked for an easier triumph，and a result less fundamental and astounding. Both read the same Bible，and astounding to the same God; and each invokes His aid against the other. It may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just God's assistance in wringing their bread fromthe sweat of other men's faces; but let us judge not that we be not judged. The prayers of both could not be answered; that of neither has been answered fully. The Almighty has his own purposes. "Woe unto the world because of offence！ for it must needs be that offence s come; but woe to that man by whom the offence cometh！" If we shall suppose that American Slavery is one of those offences which，in the providence of God，must needs come，but which，having continued through His appointed time，He now wills to remove，and that He gives to both North and South，this terrible war，as the woe due to those by whom the offence came，shall we discern therein any departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a Living God always ascribe to Him? Fondly do we hope--fervently do we pray--that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away. Yet，if God wills that it continue，until all the wealth piled by the bond-man's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toilshall be sunk，and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash，shall be paid by another drawn with the sword，as was said three thousand years ago，so still it must be said "the judgments of the Lord，are true and righteous altogether"With malice toward none; with charity for all; with firmness in the right，as God gives us to see the right，let us strive on to finish the work we are in; to bind up the nation's wounds; to care for him who shall have borne the battle，and for his widow，and his orphan--to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace，among ourselves，and with all nations.最后两段译文：(交战)每一方都在寻求一个快速的、不伤根本的胜利。
美国_独立宣言_中英文对照
美国《独立宣言》中英文对照The Declaration of IndependenceIN CONGRESS, JUL Y 4,1776 THE UNANIMOUSDECLARATION OF THETHIRTEEN UNITEDSTA TES OF AMERAICAWhen in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the laws Nature and Nature’s God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, that they are among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these rights, governments are instituted among them, deriving their just power from the consent of the governed. That whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shown that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, thant right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such government, and to provide new guards for their future security. Such has been the patient sufferance of these Colonies; and such is now the necessity, which constrains them to alter their former systems of government. The history of the present King of Great Britain is usurpations, all having in direct object tyranny over these States. To prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid world.He has refused his assent to laws, the most wholesome and necessary for the public good.He has forbidden his Governors to pass laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his assent should be obtained; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend them.He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of representation in the Legislature, a right inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants only.He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures.]He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly firmness his invasion on the rights of the people.He has refused for a long time, after such dissolution, to cause others to be elected ; whereby the legislative powers, incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people at large for their exercise; the State remaining in the meantime exposed to all the dangers of invasion from withoutand convulsion within.He has endeavored to prevent the population of these states; for that purpose obstructing the laws of naturalizing of foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their migration hither, and raising the condition of new appropriations of lands.He has obstructed the administration of justice, by refusing his assent of laws for establishing judiciary powers.He has made judges dependent on his will alone, for the tenure of their office, and the amount and payment of their salary.He has erected a multitude of new officers, and sent hither swarms of officers to harass our people, and eat out our substances.He has kept among us, in times of peace, standing armies without the consent of our legislatures.He has affected to render the military independent of and superior to the civil power.He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation.For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us;For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punishment for any murder which they should commit on the inhabitants of these States.For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world;For imposing taxes on us without our consent;For depriving us in many cases, of the benefits of trial by jury;For transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pretended offenses;For abolishing the free systems of English laws in a neighboring Province, establishing therein an arbitrary government, and enlarging its boundaries so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule these Colonies;For taking away our Charters, abolishing our most valuable laws, and altering fundamentally the forms of our governments;For suspending our own Legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever.He has abdicated government here, by declaring us out of his protection and waging war against us.He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people.He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries to complete the works of death, desolation and tyranny, already begun with circumstances of cruelty and perfidy scarcely parallel in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the head of a civilized nation.He has constrained our fellow citizens taken captive on the high seas to bear arms against their country, to become the executioners of their friends and brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands.He has excited domestic insurrection amongst us, and has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian savages, whose known rule of warfare, is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes, and conditions.In every stage of these oppressions we have petitioned for redress in the most humble terms: our repeated petition have been answered only by repeated injury. A prince whose character is thusmarked by every act which may define a tyrant is unfit to be the ruler of a free people.Nor have we been wanting in attention to our British brethren. We have warned them from time to time of attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our common kindred to disavow these usurpation, which would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. They too have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity, which denounces our separation, and hold them., as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in peace friends.We, therefore, the Representatives of the United States of America, in General Congress assembled , appealing to the supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the name, and by authority of the good people of these Colonies, solemnly publish and declare, That these United States Colonies and Independent States; that they are absolved by from all allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which Independent States may of right do. And for the support of this declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor.在人类事务发展的过程中，当一个民族必须解除同另一个民族的联系，并按照自然法则和上帝的旨意，以独立平等的身份立于世界列国之林时，出于对人类舆论的尊重，必须把驱使他们独立的原因予以宣布。
Gettysburg-Address-林肯葛底斯堡演说-中英对译版
Gettysburg Address 葛底斯堡演说Abraham Lincoln 亚伯拉罕·林肯（美国第16任总统）Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.八十七年以前，我们的祖先在这块大陆上创立了一个孕育于自由的新国家，他们主张人人生而平等，并为此而献身。
（在八十七年前，我们的国父们在这块土地上创建一个新的国家，乃基于对自由的坚信，并致力于所有人皆生而平等的信念。
）Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battle field of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field, as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives to that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.现在我们正进行一场伟大的内战，这是一场检验这一国家或者任何一个像我们这样孕育于自由并信守其主张的国家是否能长久存在的战争。
我们聚集在这场战争中一个伟大战场上，将这个战场上的一块土地奉献给那些在此地为了这个国家的生存而牺牲了自己生命的人，作为他们的最终安息之所。
#116 - 译文The American Civil War Victory Is Close for the Union
THE MAKING OF A NATION #116- The American Civil War: Victory Is Close for the Union译文南方邦联首都陷落1865年3月4号，亚伯拉罕·林肯宣誓就职，开始了他的第二个总统任期。
这次总统换届是在北方举行的，北方各州遵照的依旧是美国宪法，而退出联邦的南方各州则制定了自己的宪法。
宣誓就职当天晚上，白宫对公众开放，数千民众前来看望总统，庆祝活动直到午夜时分才结束。
林肯很高兴庆祝活动终于结束了，他总算可以集中精力处理当务之急了。
他希望在第二个四年任期内结束内战，缓和战争带来的怨恨和仇视。
林肯希望能轻松过渡到和平，不希望对失败的一方采取绞刑等残暴手段，只希望看到南方邦联士兵返回家园，成为统一国家的和平公民。
林肯希望国家能重新团结在一起。
战争不会持续太长时间了。
南方战局大势已去，但是南方邦联领袖拒绝承认失败。
南方邦联首都里士满附近地区依旧处于罗伯特·李的控制之中，但是李将军知道，他也撑不了多久了。
罗伯特·李手下原本庞大的队伍现在只剩下不到五万人了，这些人全都饥肠辘辘，疲惫不堪，还要守住从里士满到彼得斯堡一条将近60公里长的防线。
南方已经没有足够的兵力打仗了。
罗伯特·李决定，唯一的希望就是放弃这两座城市，挥师南下，跟北卡罗来纳约翰斯顿将军率领的部队会合，或许能联手打败那里的北方军，然后再回过头来对付格兰特将军的队伍。
这项计划成功的机会微乎其微，但可以让南方部队的生命延续几个星期或是几个月。
罗伯特·李很快就发现，冲出里士满和彼得斯堡的包围圈并不容易，格兰特的部队似乎无处不在。
罗伯特·李在格兰特战线附近部署了一万一千人，等待敌人进攻。
最初，天气帮了南方的忙，连续一天多的暴雨，淹没了道路和农田，让北军部队无法前进。
等他们终于可以行动的时候，南方部队已经做好了准备，击退了北军的进攻。
林肯的著名演讲（英汉）
林肯的著名演讲（英汉）林肯的著名演讲（英汉对照）AbrahamLincoln亚伯拉罕．林肯（1809－1865），美国第十六任总统（1861－1865）。
他自修法律，以反对奴隶制的纲领当选为总统，导致南方诸州脱离联邦。
在由此引起的南北战争（1861－1865）中，他作为总统，发挥了美国历史上最有效、最鼓舞人心的领导作用，以其坚定的信念、深远的眼光和完美无缺的政治手腕，成功地引导一个处于分裂的国家度过了其历史上流血最多的内战，从而换救了联邦。
他致力于推进全人类的民主、自由和平等，以最雄辩的语言阐述了人道主义的思想，不失时机地发表《解放黑奴宣言》，因而被后人尊称为“伟大的解放者”。
林肯不仅是一个伟大的总统，更是一个伟人。
他出生于社会低层，具有勤劳简朴、谦虚和诚恳的美德。
在美国历届总统中，林肯堪称是最平易近人的一位。
林肯的著作主要是演讲词和书信，以朴素庄严、观点明确、思想丰富、表达灵活、适应对象并具有特殊的美国风味见称。
此篇演讲是美国文学中最漂亮、最富有诗意的文章之一。
虽然这是一篇庆祝军事胜利的演说，但它没有好战之气。
相反，这是一篇感人肺腑的颂辞，赞美那些作出最后牺牲的人们，以及他们为之献身的那些理想。
其中“政府应为民有、民治、民享”的名言被人们广为传颂。
The Gettysburg AddressGettysburg, PennsylvaniaNovember 19, 1863Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battle field of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field, as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live. Itis altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate—we can not consecrate —we can not hallow—this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us — that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion —that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain — that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom —and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.主讲：亚伯拉罕·林肯时间：1863年11月19日地点：美国，宾夕法尼亚，葛底斯堡八十七年前，我们先辈在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家，它孕育于自由之中，奉行一切人生来平等的原则。
林肯葛底斯堡演讲中英文
林肯葛底斯堡演讲中英文(总2页)-CAL-FENGHAI.-(YICAI)-Company One1-CAL-本页仅作为文档封面，使用请直接删除林肯葛底斯堡演讲The Gettysburg AddressGettysburg, PennsylvaniaNovember 19, 1863Fourscore and seven years ago,our fathers brought forth upon this continent a new nation,conceived and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.Now we are egaged in a great civil war,testing whether that nation or any nation so conceived and dedicated can long endure.We are met on the battelfield of that war.We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final-resting place for those who gave their lives that the nation might live.It is altogether and proper that we should do this.But, in a larger sense,we can not dedicate,we can not consecrate,we can not hallow this ground.The brave men,living and dead,have consecrated it far above our power to add or detract.The world will little note what we say here,but it can never forget what they did here.It is for us,the living,rather to be dedicated to the great task remaining before us,that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion,that the nation shall have a new birth of freedom,that the goverment of the people by the people and for the people shall not perish from the earth.主讲：亚伯拉罕·林肯时间：1863年11月19日地点：美国，宾夕法尼亚，葛底斯堡八十七年前，我们先辈在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家，它孕育于自由之中，奉行一切人生来平等的原则。
林肯葛底斯堡演说中英文对照翻译
林肯葛底斯堡演说中英文对照翻译林肯的讲话是极简短、朴素的。
这往往使那些滔滔不绝的讲演家瞧不起。
葛底斯堡战役后，决定为死难烈士举行盛大葬礼。
掩葬委员会发给总统一张普通的请帖，他们以为他是不会来的，但林肯答应了。
既然总统来，那一定要讲演的，但他们已经请了著名演说家艾佛瑞特来做这件事，因此，他们又给林肯写了信，说在艾佛瑞特演说完毕之后，他们希望他“随便讲几句适当的话”。
林肯平静地接受了。
两星期内，他在穿衣、刮脸、吃点心时也想着怎样演说。
演说稿改了两三次，他仍不满意。
到了葬礼的前一天晚上，还在做最后的修改，然后半夜找到他的同僚高声朗诵。
走进会场时，他骑在马上仍把头低到胸前默想着演说辞。
那位艾佛瑞特讲演了两个多小时，将近结束时，林肯不安地掏出旧式眼镜，又一次看他的讲稿。
他的演说开始了，一位记者支上三角架准备拍摄照片，等一切就绪的时候，林肯已走下讲台。
这段时间只有两分钟，而掌声却持续了10分钟。
后人给以极高评价的这份演说辞，在今天译成中文，也不过400字。
林肯的这篇演说是演说史上著名的篇章，其思想的深刻、行文的严谨、语言的冼练，不愧是彪炳青史的大手笔。
尤其是其中的第二段，其语义的承转，结构的安排，甚至包括句式的使用，无一不是极尽推敲之作。
GETTYSBURG ADDRESSAbraham LincolnDelivered on the 19th Day of November, 1863Cemetery Hill, Gettysburg, PennsylvaniaFourscore and seven years ago, our fathers brought forth upon this continenta new Nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition thatall men are created equal. Now, we are engaged in a great CivilWar,testing whether that Nation, or any nation so conceived and sodedicated,can long endure. We are met on a great battlefield of that war. We havecome to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting-place for thosewho gave their lives that Nation might live. It is altogether fitting andproper that we should do this.But, in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate, we cannot consecrate, we cannothallow this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggledhere,have consecrated it far above our power to add or detract. The world willlittle note nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget whatthey did here. It is for us, the living, rather to be dedicated to thegreat task remaining before us; that from these honored dead, we takeincreased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measureof devotion; that this Nation, under GOD, shall have a new birth of freedom;and that government of the People by the People and for the People shall notperish from the earth.葛底斯堡演说亚伯拉罕·林肯，1963年11月19日87年前，我们的先辈们在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家，它孕育于自由之中，奉行一切人生来平等的原则。
林肯总统在盖茨堡演说讲词中英对照版
林肯总统在盖茨堡演说讲词中英对照版第一篇：林肯总统在盖茨堡演说讲词中英对照版林肯總統在蓋茨堡演說講詞的中英對照版本文為林肯總統在蓋茨堡(Gettysburg)所作的一場演說講詞，全文僅272字、10句話、不到2分鐘，卻是美國史上最偉大的演說之一，那也曾被我國選為高中職英文課本教材，許多人應都背誦過。
同學可按此超連結播放講詞錄音，一邊聽一邊閱讀底下文字，將可有另一番領會，最好可一起唸出來，如此可幫助學習。
這個講詞架構完整、文字優美、理念深遠，推薦給同學細細品味文字背後所傳遞的高雅價值。
The Gettysburg AddressFour score and seven years1 ago our fathers brought forth2 on this continent, a new nation, conceived3 in liberty, and dedicated4to the proposition5 that all men are created equal.Now we are engaged6 in a great civil war7, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure.We are met on a great battle-field of that war.We have come to dedicate a portion8 of that field9, as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives10 that that nation might live.11 It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate--we can not consecrate12--we can not hallow13--this ground.The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract.14 The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here.It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced.It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us--that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause15 forwhich they gave the last full measure16 of devotion--that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain--that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom--and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall notperish17 from the earth.蓋茨堡演講詞八十七年前，我們的祖先在這片大陸上建立了一個新的國家，它孕育於自由，並且獻身給一種理念，即所有人都是生來平等的。
林肯解放黑人奴隶宣言(中英文对照)
林肯：解放黑人奴隶宣言THE EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION:By the President of the United States of America:1862年9月22日，一个瘦弱而伟大的总统用颤抖的双手签署了这份宣言，他知道虽然该宣言会激起奴隶主们的反抗，可能会造成国家南北的分裂。
但为了结束一个资本主义与奴隶制并存的畸形社会，他用颤抖的双手签了，虽然此后他的担心成真了，而且自己还被同情奴隶制的蒲斯刺杀了。
但统一后的美利坚合众国在通往现代化的道路上一路狂飙，创造了无数现代文明，引领了整个20世纪。
这个丑陋而羸弱的总统也成就了美国历史上最伟大的总统。
THE EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION:By the President of the United States of America:A PROCLAMATIONWhereas on the 22nd day of September, A.D. 1862, a proclamation was issued by the President of the United States, containing, among other things, the following, to wit:"That on the 1st day of January, A.D. 1863, all persons held as slaves within any State or designated part of a State the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States shall be then, thenceforward, and forever free; and the executive government of the United States, including the military and naval authority thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons and will do no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom."That the executive will on the 1st day of January aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the States and parts of States, ifany, in which the people thereof, respectively, shall then be in rebellion against the United States; and the fact that any State or the people thereof shall on that day be in good faith represented in the Congress of the United States by members chosen thereto at elections wherein a majority of the qualified voters of such States shall have participated shall, in the absence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such State and the people thereof are not then in rebellion against the United States."Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, by virtue of the power in me vested as Commander-In-Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States in time of actual armed rebellion against the authority and government of the United States, and as a fit and necessary war measure for supressing said rebellion, do, on this 1st day of January, A.D. 1863, and in accordance with my purpose so to do, publicly proclaimed for the full period of one hundred days from the first day above mentioned, order and designate as the States and parts of States wherein the people thereof, respectively, are this day in rebellion against the United States the following, to wit:Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana (except the parishes of St. Bernard,Palquemines, Jefferson, St. John, St. Charles, St. James, Ascension, Assumption, Terrebone, Lafourche, St. Mary, St. Martin, and Orleans, including the city of New Orleans), Mississippi, Alabama, Florida, Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina, and Virginia (except the forty-eight counties designated as West Virginia, and also the counties of Berkeley, Accomac, Morthhampton, Elizabeth City, York, Princess Anne, and Norfolk, including the cities of Norfolk and Portsmouth), and which excepted parts are for the present left precisely as if this proclamation were not issued.And by virtue of the power and for the purpose aforesaid, I do order and declare that all persons held as slaves within said designated States and parts of States are, and henceforward shall be, free; and that the Executive Government of the United States, including the military and naval authorities thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of said persons. And I hereby enjoin upon the people so declared to be free to abstain from all violence, unless in necessary self-defence; and I recommend to them that, in all case when allowed, they labor faithfully for reasonable wages.And I further declare and make known that such persons of suitable condition will be received into the armed service ofthe United States to garrison forts, positions, stations, and other places, and to man vessels of all sorts in said service. And upon this act, sincerely believed to be an act of justice, warranted by the Constitution upon military necessity, I invoke the considerate judgment of mankind and the gracious favor of Almighty God.On Jan. 1, 1863, U.S. President Abraham Lincoln declared free all slaves residing in territory in rebellion against the federal government. This Emancipation Proclamation actually freed few people. It did not apply to slaves in border states fighting on the Union side; nor did it affect slaves in southern areas already under Union control. Naturally, the states in rebellion did not act on Lincoln‘s order. But the proclamation did show Americans--and the world--that the civil war was now being fought to end slavery.Lincoln had been reluctant to come to this position. A believer in white supremacy, he initially viewed the war only in terms of preserving the Union. As pressure for abolition mounted in Congress and the country, however, Lincoln became more sympathetic to the idea. On Sept. 22, 1862, he issued a preliminary proclamation announcing that emancipation would become effective on Jan. 1, 1863, in those states still inrebellion. Although the Emancipation Proclamation did not end slavery in America--this was achieved by the passage of the 13TH Amendment to the Constitution on Dec. 18, 1865--it did make that accomplishment a basic war goal and a virtual certainty. DOUGLAS T. MILLERBibliography: Commager, Henry Steele, The Great Proclamation (1960); Donovan, Frank, Mr. Lincoln‘s Proclamation (1964); Franklin, John Hope, ed., The Emancipation Proclamation (1964). 1862年9月22日，合众国总统曾发出一道宣言，其内容如下：“1863年元月1日起，凡在当地人民尚在反抗合众国的任何一州之内，或一州的指明地区之内，为人占有而做奴隶的人们都应在那时及以后永远获得自由；公众国政府行政部门，包括海陆军当局，将承认并保障这些人的自由，当他们或他们之中的任何人为自己的自由而作任何努力时，不作任何压制他们的行为。
林肯葛底斯堡演说中英文对照翻译
林肯葛底斯堡演说中英文对照翻译林肯的讲话是极简短、极朴素的。
这往往使那些滔滔不绝的讲演家大瞧不起。
葛底斯堡战役后，决定为死难烈士举行盛大葬礼。
掩葬委员会发给总统一张普通的请帖，他们以为他是不会来的，但林肯答应了。
既然总统来，那一定要讲演的，但他们已经请了著名演说家艾佛瑞特来做这件事，因此，他们又给林肯写了信，说在艾佛瑞特演说完毕之后，他们希望他“随便讲几句适当的话”。
这是一个侮辱，但林肯平静地接受了。
两星期内，他在穿衣、刮脸、吃点心时也想着怎样演说。
演说稿改了两三次，他仍不满意。
到了葬礼的前一天晚上，还在做最后的修改，然后半夜找到他的同僚高声朗诵。
走进会场时，他骑在马上仍把头低到胸前默想着演说辞。
那位艾佛瑞特讲演了两个多小时，将近结束时，林肯不安地掏出旧式眼镜，又一次看他的讲稿。
他的演说开始了，一位记者支上三角架准备拍摄照片，等一切就绪的时候，林肯已走下讲台。
这段时间只有两分钟，而掌声却持续了10分钟。
后人给以极高评价的那份演说辞，在今天译成中文，也不过400字。
Commented by 鱼化石：林肯的这篇演说是演说史上著名的篇章，其思想的深刻，行文的严谨，语言的冼练，确实是不愧彪炳青史的大手笔。
尤其是其中的第二段，建议加以仔细分析，其语义的承转，结构的安排，甚至包括其句式的使用，无一不是极尽推敲之作。
GETTYSBURG ADDRESSAbraham LincolnDelivered on the 19th Day of November, 1863Cemetery Hill, Gettysburg, PennsylvaniaFourscore and seven years ago, our fathers brought forth upon this continenta new Nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition thatall men are created equal. Now, we are engaged in a great CivilWar,testing whether that Nation, or any nation so conceived and sodedicated,can long endure. We are met on a great battlefield of that war. We havecome to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting-place for thosewho gave their lives that Nation might live. It is altogether fitting andproper that we should do this.But, in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate, we cannot consecrate, we cannothallow this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggledhere,have consecrated it far above our power to add or detract. The world willlittle note nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget whatthey did here. It is for us, the living, rather to be dedicated to thegreat task remaining before us; that from these honored dead, we takeincreased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measureof devotion; that this Nation, under GOD, shall have a new birth of freedom;and that government of the People by the People and for the People shall notperish from the earth.葛底斯堡演说亚伯拉罕·林肯，1963年11月19日87年前，我们的先辈们在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家，它孕育于自由之中，奉行一切人生来平等的原则。
林肯在葛底斯堡的演说中英对照
林肯在葛底斯堡的演说(中英对照)Lincoln’s Gettysburg Address(on Nov.19,1863)Four score and seven years ago, our fathers brought forth upon this continent a new nation, conceived in liberty and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation, so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure.We are met on a great battle field of the war. We have come to dedicate a portion of the field as the final resting-place of those who here gave their lives that that nation might live.It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.But , in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate, we cannot consecrate, we cannot hallow, this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our power to add or to detract.The world will little note nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here.It is for us, the living, rather, to be dedicated here, to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us: that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they here gave the last full measure of devotion; that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain; that the nation shall. under God, have a new birth of freedom, and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.美国总统林肯葛底斯堡演讲词八十七年前，我们的先辈们在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家，它孕育于自由之中，奉行一切人生来平等的原则。
解放黑奴宣言及相关战斗【英文】
Second Manassas, Antietam, and the Emancipation Proclamation
Lsn 10
End of the Peninsula Campaign
• Even though McClellan had been defeated, his army was still in a strategic location, just 25 miles from Richmond and on a supply line it could keep open (it would be 1864 before the Federals got this close to Richmond again) • One course would have been for Lincoln to keep the army where it was and remove the commander • Instead, Lincoln ordered the Army of the Potomac to withdraw from the Peninsula • Ultimately, most of the Army of the Potomac would come under the command of John Pope as the Army of Virginia
《解放宣言》中英对照版
《解放宣言》公元1862年9月22日2合众国总统曾发布一项宣言，包括以下内容，即：从公元1863年1月1日起，任何一州或州内标明地区的人仍把他人作为奴隶，将视为背叛联邦政府，所有被当作奴隶的人从即日起，将会获得永久自由；联邦执政府，包括陆军，海军当局，将认可和保卫这些人的自由，对这样的群体或单独一人为获得实在的自由而做的任何努力，将不采取单一行动或联合行动去压制。
自1863年1月1日起，政府将依据宣言明确哪一州或州内某地区的人们分别背叛联邦政府。
以事实为判断依据，从即日起，任何一州和它的人民都要由有选举资格的大多数人投票选出他们信任的代表，参加合众国的国会。
如无明显的抵制证据，则可确认该州及州内人民无背叛联邦政府的迹象。
为此，我，亚伯拉罕·林肯·合众国的总统，以合众国陆海军总司令的权威，在发生背叛联邦政府和权威的事实之时，作为适当和必要的手段估，对叛乱进行了武力镇压。
值此公元1863年1月1日，距离为平叛目的而公开发表宣言的时间整整一百天的时候，我明确宣布以下各州和州内部分地区以及那里的人们背叛了联邦政府，这就是：阿肯色州、得克萨斯州、路易斯安那州（圣伯纳德、普拉克明斯、杰斐逊、圣约翰、圣查尔斯、圣詹姆斯、阿森松、阿桑普申、特勒博恩、拉富什、圣马丁和奥尔良、包括新奥尔良城，以上教区除外）、密西西比州、亚拉巴马州、佛罗里达州、佐治亚州、南罗莱纳州、北卡罗莱纳州、弗吉尼亚州、（标明为西弗吉尼亚的48个县，还有伯克利县、阿康玛克县、北安普顿县、伊丽莎白市、约克、安公主、诺福克、包括诺福克市、和普茨茅斯市，以上地区除外）――这些地区，不包括除外的地区，目前看来完全保持宣言颁布前的状态。
以权力的效能和前述的意图，我命令和宣告，前述标明的各州和某些州的部分地区被作为奴隶的人，从即日起，将会获得自由；合众国执政府，包括陆军和海军当局，将从可及保卫前述之人的自由。
在此我要特别告诫已宣布获得自由的人民，要戒绝所有暴力，除非出于自卫的必要；我还劝告他们，在所有正常情况下，要为获得公平的薪水付出诚实的劳动。
林肯的历次演讲 中英文
First Inaugural Address of Abraham LincolnMONDAY, MARCH 4, 1861Fellow-Citizens of the United States:In compliance with a custom as old as the Government itself, I appear before you to address you briefly and to take in your presence the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the United States to be taken by the President before he enters on the execution of this office."I do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or excitement.Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that by the accession of a Republican Administration their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered. There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection. It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you. I do but quote from one of those speeches when I declare that--I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so.Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that I had made this and many similar declarations and had never recanted them; and more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read:Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend; and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.I now reiterate these sentiments, and in doing so I only press upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is susceptible that the property, peace, and security of no section are to be in any wise endangered by the now incoming Administration. I add, too, that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution and thelaws, can be given will be cheerfully given to all the States when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause--as cheerfully to one section as to another.There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from service or labor. The clause I now read is as plainly written in the Constitution as any other of its provisions:No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall in consequence of any law or regulation therein be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due.It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves; and the intention of the lawgiver is the law. All members of Congress swear their support to the whole Constitution--to this provision as much as to any other. To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within the terms of this clause "shall be delivered up" their oaths are unanimous. Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not with nearly equal unanimity frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath?There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by State authority, but surely that difference is not a very material one. If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done. And should anyone in any case be content that his oath shall go unkept on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept?Again: In any law upon this subject ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a free man be not in any case surrendered as a slave? And might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the Constitution which guarantees that "the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States"?I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations and with no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules; and while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of Congress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, both in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by all those acts which stand unrepealed than to violate any of them trusting to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional.It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President under our National Constitution. During that period fifteen different and greatly distinguished citizens have in succession administered the executive branch of the Government. They have conducted it through many perils, and generally with great success. Yet, with all this scope of precedent, I now enter upon the same task for the brief constitutional term of four years under great and peculiar difficulty. A disruption of the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably attempted.I hold that in contemplation of universal law and of the Constitution the Union of these States is perpetual. Perpetuity is implied, if not expressed, in the fundamental law of all national governments. It is safe to assert that no government proper ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination. Continue to execute all the express provisions of our National Constitution, and the Union will endure forever, it being impossible to destroy it except by some action not provided for in the instrument itself.Again: If the United States be not a government proper, but an association of States in the nature of contract merely, can it, as acontract, be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it? One party to a contract may violate it--break it, so to speak--but does it not require all to lawfully rescind it?Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that in legal contemplation the Union is perpetual confirmed by the history of the Union itself. The Union is much older than the Constitution. It was formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association in 1774. It was matured and continued by the Declaration of Independence in 1776. It was further matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen States expressly plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the Articles of Confederation in 1778. And finally, in 1787, one of the declared objects for ordaining and establishing the Constitution was "to form a more perfect Union."But if destruction of the Union by one or by a part only of the States be lawfully possible, the Union is less perfect than before the Constitution, having lost the vital element of perpetuity.It follows from these views that no State upon its own mere motion can lawfully get out of the Union; that resolves and ordinances to that effect are legally void, and that acts of violence within any State or States against the authority of the United States are insurrectionary or revolutionary, according to circumstances.I therefore consider that in view of the Constitution and the laws the Union is unbroken, and to the extent of my ability, I shall take care, as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Unionbe faithfully executed in all the States. Doing this I deem to be only a simple duty on my part, and Ishall perform it so far as practicable unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall withhold the requisite means or in some authoritative manner direct the contrary. I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the declared purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally defend and maintain itself.In doing this there needs to be no bloodshed or violence, and there shall be none unless it be forced upon the national authority. The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the Government and to collect the duties and imposts; but beyond what may be necessary for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere. Where hostility to the United States in any interior locality shall be so great and universal as to prevent competent resident citizens from holding the Federal offices, there will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people for that object. While the strict legal right may exist in the Government to enforce the exercise of these offices, the attempt to do so would be so irritating and so nearly impracticable withal that I deem it better to forego for the time the uses of such offices.The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts of the Union. So far as possible the people everywhere shall have thatsense of perfect security which is most favorable to calm thought and reflection. The course here indicated will be followed unless current events and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper, and in every case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised, according to circumstances actually existing and with a view and a hope of a peaceful solution of the national troubles and the restoration of fraternal sympathies and affections.That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy the Union at all events and are glad of any pretext to do it I will neither affirm nor deny; but if there be such, I need address no word to them. To those, however, who really love the Union may I not speak?Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our national fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, would it not be wise to ascertain precisely why we do it? Will you hazard so desperate a step while there is any possibility that any portion of the ills you fly from have no real existence? Will you, while the certain ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones you fly from, will you risk the commission of so fearful a mistake?All profess to be content in the Union if all constitutional rights can be maintained. Is it true, then, that any right plainly written in the Constitution has been denied? I think not. Happily, the human mind is soconstituted that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this. Think, if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly written provision of the Constitution has ever been denied. If by the mere force of numbers a majority should deprive a minority of any clearly written constitutional right, it might in a moral point of view justify revolution; certainly would if such right were a vital one. But such is not our case. All the vital rights of minorities and of individuals are so plainly assured to them by affirmations and negations, guaranties and prohibitions, in the Constitution that controversies never arise concerning them. But no organic law can ever be framed with a provision specifically applicable to every question which may occur in practical administration. No foresight can anticipate nor any document of reasonable length contain express provisions for all possible questions. Shall fugitives from labor be surrendered by national or by State authority? The Constitution does not expressly say. May Congress prohibit slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say. Must Congress protect slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say.From questions of this class spring all our constitutional controversies, and we divide upon them into majorities and minorities. If the minority will not acquiesce, the majority must, or the Government must cease. There is no other alternative, for continuing the Government is acquiescence on one side or the other. If a minority in such case willsecede rather than acquiesce, they make a precedent which in turn will divide and ruin them, for a minority of their own will secede from them whenever a majority refuses to be controlled by such minority. For instance, why may not any portion of a new confederacy a year or two hence arbitrarily secede again, precisely as portions of the present Union now claim to secede from it? All who cherish disunion sentiments are now being educated to the exact temper of doing this.Is there such perfect identity of interests among the States to compose a new union as to produce harmony only and prevent renewed secession?Plainly the central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy. A majority held in restraint by constitutional checks and limitations, and always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions and sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people. Whoever rejects it does of necessity fly to anarchy or to despotism. Unanimity is impossible. The rule of a minority, as a permanent arrangement, is wholly inadmissible; so that, rejecting the majority principle, anarchy or despotism in some form is all that is left.I do not forget the position assumed by some that constitutional questions are to be decided by the Supreme Court, nor do I deny that such decisions must be binding in any case upon the parties to a suit as to theobject of that suit, while they are also entitled to very high respect and consideration in all parallel cases by all other departments of the Government. And while it is obviously possible that such decision may be erroneous in any given case, still the evil effect following it, being limited to that particular case, with the chance that it may be overruled and never become a precedent for other cases, can better be borne than could the evils of a different practice. At the same time, the candid citizen must confess that if the policy of the Government upon vital questions affecting the whole people is to be irrevocably fixed by decisions of the Supreme Court, the instant they are made in ordinary litigation between parties in personal actions the people will have ceased to be their own rulers, having to that extent practically resigned their Government into the hands of that eminent tribunal. Nor is there in this view any assault upon the court or the judges. It is a duty from which they may not shrink to decide cases properly brought before them, and it is no fault of theirs if others seek to turn their decisions to political purposes.One section of our country believes slavery is right and ought to be extended, while the other believes it is wrong and ought not to be extended. This is the only substantial dispute. The fugitive- slave clause of the Constitution and the law for the suppression of the foreign slave trade are each as well enforced, perhaps, as any law can ever be in a community where the moral sense of the people imperfectly supports thelaw itself. The great body of the people abide by the dry legal obligation in both cases, and a few break over in each. This, I think, can not be perfectly cured, and it would be worse in both cases after the separation of the sections than before. The foreign slave trade, now imperfectly suppressed, would be ultimately revived without restriction in one section, while fugitive slaves, now only partially surrendered, would not be surrendered at all by the other.Physically speaking, we can not separate. We can not remove our respective sections from each other nor build an impassable wall between them. A husband and wife may be divorced and go out of the presence and beyond the reach of each other, but the different parts of our country can not do this. They can not but remain face to face, and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between them. Is it possible, then, to make that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory after separation than before? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than laws can among friends? Suppose you go to war, you can not fight always; and when, after much loss on both sides and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical old questions, as to terms of intercourse, are again upon you.This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit it. Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing Government, they can exercise their constitutional right of amending it or their revolutionary right to dismember or overthrow it. I can not be ignorant of the fact that many worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of having the National Constitution amended. While I make no recommendation of amendments, I fully recognize the rightful authority of the people over the whole subject, to be exercised in either of the modes prescribed in the instrument itself; and I should, under existing circumstances, favor rather than oppose a fair opportunity being afforded the people to act upon it. I will venture to add that to me the convention mode seems preferable, in that it allows amendments to originate with the people themselves, instead of only permitting them to take or reject propositions originated by others, not especially chosen for the purpose, and which might not be precisely such as they would wish to either accept or refuse. I understand a proposed amendment to the Constitution--which amendment, however, I have not seen--has passed Congress, to the effect that the Federal Government shall never interfere with the domestic institutions of the States, including that of persons held to service. To avoid misconstruction of what I have said, I depart from my purpose not to speak of particular amendments so far as to say that, holding such a provision to now beimplied constitutional law, I have no objection to its being made express and irrevocable.The Chief Magistrate derives all his authority from the people, and they have referred none upon him to fix terms for the separation of the States. The people themselves can do this if also they choose, but the Executive as such has nothing to do with it. His duty is to administer the present Government as it came to his hands and to transmit it unimpaired by him to his successor.Why should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate justice of the people? Is there any better or equal hope in the world? In our present differences, is either party without faith of being in the right? If the Almighty Ruler of Nations, with His eternal truth and justice, be on your side of the North, or on yours of the South, that truth and that justice will surely prevail by the judgment of this great tribunal of the American people.By the frame of the Government under which we live this same people have wisely given their public servants but little power for mischief, and have with equal wisdom provided for the return of that little to their own hands at very short intervals. While the people retain their virtue and vigilance no Administration by any extreme of wickedness orfolly can very seriously injure the Government in the short space of four years.My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole subject. Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time. If there be an object to hurry any of you in hot haste to a step which you would never take deliberately, that object will be frustrated by taking time; but no good object can be frustrated by it. Such of you as are now dissatisfied still have the old Constitution unimpaired, and, on the sensitive point, the laws of your own framing under it; while the new Administration will have no immediate power, if it would, to change either. If it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied hold the right side in the dispute, there still is no single good reason for precipitate action. Intelligence, patriotism, Christianity, and a firm reliance on Him who has never yet forsaken this favored land are still competent to adjust in the best way all our present difficulty.In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. The Government will not assail you. You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. You have no oath registered in heaven to destroy the Government, while I shall have the most solemn one to "preserve, protect, and defend it."I am loath to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained it must not break our bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battlefield and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature.合众国的同胞们：1861年3月4日按照一个和我们的政府一样古老的习惯，我现在来到诸位的面前，简单地讲几句话，并在你们的面前，遵照合众国宪法规定一个总统在他“到职视事之前”必须宣誓的仪式，在大家面前宣誓。
林肯解放黑人奴隶宣言
Internal
The influence
In addition to the immediate effects, this declaration means the North War’s aim is to change: reforming federal is no longer the sole purpose of war. This represents an important stage that moving towards abolishing the federal slavery.
林肯曾宣称他自己没有宪法赋予的权力解放黑奴，此外， 解放黑奴是种具有风险的政治行为，因为仍有部分畜奴州 效忠于联邦，且战争初始的目的集中在保护联邦的完整而 非解放黑奴。基于如此，这份宣言当时只是份而由林肯自 己理解为以三军统帅的身分所发表的军事命令，而非由国 会公布具同等地位的法案或宪法增修条文。解放奴隶宣言 也把解放黑奴的同意权让渡给联邦军队，这难得的机会使 将近20万多曾为奴隶的黑人受惠，也让北方人获得额外的 人力资源而南方人却直到战败前几天还无法仿效。 林肯第一次与其内阁讨论该宣言是在1862年7月，但考虑到 此举对政治的种种影响, 他觉得在发布前需要场联邦军的 胜仗。在安地潭之役，联邦军队击退邦联对马里兰州的进 犯后，他于1862年9月22日发布一份准备宣言，而最终的l
This declaration makes other national public opinions turn to support the federal commitment to end slavery.
南北战争爆发后，相当多的黑奴自愿为自身自由而协助 联邦作战，但对如何处理占领地黑奴观点上仍有所冲突。 林肯一开始收回某些将军自行发布的解放黑奴命令，而 此政策严厉执行则造成逃亡黑奴必须回到他们南方主子 那儿，但1862年3月13日邦联政府禁止所有联邦军指挥 官遣返逃亡黑奴，如此影响了《1850年逃亡奴隶法》的 废除。1862年4月11日，国会宣布联邦政府将保障释放 黑奴的奴隶主，所有在华盛顿的黑奴于1862年4月16日 获得解放。1862年7月19日国会废止联邦领土上的奴隶 制度，如此使美国最高法院于1857年《得福德· 史考特 诉桑福德案》（Dred Scott v. Sandford）作出的决议 失去效力：此决议曾导致国会一度无权监督国土上的黑 奴制度 。
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林肯解放黑人奴隶宣言(中英文对照)林肯：解放黑人奴隶宣言THE EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION:By the President of the United States of America:1862年9月22日，一个瘦弱而伟大的总统用颤抖的双手签署了这份宣言，他知道虽然该宣言会激起奴隶主们的反抗，可能会造成国家南北的分裂。
但为了结束一个资本主义与奴隶制并存的畸形社会，他用颤抖的双手签了，虽然此后他的担心成真了，而且自己还被同情奴隶制的蒲斯刺杀了。
但统一后的美利坚合众国在通往现代化的道路上一路狂飙，创造了无数现代文明，引领了整个20世纪。
这个丑陋而羸弱的总统也成就了美国历史上最伟大的总统。
THE EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION:By the President of the United States of America:A PROCLAMATIONWhereas on the 22nd day of September, A.D. 1862, a proclamation was issued by the President of the United States, containing, among other things, the following, to wit:"That on the 1st day of January, A.D. 1863, all persons held as slaves within any State or designated part of a State the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States shall be then, thenceforward, and forever free; and the executive government of the United States, including the military and naval authority thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons and will do no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom."That the executive will on the 1st day of January aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the States and parts of States, if any,in which the people thereof, respectively, shall then be in rebellion against the United States; and the fact that any State or the people thereof shall on that day be in good faith represented in the Congress of the United States by members chosen thereto at elections wherein a majority of the qualified voters of such States shall have participated shall, in the absence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such State and the people thereof are not then in rebellion against the United States."Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, by virtue of the power in me vested as Commander-In-Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States in time of actual armed rebellion against the authority and government of the United States, and as a fit and necessary war measure for supressing said rebellion, do, on this 1st day of January, A.D. 1863, and in accordance with my purpose so to do, publicly proclaimed for the full period of one hundred days from the first day above mentioned, order and designate as the States and parts of States wherein the people thereof, respectively, are this day in rebellion against the United States the following, to wit:Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana (except the parishes of St.Bernard, Palquemines, Jefferson, St. John, St. Charles, St. James, Ascension, Assumption, Terrebone, Lafourche, St. Mary, St. Martin, and Orleans, including the city of New Orleans), Mississippi, Alabama, Florida, Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina, and Virginia (except the forty-eight counties designated as West Virginia, and also the counties of Berkeley, Accomac, Morthhampton, Elizabeth City, York, Princess Anne, and Norfolk, including the cities of Norfolk and Portsmouth), and which excepted parts are for the present left precisely as if this proclamation were not issued.And by virtue of the power and for the purpose aforesaid, I do order and declare that all persons held as slaves within said designated States and parts of States are, and henceforward shall be, free; and that the Executive Government of the United States, including the military and naval authorities thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of said persons.And I hereby enjoin upon the people so declared to be free to abstain from all violence, unless in necessary self-defence; and I recommend to them that, in all case when allowed, they labor faithfully for reasonable wages.And I further declare and make known that such persons of suitable condition will be received into the armed service ofthe United States to garrison forts, positions, stations, and other places, and to man vessels of all sorts in said service. And upon this act, sincerely believed to be an act of justice, warranted by the Constitution upon military necessity, I invoke the considerate judgment of mankind and the gracious favor of Almighty God.On Jan. 1, 1863, U.S. President Abraham Lincoln declared free all slaves residing in territory in rebellion against the federal government. This Emancipation Proclamation actually freed few people. It did not apply to slaves in border states fighting on the Union side; nor did it affect slaves in southern areas already under Union control. Naturally, the states in rebellion did not act on Lincoln‘s order. But the proclamation did show Americans--and the world--that the civil war was now being fought to end slavery.Lincoln had been reluctant to come to this position. A believer in white supremacy, he initially viewed the war only in terms of preserving the Union. As pressure for abolition mounted in Congress and the country, however, Lincoln became more sympathetic to the idea. On Sept. 22, 1862, he issued a preliminary proclamation announcing that emancipation would become effective on Jan. 1, 1863, in those states still inrebellion. Although the Emancipation Proclamation did not end slavery in America--this was achieved by the passage of the 13TH Amendment to the Constitution on Dec. 18, 1865--it did make that accomplishment a basic war goal and a virtual certainty.DOUGLAS T. MILLERBibliography: Commager, Henry Steele, The Great Proclamation(1960); Donovan, Frank, Mr. Lincoln‘s Proclam ation (1964); Franklin, John Hope, ed., The Emancipation Proclamation (1964).1862年9月22日，合众国总统曾发出一道宣言，其内容如下：“1863年元月1日起，凡在当地人民尚在反抗合众国的任何一州之内，或一州的指明地区之内，为人占有而做奴隶的人们都应在那时及以后永远获得自由；公众国政府行政部门，包括海陆军当局，将承认并保障这些人的自由，当他们或他们之中的任何人为自己的自由而作任何努力时，不作任何压制他们的行为。