农业产业化外文翻译文献
产业转型和产业绿色化发展研究中英文外文文献翻译2017
本科毕业设计（论文）中英文对照翻译(此文档为word格式,下载后您可任意修改编辑!)文献出处：Martin Rasiah. The research of Southeast Asia industry transformation and green industry development [J]. Environment, Development and Sustainability, 2017,1(2): 217-227.原文The research of Southeast Asia industry transformationand green industry developmentMartin· RasiahIntroductionUntil some 20 years ago, most Southeast Asian countries were primarily agricultural economies, in which industrial production played a limited role. However, as their industrial production has increased rapidly over the last decades, Thailand and Malaysia have become known asnewly industrializing countries. Vietnam is also well on its way to follow its neighboring countries and is often labeled as belonging to the second generation tiger economies. In these countries, industrial growth has been much higher than economic growth in agriculture over the past 15 years and the share of industrial production in their GNP is rapidly increasing (be it not necessarily with the same rate in all (parts of ) of these countries). Industrial activities in general have however never been without environmental problems and therefore it is not surprising that the accelerated industrialization in Southeast Asia, entailing a dramatic transformation of the industrial sector, included some serious environmental problems (JEC, 2003). These environmental challenges to the industrial performance in Southeast Asia will probably grow in the future as the region is at the same time under pressure to sustain its economic progress and also to reduce the still remaining poverty. Industrial environmental problems can be related to energy use, resource use, water and air pollution, waste generation, environmental risks, biodiversity, transport, and so forth. The severity of these environmental consequences may vary, depending on the technologies used in the industrial production processes, the organization and management of the production, the coordination of the various steps in the production–consumption chain (in terms of information flows, substance flows, management preferences, etc.), the regulatory regimes at variouslevels (from local to supra-national), and the reactions from citizens and consumers towards products and production. These environmental problems occur within the context of a rapidly changing world where technological innovations, new organizational and management approaches, globalizing production–consumption chains, increasing communication and information exchange possibilities, and changing power balances. These economic, political and technological transitions provide new challenges but also new opportunities for the environmental performance in these countries. The export oriented character of most Asian industries forces them, for example, to include the global environmental requirements for the industrial chains and their products, a pressure which may be expected to become more intense in the coming years.This special issue of Environment, Development and Sustainability, presents several articles that analyze the challenges and opportunities for governing the transformation of industrial activities in Southeast Asia towards more sustainable practices. The following section presents some of the more general trends influencing the environmental performance of industries, particularly in Thailand and Vietnam, followed by a review of recent conceptual innovations on the greening of industry. This introduction concludes with a brief description of the articles in this issue. Conceptual challenges facing the greening of industries in Southeast AsiaThe serious environmental problems resulting from the industrial development in Southeast Asia signify complex challenges for attempts to contribute to the greening of industries in this region. These challenges include the identification of appropriate technological options in combination with economic, social and political aspects. The Asian Development Bank (2001) concluded that the root cause of the poor state of the environment Asia was principally a failure of policy and of institutions. A new approach is, therefore, required with regard to the design and implementation of environmental policy within the region.Traditionally, central national government organizations have been the cornerstone of governance in Southeast Asia. Until recently, it has been the practice to depend upon a stand-alone environmental agency as the institution responsible for environmental protection. Since 1980, such agencies have been established in most countries but they generally remain small, dispose of limited institutional capabilities and lack the necessary political clout (World Bank, 2000a). At the same time, devolution of responsibilities regarding the environment from central to regional and local level government institutions was undermined due to inadequate coordination in the preparatory process and ine?cient transforming mechanisms. It was only recently that the importance of more inclusive arrangements involving private firms and civil society organizations is realized and these countries begin to adopt market basedmechanisms.For example, the regional government institutions such as the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) acknowledge the need for achieving sustainable development in an increasingly globalizing world and today support the use of environmental management systems and certification schemes such as ISO 14001 has become common practice. In general, government authorities and social organizations increasingly realize that e?ective environmental governance depends on transparency, accountability, and the availability of high-quality information concerning economic processes and related environmental e?ects. Therefore, environmental concerns must be integrated across sectors and mainstreamed into economic policy and practice. Environmental protection must be considered an ssential factor in the basic decision making process of firms, households and policy makers (ADB, 2001; Mol, 1995, 2001).Until very recently, the rate of improvement in energy and materials e?ciency, and pollution prevention through the adoption of green environmental technologies has been slow relative to the rate of economic growth in many Southeast Asian countries. In the past, industries were only keen on adopting specific environmental technologies or products on a piecemeal basis to meet specific regulatory requirements. However, this does not reap the potential benefits of managing environmental problemsin an integrated manner over the longer term. The theory of ecological modernization (Huber, 1982; Mol, 1995; Spaargaren, 1997) stresses the necessity of including environmental considerations in overall decision-making and management practices within firms. Combining environmental and economic considerations in management decision-making in a consistent manner can contribute to substantial improvements in the environmental as well as the economic performance of industrial enterprises. Environmental investments should be looked at as part of a comprehensive program of longer term environmental management that also contributes to the financial viability of the business (Letchumanan, 2004). It is therefore vital that strategies for greening industries in Asia go beyond the selection of optimal technological option for a particular industry or sector and support e?ective environmental pollution abatement through in-depth understanding of their social and institutional contexts (Frijns et al., 1997). The tool of triad network analysis (Mol, 1995), mapping the relevant economic, political and environmental actors, may provide useful information for environmental policy-making by visualizing the power relationships surrounding private firms. Successful environmental change in industries depends on technological, managerial, economic, political and societal considerations. For example, based on a large number of case studies on industrial transformation in Europe, Binder et al. (2001) conclude that the mostimportant conditions for the greening of industries seem to be: ? the end of an investment cycle in the a?ected sector, ? satisfactory technological alternatives, ? an innovator in the branch to promote the di?usion of alternative technologies,clear environmental targets,a high degree of political integration between di?erent government actors, andthe availability of funding for compensation to lessen the social and regional disruption caused by change. This example clearly underlines the importance of non-technological considerations in the successful transition towards greening industries. The authors furthermore underline that although industries play a key role in changing their environmental performance, a green industrial policy remains indispensable.Applying the concepts developed within the ecological modernization approach and combining insights in technological options with good comprehension of the relevant social and political dynamics, applying the triad-network approach, provide interesting directions for the greening of industries in Southeast Asia. Scientific research should therefore perform in-depth case studies on industrial transformations in specific sectors, on the successes, failures and challenges ofenvironmental policy by national states, paying attention to changing state-society relations, and on the contributions from di?erent Asian governments to international environmental regimes and vice versa. The articles in this issue provide further insights into these challenges.译文东南亚产业转型和产业绿色化发展研究Martin· Rasiah引言直到大约20年前，大多数的东南亚国家主要是农业经济，产业方面的发展受到很大的限制。
现代农业产业化联合体研究文献综述 英语
现代农业产业化联合体研究文献综述英语Research Review on Modern Agricultural Industrialization CooperativeIntroductionModern agricultural industrialization has become an important strategy for many countries to improve agricultural production efficiency, enhance competitiveness, and promote rural development. The establishment of agricultural industrialization cooperative is an effective way to achieve this goal. This paper provides a comprehensive review of relevant research on modern agricultural industrialization cooperatives, including their definition, characteristics, benefits, and challenges. Definition and CharacteristicsModern agricultural industrialization cooperatives refer to a type of organization that integrates various resources and actors in the agricultural sector, including farmers, agricultural enterprises, research institutions, and government agencies. These cooperatives aim to improve the efficiency and competitiveness of agricultural production, promote technological innovation, and enhance the income and living standards of farmers.The characteristics of modern agricultural industrialization cooperatives include:1. Integration of resources: Cooperative members pool their resources, including land, capital, labor, and technical expertise, to achieve economies of scale and scope.2. Division of labor: Members have specified roles and responsibilities based on their expertise and resources, promoting specialization and efficiency.3. Technological innovation: Cooperatives often collaborate with research institutions and technology companies to adopt and implement advanced technologies.4. Market-oriented production: The cooperatives produce according to market demands and aim to enhance product quality and competitiveness.5. Collective decision-making: Members participate in decision-making processes, ensuring their interests are represented.Benefits of Agricultural Industrialization CooperativesResearch indicates several benefits of agricultural industrialization cooperatives:1. Increased productivity: By integrating resources and adopting modern technologies, cooperatives can achieve higher productivity levels compared to individual farmers.2. Enhanced bargaining power: Cooperatives can negotiate better prices and conditions with suppliers and buyers, improving the profitability of members.3. Access to finance: Cooperatives can mobilize financial resources more effectively, such as accessing loans or grants for investment purposes.4. Skill development and training: Cooperatives often provide training and skill development opportunities to members, enhancing their agricultural knowledge and technical expertise.5. Improved market access: Through cooperation, cooperatives can access larger markets and establish their brands, expanding their reach and reducing marketing costs.Challenges and StrategiesWhile agricultural industrialization cooperatives have numerous benefits, they also face challenges that need to be addressed. These challenges include:1. Management and governance: Managing a large and diverse cooperative requires effective leadership, communication, and decision-making mechanisms.2. Financing: Securing sufficient capital for investment and operations can be challenging, especially for small or newly-established cooperatives.3. Market competition: Cooperatives need to compete with other agricultural businesses and need to develop effective marketing strategies to differentiate their products.4. Farmer participation: Encouraging participation and commitment from farmers can be challenging, as some may prefer individual farming or lack trust in cooperatives.5. Government policies and regulations: Supportive policies and regulations are needed to provide a conducive environment for cooperatives to operate and grow.To address these challenges, several strategies can be implemented:1. Capacity building: Enhancing the management and technical skills of cooperative leaders and members through training and education programs.2. Diversification: Expanding the range of products and services offered by cooperatives to tap into new markets and revenue streams.3. Collaboration and networking: Cooperatives can collaborate with other agricultural organizations, research institutions, and government agencies to leverage complementary resources and expertise.4. Policy advocacy: Cooperatives can engage in advocacy efforts to promote supportive policies and regulations that enable their growth and sustainability.5. Information sharing: Creating platforms for members to exchange knowledge and experiences can enhance learning and cooperation among cooperatives.ConclusionModern agricultural industrialization cooperatives play a critical role in promoting agricultural development and improving the livelihoods of farmers. This research review provides insights into the definition, characteristics, benefits, challenges, and strategies of agricultural industrialization cooperatives. By addressing the challenges and adopting appropriate strategies, cooperatives can achieve sustainable development and contribute to the transformation of the agricultural sector.。
可持续的农业绿色技术毕业论文文献翻译中英文对照
外文出处：Agriculture Economic Research Service (用外文写)in its series Agricultural Information Bulletins with number 33721附件： 1.外文资料翻译译文；2.外文原文。
注：请将该封面与附件装订成册。
附件1：外文资料翻译译文可持续的农业绿色技术摘要对于美国的农业经济继续沿着可持续发展道路，必须进一步提高生产技术，使它既有利可图，更对环境无害。
在这方面，我们评估这些“绿色”或可持续的技术，转向更可持续的道路沿线农业中的作用。
然而，市场与绿色技术相关的环境没有可以限制其发展。
此外，只是在做现有技术并不意味着它会被采用。
绿色技术，如保护性耕作，病虫害综合管理，加强营养管理和精准农业的经验表明，即使是盈利的技术，要采取新的方法可以限制其效力的障碍。
引言农业在可持续发展的独特作用，以合理的成本提供当前和未来几代人的食物。
为了评估美国是否是可持续农业，所有当前和未来几代人必须考虑农业生产的成本。
这些费用包括对环境的农业生产的影响和自然资本存量（例如，农田，地下。
这种农业可持续发展的看法与可持续发展的美国水，湖泊，河流，河口，湿地）农业部的政策是一致的：美国农业部将平衡生产和盈利的改善，对自然资源基础和生态系统，以及农村社区的活力增强作为管理的目标。
——美国农业部秘书的可持续发展备忘录。
（SM9500-6）这份报告强调了农业的可持续发展的辩论中的作用。
然而，在很大程度上由于数据的限制，没有普遍接受已开发的农业可持续发展指标。
例如，调整农产品的农业生产对环境影响的收入目前不能做这样的措施完全是因为许多环境服务缺乏市场价格，许多类型的自然资本量的有关数据的变化是有限的。
Hrubovcak LeBlanc and Eakin 1995。
因此，未来路评估美国农业的可持续性，我们回顾几个指标的趋势（生产力，土壤侵蚀，地下水量，地表水和地下水的质量和湿地转换率）。
农业产业化营销策略外文翻译文献
农业产业化营销策略外文翻译文献(文档含中英文对照即英文原文和中文翻译)译文：农业产业化组织的营销策略分析摘要：农业产业化是世界农业的发展方向，也是发达国家经营农业的主要方式。
大力发展农业产业化是提高我国农业的竞争力在其生产上营销创新的有效途径。
它涉及到农业产业化商业成功的一个重要因素。
在本文中，从产品、渠道、促销三方面，面对农业产业化的营销创新提出相应的发展建议。
关键词：产品；渠道；促销1 引言虽然中国已经建立了许多农业产业化，但是很少有成功的案例，原因是产品卖出与否并不影响他们的发展。
现在建立在现实的同时，农业产业化经营组织在产品开发、销售渠道和市场开拓用许多办法来解决迫在眉睫的问题。
我们可以说，销售已成为制约发展的瓶颈。
本文中，营销理念的发展，主要根据4P理论的核心内容，由发展到满足消费者需求。
创新渠道，灵活地运用创新的营销组合，因而企业组织寻求促进农业产业化经营销售创新的措施。
2开发的产品，以满足消费者的需求4C理论认为，公司应该优先追求顾客满意，那么，农业产业的企业必须首先形成了顾客满意度。
市场营销认为产品需求是多层次的，产品的整体概念应该包括三个方面：核心产品、形式产品和额外产品。
2.1 核心主导产品提供基本效用给消费者和有兴趣的回答这个问题“消费者真正要买的是什么？”从根本上说，每一件产品都解决一个明确存在的问题。
买化妆品是买一个美丽，购买补品为了得到健康等；然而消费者对于最后购买什么农产品，这取决于哪种特定消费者参与购买农产品，就像购买大米、蔬菜、水果，那就是吃，购买花可能是为了看或者送人，从这个角度看，农业产业化的产品，必须满足企业先前在什么程度上审视消费者的根本利益。
一个农业工业化和其他组织可能有产品的投资组合，然而在各个产品系列，我们必须找到自己的核心产品项目，那是提供给消费者最好的产品种类的产品的基本功效。
2.2 产品的形式——适当演示的核心核心利益是通过必要的形式反映出来吗，如产品质量水平、特点、风格、品牌名称和包装，没有适当的形式，产品的核心利益不能被体现，观察到企业进入市场的产品进行了论证。
产业集群外文翻译文献综述
产业集群外文翻译文献综述(文档含英文原文和中文翻译)英文:How do Industry Clusters Success:A Case Study in China’s Textiles and ApparelIndustriesZhiming Zhang, Chester , & Ning Cao(Institute of Textiles and Clothing,The Hong Kong Polytechnic University) 3. Industry Clusters of Textiles and Apparel in ChinaIndustrial clustering is a new phenomenon in China. Only a few research started to pay attention to it in the 1990s. Wang (2001) described the development of some clusters in the coastal regions of China, and discussed their characteristics, including their localized network. He particularly examined the impact of accidental factor on the formation of clusters, and pointed out that the strength of the impact depended on the congruence of the sector choice, brought about by the accidental factor, with the natural advantages of the region and the rightness of the policy decision of the local government. Thus, the importance of government was emphasized.The first tier of the clusters existed in the late 1970s and early 1980s, when China was first open to the outside world. Taking the advantages of proximity and low labor cost, many Hong Kong textile and apparel companies invested in Pearl River delta, and there appeared a few clusters of textile and apparel firms. These clusters grew fast, as new investments also came from Taiwan and other places, and many local entrepreneurs emerged as well. These clusters include Shenzhen (though later much diluted as it is now one of the largest cities in China), Dongguan (similar to Shenzhen but to a less degree), Humen, Shaxi, and others.Closely following this, the economy in Yangtze River delta developed fast and became very dynamic. Many enterprises of collective ownership and of private ownership established and grew very fast. Many of them were textile and apparel firms. It was typical that these firms clustered together. Several reasons account for their fast growth: First, the entry barrier to the textile and apparel industry was very low in terms of capital and technology. For example, at the beginning, only one manually operated device to knit socks or just a few sewing machines were needed. At the same time, there was almost endless supply of cheap labor, who were farmers eager to leave the land. As the enterprises expanded, some shrewd entrepreneurs lured technicians and skilled labors who were retired from state-owned enterprises to work for them. These firms were most located in towns. The government granted very flexible policies for the growth and operation of these firms. They were much less restricted by the clumsy rules and regulations than the state-owned enterprises, for example, they did not have to offer the so called iron-bowl to their employees, and they had no burden of paymentsto retired employees. On the other hand, these firms were very sensitive and responsive to market changes. Thus, they were very competitive. Second, at that time China was just about to come out of the planned economy when there was insufficient supply of almost everything. Thus, there was never a lack of strong demand for such consumer goods as textiles and apparel. Along with this, little marketing and marketing skills were needed to sell the products. Third, as these firms were started by farmer-entrepreneurs in towns and even villages, they set examples and became models to others. Many times the latter just followed the footprints of the pioneers, starting with the same methods, making the same products, and selling in the same market. As villagers often belong to the same family, they did not view each other as competitors, and helped each other in terms of capital, technique, and even customers through the strong sense of kinship.These firms were the seeds of the industrial clusters of textiles and apparel. Now most of the clusters still distributed in the two areas: Pearl River delta and Yangtze River delta. The former is Guangdong province, and the latter Zhejiang province and southern part of Jiangsu province. These happen to be the most advanced regions in China, in coastal area, with the best infrastructure in information, communication, and transportation. As a matter of fact, most of the clusters are located either beside a highway or very close to a port. They are also very close to major cities, particularly Hong Kong, Guangzhou, and Shanghai.At present the structural development of the textile and apparel industry of China is characterized in two directions: one is a group of large companies based in large cities with capacity in marketing and product development, often operating supply chain regionally even globally; the other is a number of clusters of many small and medium sized firms based in small cities and towns, with featured products and vigorous growth (CNTIC, 2003). Thus, industrial clustering has become one of the two wings of the development of the textile and apparel industry in China. This demonstrates the importance of the clusters.4. Case ObservationWe conducted an industry survey in one industrial cluster, which is a town, calledShengze, located in Wujiang county of Jiangsu province in eastern China. While Shengze had an early history of silk production, it was primarily of agriculture before the late 1970s when China started economic reforms. At that time, the size of the town was about 4 square kilometers with a population of 30,000. Since then, the town has seen enormous growth and become one of the 19 towns with special features designated by CNTIC, and one of the most important textile clusters in China. The focus of Shengze is fabric manufacturing, primarily light weighted fabrics for lining of apparel. Now the size of the town has expanded to 25 square kilo meters with a population of nearly 200,000, most of them migrants from other parts of the country. There are about 1,100 factories, operating about 50,000 looms, all of which are of water-jet or air-jet. It is said to be one of the largest concentration of such looms. The total yearly output is about RMB20 billion (US$2.5 billion). There are about 4,000 selling and buying offices located in the town. The business district of the town is full of such offices, which would impress any visitors to the town. And there is no sign of stopping of the fast growth.This is a qualitative and exploratory study, and in-depth interviews with town officials and entrepreneurs were used to collect information about the industrial cluster. Altogether 3 town officials (Vice Party Secretary of the town, Director of The Town Government Office, and Director of The Town Development Office) and 8 entrepreneurs were interviewed by structured means. During the interviews, in addition to the current situation of the cluster, the history of development was also investigated. Emphases were paid to the following questions: how is the cluster formed; to what degree does township government play a role, and to what degree do market forces promote the clustering; what is the advantages of clustering to the locality and to the enterprises; what are the interactive relationship among the enterprises within the cluster; what is the relationship between the cluster and the external market system; how does the cluster attract the servicing industries; and how does the clustering help the creation of new enterprises and new jobs. These questions have profound policy and marketing implications. Some of the findings to these questions are presented in this paper, with a focus on the origin and growth of the cluster.4.1. Historical factorsIn accordance with the literature (Krugman, 1986), the development of Shengze into a light-fabric cluster was accidental, but on he other hand quite natural with a historical reason. Located in southern China with warm climate, fertile land and abundant water from nearby rivers and lakes, Shengze had been one of the silk centers in China for hundreds of years. Historically, residents of Shengze were skillful in silk production, and many workshops and silk-related businesses were located in Shengze. Merchants from all over the country would flock to Shengze for silk. Thus, it could be regarded as a silk cluster even then. However, as planned economy was established and no private business was allowed to exist, the silk center was reduced to nothing and Shengze was no more than an ordinary agricultural town in China. This was for about 3 decades until the late 1970s. By then, economic reforms began, and town residents were allowed to start their own businesses. For a few of them, the natural choice was to enter the silk business, since this was something they were relatively familiar with and the local conditions were suitable for. This was the origin of the cluster.4.2. The Role of the Local AuthorityWhile the origin seemed to be natural and out of the plan of the local government, the government did play an important role in helping the cluster grow. Both government officials and entrepreneurs emphasized the importance of two measures taken by the local authority.The first one was the establishment of a market in its physical form. The Shengze government was sensitive to realize that the lack of a market had become the constraint on the development of the economic activities and a physical market was in demand. The government then financed and developed “The Oriental Silk Market”, which was like a mart and leased to various trading firms. This provided a platform, and tremendously stimulated the growth of businesses both in demand and supply. Later when this was no longer sufficient to hold all of the buying and selling offices, a new district was developed, which eventually expanded into an area which holds thousands of selling and buying offices.The other was the establishment of an industrial park, which is beside the provincial highway. The government provided the infrastructure in terms of road, water, electricity, and other basic conditions. This has created a good environment for manufacturing. While at the beginning, Shengze was only focused on silk production, very soon the enterprises broke the limits. As there was some similarity in technology between silk fabric and lightweight fabric, many of the firms expanded into the production of man-made fiber fabrics. Now even though Shengze is still known as a silk center, most of its looms are engaged in weaving of lightweight fabrics.4.3. The Role of Individual EntrepreneursDuring our interviews, we were very impressed with those entrepreneurs of Shengze. Many of them are local residents and previously were farmers. They demonstrated enormous spirit of risk taking, creativity, and willingness to learn from the market. One young entrepreneur started as a security guard, borrowed a little money to enter the business, then set up a small factory of his own. Now this has been expanded into a company, and just the weaving branch of it has capacity of 220 water-jet looms and 120 air-jet looms. He also exhibited outstanding leadership in organizing the local entrepreneurs to negotiate with Toyota of Japan. They collectively made the largest order ever in the world, 3,600 air-jet looms. In the process of his business expansion, he has helped numerous others to start their own business by loaning capital, sharing technology and market. These entrepreneurs help the development of Shengze as a cluster.4.4. The Development of the peripheral IndustriesShengze started with silk production. This was expanded into domestic trade of silk. Very soon light-weight fabric manufacturing began to develop. This further promoted the growth of trading. By then there seemed to be two wings of the town, one was enterprises of fabric manufacturing primarily clustered in the industrial park, one was the selling and buying offices of fabrics primarily clustered in the business district. As large amount of materials are needed, many yarn suppliers are attracted to come and set selling offices in Shengze. One of our interviewees was the owner of a trading company, headquartered in Hong Kong. The company imports man-made fibers from abroad, andsells these fibers to fabric weavers through its selling office here. Textile machine companies, both domestic and foreign, also set up offices in Shengze to sell machines and machine parts, and to provide services to the fabric manufacturers. It is said that none of the plants would keep any spare parts. If a belt is broken, even at midnight, a new one can be ordered and delivered in less than 20 minutes. These have significantly lowered the production costs, and are part of the external economies of the industrial clusters. As Shengze has become a fabric center, showrooms and selling offices of other fabrics, such as denim, are also set up in Shengze.4.5. Workforce SupplyAs the cluster grows and enterprises mushroom, large labor supply is needed. In his process the former agriculture town was totally transformed. Most of the land was turned into industrial uses, and all farmers are now employed in manufacturing. As the population of Shengze enlarges several folds (from about 30,000 to 200,000) in the last two decades, many migrants are attracted to live and work here. Most of the people were peasants and come from other provinces. While the neighboring Anhui province, which is relatively backward in economic development, provides a large portion of the labor supply, many workers come from remote provinces. They have formed nearly endless supply of cheap labor, and made great contribution to the development of the cluster. A large proportion of the labor supply is uneducated and unskilled. As there are many operational jobs, the raw labor could be trained in a short period time and then be able to work. Thus, the cluster in return also makes direct contribution to employment and indirect contribution to economic development of the less advanced regions of the country. However, there is a shortage of skilled labor. Compared to other places, labor compensation is better, as an operator can make about RMB1,500 (about US$180) per month. In other places, the prevalent wage rate is about RMB1,000 per month.5. Conclusive RemarksIn this paper, the development of industrial clustering of textiles and apparel in China is investigated. As a result of economic reforms and development, some characteristics of the textile and apparel industrial clusters are described. One particular cluster, Shengze which is famous for its silk and light-weight fabric, is used as a case toexemplify the growth of clusters. The empirical factors taken into account the cluster performance include the historical and natural origin, the role of the local government, the role of entrepreneurs, the development of supporting industries, and the supply of labor. During the past two decades in the process of development, the cluster not only grows in terms of quantity (number and scale of enterprises) but also in terms of quality (equipment, products, variety, marketing, and management). In the early when Shengze started to take off, factories used outdated facilities and equipment. Many of the machines used were those retired from state-owned plants. Over the years, as the enterprises grow, these machines have been gradually replaced by advanced ones. Now about 50,000 water-jet and air-jet looms are operating in Shengze, many of them are imported from abroad and are the most advanced models. Many of the companies in Shengze export fabrics to the international market. Not only do they receive order from abroad, some of them have set up offices in North America and Europe. They market their products initiatively, and obtain the most updated information on marketing and products. While most of the companies started as a family business, now many of them are managed professionally by University graduates with MBA and PhD. Many companies have well-established systems and met with international compliance standards and requirements, like ISO9000 certificates. Thus, many of the enterprises have changed from the old-fashioned township companies into modern corporation-type companies. It can be anticipated that these clusters will continue to contribute to the growth of the economy and industrial development of the country.翻译:来源：纺织与服装，技术与管理杂志（JTATM)Vol.4 第2期 2004年作者：张志明切斯特曹宁出版时间：2004年8月产业集群是如何成功：中国纺织和服装工业产业集群成功的案例研究(港）张志明切斯特曹宁3.在中国纺织品和服装产业集群产业集群在中国是一个新现象。
农业产业化agriculture industrialization
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Solution – Organic Agriculture 解决方法 – 有机农业
Organic food 有机食品标志 12
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The traditional agriculture 传统农业
Men do farm work and women engage in spinning and weaving 男耕女织
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Agricultural machines 农业机械
The Industry Revolution in 18th century 18世纪工业革命 Pesticide 农药
Chemical fertilizer 化肥
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The agriculture industrialization 产业化农业
Chicken factory 工厂化养鸡场
Work with machines 机械劳作
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Are all the things of agriculture Are all the food from it safe for us? industrialization good? 从产业化农业中得到的所有食物都是安 农业产业化的所有一切都是好的吗？ 全的吗？
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Problem – Environment 问题 – 环境
Excessive use land lead to land erosion 过度使用土地导致土壤侵 蚀
Farm chemical lead to water pollution 农药会导致水污染 7
Problem – Society 问题 – 社会
Agribusiness: Plant a lot of cash crop lead to lack of food and waste 经济型农业：大量种植经济作物导 致食物短缺和经济作物的浪费
英语作文-农业科学研究和试验发展行业的农产品加工与农业产业化研究
英语作文-农业科学研究和试验发展行业的农产品加工与农业产业化研究Agricultural Science Research and Experimental Development in Agricultural Product Processing and Industrialization。
Introduction:Agricultural science research and experimental development play a crucial role in the advancement of agricultural product processing and the development of agricultural industrialization. This article aims to explore the significance of research and experimentation in these areas, highlighting their impact on improving agricultural productivity, enhancing food security, and promoting sustainable development.1. Importance of Agricultural Science Research:Agricultural science research serves as the foundation for innovation in agricultural product processing and industrialization. Through scientific studies and experiments, researchers can identify new techniques, technologies, and approaches to enhance the quality, safety, and nutritional value of agricultural products. Moreover, research enables the development of sustainable and environmentally friendly practices, ensuring the long-term viability of agricultural production systems.2. Enhancing Agricultural Product Processing:Research and experimentation contribute to the improvement of agricultural product processing techniques. By studying the characteristics of different crops and their processing requirements, researchers can develop efficient methods to preserve freshness, enhance flavor, and extend shelf life. For instance, through research, new preservation techniques such as vacuum packaging and controlled atmosphere storage have been developed, reducing post-harvest losses and increasing the availability of high-quality products.3. Value Addition and Diversification:Agricultural science research enables the diversification and value addition of agricultural products. By exploring novel processing techniques, researchers can transform raw agricultural materials into a wide range of value-added products. This not only increases the profitability of farmers but also provides consumers with a variety of nutritious and convenient options. Examples include the development of fortified food products, functional foods, and ready-to-eat meals, meeting the changing preferences and needs of consumers.4. Advancing Agricultural Industrialization:Research and experimentation contribute to the development of agricultural industrialization. By studying the entire value chain, from production to processing and marketing, researchers can identify bottlenecks and inefficiencies, leading to the development of integrated and sustainable agricultural systems. This integration facilitates the establishment of agro-processing industries, creating employment opportunities, and contributing to rural development. Additionally, industrialization enables economies of scale, reducing production costs and enhancing competitiveness in domestic and international markets.5. Sustainable Agriculture and Food Security:Research and experimentation in agricultural product processing and industrialization play a vital role in promoting sustainable agriculture and ensuring food security. By focusing on resource-efficient practices, such as waste reduction, water conservation, and energy optimization, researchers contribute to the sustainable use of natural resources. Furthermore, the development of efficient storage and processing techniques reduces post-harvest losses, ensuring a stable food supply and reducing food waste.Conclusion:Agricultural science research and experimental development are essential for the advancement of agricultural product processing and the development of agriculturalindustrialization. Through continuous research, innovation, and experimentation, the agricultural sector can improve productivity, enhance food security, and promote sustainable development. It is crucial to support and invest in research and development initiatives to harness the full potential of agricultural science in transforming the agricultural sector into a modern, efficient, and sustainable industry.。
美国农业合作社与农业产业化外文文献翻译中英文
美国农业合作社与农业产业化外文文献翻译中英文最新（节选重点翻译）英文Managing uncertainty and expectations: The strategic response of U.S.agricultural cooperatives to agricultural industrializationJulie HogelandAbstractThe 20th century industrialization of agriculture confronted U.S. agricultural cooperatives with responding to an event they neither initiated nor drove. Agrarian-influenced cooperatives used two metaphors, “serfdom” and “cooperatives are like a family” to manage uncertainty and influence producer expectations by predicting industrialization's eventual outcome and cooperatives’ producer driven compensation.The serfdom metaphor alluded to industrialization's potential to either bypass family farmers, the cornerstone of the economy according to agrarian ideology, or to transform them into the equivalent of piece-wage labor as contract growers. The “family” metaphor reflects how cooperatives personalized the connection between cooperative and farmer-member to position themselves as the exact opposite of serfdom. Hypotheses advanced by Roessl (2005) and Goel (2013) suggest that intrinsic characteristics of family businesses such as a resistance to change and operating according to a myth of unlimited choice andindependence reinforced the risk of institutional lock-in posed by agrarian ideology.To determine whether lock-in occurred, Woerdman's (2004) neo-institutional model of lock-in was examined in the context of late 20th century cooperative grain and livestock marketing. Increasingly ineffective open markets prompted three regional cooperatives to develop their own models of industrialized pork production. Direct experience with producer contracting allowed cooperatives to evade institutional and ideological lock-in.Keywords：Cooperatives，Agricultural industrialization，Agrarianism，Expectations，Family business，Family farming，Metaphors，Lock-inIntroductionRecent fluctuation in global financial markets led a panel of cooperative leaders to identify uncertainty as the primary managerial difficulty anticipated by cooperatives in the future (Boland, Hogeland, & McKee, 2011). Likewise, the 20th century industrialization of agriculture confronted cooperatives with the challenge of responding to an event they neither initiated nor drove. When the environment is highly uncertain and unpredictable, Oliver predicts that organizations will increase their efforts to establish the illusion or reality of control and stability over future organizational outcomes (Oliver, 1991: 170). This study argues thatcooperatives used two metaphors, “serfdom” and “cooperatives are like a family” to manage uncertainty by predicting industrialization's eventual outcome and cooperatives’ producer-driven compensation.These metaphors are agrarian. Recent research highlights the impact of agrarian ideology on cooperatives. Foreman and Whetten (2002: 623)observe, “co-ops have historically sought to reinforce the traditions and values of agrarianism through education and social interventions. Indeed, for many members these normative goals of a co-op have been preeminent.” These authors studied the tension within rural cooperatives produced by a normative system encompassing family and ideology and a utilitarian system defined by economic rationality, profit maximization and self-interest. They argue that this split in values implies that cooperatives are essentially two different organizations trying to be one. To capture the tension between these multiple identities, they focused on a potential family/business divide in cooperatives, basing this on a duality often noted in cooperative community and trade publications.The authors found that respondents wanted their local co-op to be more business oriented and at the same time, expected co-ops ideally (e.g., as an ideal organizational form) to be more family focused. These conflicting expectations suggested that multiple-identity organizations need to be assessed in terms of the individual components of their identity and the tension (or interaction) between them. Foreman and Whettenregard dual or multiple identity organizations as hybrids. There are consequences to hybridity: many members of a hybrid organization will identify with both aspects of its dual identity, “and thus find themselves embracing competing goals and concerns associated with distinctly different identity elements” (Foreman and Whetten, 2002). They conclude that competing goals and concerns foster competing expectations with consequences for organizational commitment (and I would add, performance).The split focus observed by Foreman and Whetten can be regarded as a contemporary expression of a value conflict beginning early in the 20th century over how production agriculture should be organized. Decentralized, autonomous, and typically small, family farmers used their skill at deciding the “what, when, where, how and why” of production and marketing to reduce the risk of being a price taker at open, competitive markets. Farmers also diversified the farm enterprise to spread price risk over several commodities. Corporate-led industrialized agriculture (integrators) by-passed both markets and independent farmers. Integrators coordinated supply and demand internally based on top-down administrative control over production and marketing decisions. They engaged in production contracting with growers who were held to competitive performance standards and paid according to their productivity. In contrast, family farmers were accountable only tothemselves.Study overviewFoss (2007) observes that the beliefs organizations hold about each other or the competitive environment are a key aspect of strategic management which have been understudied. Beliefs, which include norms and expectations, are important because they can be wrong. Cooperatives are often considered to have an ideological component but how such ideology develops and persists also has been understudied. This study addresses that gap by examining how agrarian language and assumptions shaped cooperatives’ reaction to 20th century agricultural industrialization. During this era, industrial methods transformed the production and marketing of processing vegetables, poultry, beef, and pork and were initiated for dairy and grains. An historical and institutional perspective is used to examine how two contrasting metaphors brought cooperatives to the brink of institutional lock-in. The study spans the entire 20th century from beginning to close.The study opens with a brief discussion of metaphors and norms then presents a theoretical model of lock-in. Discussion of the overarching role of agrarianism follows. Discussion then addresses why the cooperative alternative to corporate-led industrialization –the 1922 model developed by Aaron Sapiro –was not palatable to agrarian-influenced cooperatives (this section also definesagrarian-influenced cooperatives).Discussion then turns to considering how the disturbing implications of serfdom paved the way for the agrarian-influenced norm, “cooperatives as a competitive yardstick” and the cooperative metaphorical n orm, “cooperatives are like a family.” Producer expectations triggered by “serfdom” and “cooperatives are like a family” are addressed. Parallels are briefly drawn between neighborhood exchange in late 19th century rural California and behavior implied in “cooperatives are like a family.” Parallels are then drawn between family business traits and cooperative and producer experience in livestock and identity-preserved grain markets. This provides a foundation for examining in greater detail how well cooperative experience in pork and grains corresponded to Woerdman's four part model of lock-in (2004). Study conclusions and suggestions for future research follow.Importance of ideology, metaphor and normsEconomists have begun studying how cognition and discourse affect cooperative outcomes (Fulton, 1999). This study continues that line of inquiry by considering how a dominant ideology like agrarianism produced words and associations that, for most of the 20th century, arguably had a deterministic effect on farmer and cooperative perceptions of the future. Even today, few guidelines or predictions exist that suggest how organizations can manage ideological conflict (Greenwood, Raynard,Kodeih, Micelotta, & Lounsbury, 2011). Moreover, the difficulties of escaping a hegemonic ideology have seldom been recognized (Spencer, 1994).Metaphors are a pithy word or expression meant to evoke a comparison. They are used to understand one thing in terms of another (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980: 5). Understanding what metaphors represent and how they emerge and persist can offer a window into the salient factors influencing farmer and cooperative decision-making. Moreover, as in this text, metaphors “allow for the sorts of story in which overwhelming evidence in favor of one interpretation of the world can be repeatedly ignored, even though this puts the assets of the firm and the position of the decision-makers at extraordinary risk” (Schoenberger, 1997: 136).Much of what Pfeffer and Salancik (2003) say about norms also applies to how metaphors are used in this study. For example, these authors observe that an important function of norms is to provide predictability in social relationships so that each party can rely on the assurances provided by the other. Consequently, norms stress the meeting of expectations in an exchange relationship. Certainly, the metaphor, cooperatives are like a family, can be understood in the same manner. Defining norms as commonly or widely shared sets of behavioral expectations, Pfeffer et al. also indicate that norms develop underconditions of social uncertainty to increase the predictability of relationships for the mutual advantage of those involved. Once they cease to serve those interests norms break down.California's early industrializationIt seems reasonable to assume that agrarianism's belief in the pivotal importance of agriculture was shared to some degree by all U.S. cooperatives. However, unique features of California's agriculture, particularly in the Central Valley, predisposed it to industrialize some decades earlier than the Midwest, Great Plains, and Northeast (McClelland, 1997). The latter continued to rely on patriarchal family farm labor and so, for this paper, are assumed to represent the core domain of agrarian-influenced cooperatives. These areas lacked access to the supply of excess ethnic or minority labor which McClelland indicates prepared California for industrialization by 1910. Added to this advantage was California's legacy of estate or hacienda production which boosted cultural familiarity and acceptance of large scale production (Hogeland, 2010).In 1922, California attorney and cooperative organizer Aaron Sapiro combined elements of California experience into a model of cooperative organization and marketing popularly kno wn as “orderly marketing.” Sapiro began by extolling industrialization: “The factory system is recognized as the key to all forms of productive industries to-day all overthe world-except in agriculture… The farmer is the only part of modern industry… in which you have individual production” (Sapiro, 1993: 81).In general, Sapiro offered a cooperative alternative to producers’ tendency to dump excess supply from bumper harvests on the market. Instead, cooperatives should provide a home for the growers’ prod uct and use accumulated inventory to develop new products to stimulate consumer demand. Investing in processing or preservation technologies –canning, refrigeration and drying –would allow cooperatives to release excess production to the market in a prog ressive “orderly” manner.For example, by 1925 Sunkist growers had increased fruit utilization by transforming oranges from a single hand-held breakfast fruit to a glass of juice made from multiple oranges. The Sunkist extractor was specifically designed to use off-size fruit and wind-damaged fruit that would not sell as fancy Sunkist table fruit because all produced the same quality juice (Nourse, 1925). In 1922, Sun Maid scored a consumer success by packaging raisins in convenient snack-sized boxes called “Little Sun Maids” (Gary Marshburn, telephone conversation, July 24, 2008; Cotterill, 1984).The far-sighted orderly marketing norm anticipated the values of industrialized agriculture, urging cooperatives to guarantee supply through marketing contracts with some 85–95 percent of producer-members (Sapiro's recommended target). This commitmentcould propel the cooperative into being sole supplier of a particular specialty crop. (Such specialization was facilitated by California's geographically compact micro-climates).Sapiro's model provided a template for important 20th century specialty crop cooperatives outside of California, notably, Ocean Spray Cooperative (cranberries) and Welch's (Concord grapes). However, Sapiro's model represented a highly specialized, marketing-intensive cooperative that was conceptually and financially out of reach of the small family farmers in the Midwest, Great Plains, and the Northeast who produced fungible commodities like milk, meat and grains.6Cooperative philosopher and economist Edwin Nourse commented on cooperatives performing agricultural rationing such as orderly marketing:To be sure, a few cooperatives which stand in a class by themselves have already attained a degree of success comparable with the best achievements in industrial lines. But these are in comparatively small branches of specialized agriculture where economic organization was already on a high level. Before anything like the same result could be achieved in the great staple lines of production, where the demand for [price] stabilization is most acute, there would have to be a fair degree of concentration of executive responsibility in their operating organization (Nourse, 1930: 132).Serfdom's implicationsDuring the 1920s and 1930s –considered a “golden age” of agriculture – collective action surged. Rudimentary markets and chaotic distribution channels for basic commodities like milk, grain, and fruit provided new opportunities for cooperative marketing. Moreover, new antitrust legislation curbed many of the horizontally-integrated “trusts” dominating 19th century meat packing, oil, railroads and grain markets.Nevertheless, as early as 1922, Nourse saw emerging within agriculture market power so centralized and hierarchical it seemed feudal (Nourse, 1922: 589). Subsequently, the metaphor of “serfdom” was used throughout the 20th century by agrarian-influenced cooperatives to suggest how industrialization's contract production could reduce entrepreneurial and independent farmers to the equivalent of hired hands – so-called “piece wage labor.”In 1900, most counties could point to someone who started as a tenant or laborer and through hard work, luck, sharp dealing or intelligent cultivation, retired as a landlord owing several farms (Danbom, 1979: 7). In 1917, Ely introduced the concept of the ‘agricultural ladder’ as a model of occupational progression to farm ownership. The ladder showed how the agrarian virtue of hard work could allow a landless, unpaid family laborer to progress from being a hired hand and tenant farmer to an independent owner-operator (Kloppenburg & Geisler, 1985). Yet, the serfdom metaphor suggested just how tenuous such occupationalprogression could be.Late 19th century farmers formed cooperatives in response to market exploitation or failure. Although such exploitation affected farmer costs and returns, as a rule it did not impinge on farmers’ understanding of themselves as entrepreneurial and independent. Agrarian ideology lauded family farmers for taking on the risks of farming with a frontier attitude of self-reliance. Such farmers answered to no one except themselves. The small farmer was “first of all a self-directing individualist who could be counted on to resist with vigor the encroachments of outside authority” (Robinson, 1953: 69).Industrialized agriculture brought a new institutional logic to agriculture by putting efficiency and profitability first and using vertical integration to bypass farmers’ decision-making power over agriculture. Industrialization was market driven, seeking growth in identifying and satisfying consumer preferences. Research has indicated that the norms and prescriptions dictated by family logics are often at odds with the prescriptions dictated by markets (Greenwood et al., 2011).Power, reflected in ownership and governance arrangements, determines which logics will more easily flow into organizations and be well received (Greenwood et al., 2011). Family logics formally embedded into an organization's ownership structure are a very effective conduit for increasing familial influences within the organization. Not surprisingly,farmer-owned cooperatives believed they had a mandate to protect and foster family farming (Hogeland, 2006).中文管理不确定性和期望：美国农业合作社与农业产业化朱莉·霍格兰摘要20世纪的农业产业化使美国农业合作社面对很大的不确定性。
现代农业产业技术体系英文
Introduction:The Modern Agricultural Industry Technology System (MAITS) is a comprehensive initiative launched by the Ministry of Agriculture and the Ministry of Finance of the People's Republic of China in 2007. This system aims to accelerate the construction of modern agricultural industries, enhance national and regional innovation capabilities, and boost the country's autonomous agricultural technology innovation. The primary objective is to provide robust scientific and technological support for the development of modern agriculture and the constructionof socialist new rural areas.Background:In recent years, China has made significant progress in agricultural development, but there are still challenges to be addressed. Traditional agricultural practices are inefficient and unsustainable, leading to low yields and environmental degradation. To overcome these challenges, the MAITS was established to integrate scientific research, technology development, and practical application in agriculture.Structure of the System:The MAITS is composed of several key components, including research centers, functional laboratories, and comprehensive experimental stations. As of 2011, the system encompasses 50 industry technology research centers, 233 functional laboratories, and 1144 comprehensive experimental stations.1. Research Centers:The 50 research centers are dedicated to specific agricultural sectors and are responsible for conducting cutting-edge research and development. Each center is led by a chief scientist, who is an expert in the respective field. These centers focus on areas such as crop science, animal husbandry, horticulture, and agricultural resources management.2. Functional Laboratories:The 233 functional laboratories are designed to address specific technological challenges in agriculture. They work closely with the research centers and provide technical support and expertise to farmers and agricultural enterprises. These laboratories focus on areas such as crop protection, soil management, water conservation, and agricultural machinery.3. Comprehensive Experimental Stations:The 1144 comprehensive experimental stations are located across the country and serve as platforms for transferring agricultural technologies to farmers. These stations conduct field trials, provide training, and offer technical guidance to farmers, ensuring that the latest agricultural technologies are effectively implemented.Key Features of the System:1. Integrated Research and Development:The MAITS emphasizes the integration of research and development activities, ensuring that new technologies are quickly translated into practical applications. This approach fosters innovation and promotes the adoption of advanced agricultural practices.2. Chief Scientist System:The system employs a chief scientist system, where leading experts in each field are responsible for guiding research and development efforts. This ensures that the highest standards of scientific excellence are maintained throughout the system.3. Collaborative Partnerships:The MAITS encourages collaboration between research institutions, universities, and agricultural enterprises. This collaborationfacilitates the sharing of knowledge, resources, and expertise, leading to more effective and efficient agricultural practices.4. Technology Transfer and Extension:The system places a strong emphasis on technology transfer and extension, ensuring that the latest agricultural technologies are accessible to farmers and agricultural enterprises. This is achieved through comprehensive experimental stations, training programs, and technical guidance.Major Industry Technology Systems:The MAITS covers a wide range of agricultural sectors, with each sector having its own industry technology system. Some of the major systems include:1. National Rice Industry Technology System: Led by Chief Scientist Cheng Shihua from the Chinese Academy of Rice Research.2. National Corn Industry Technology System: Led by Chief Scientist Zhang Shihuang from the Institute of Crop Science, Chinese Academy of Agricultural Sciences.3. National Wheat Industry Technology System: Led by Chief ScientistXiao Shihuo from the Institute of Crop Science, Chinese Academy of Agricultural Sciences.4. National Soybean Industry Technology System: Led by Chief Scientist Han Tianfu from the Institute of Crop Science, Chinese Academy of Agricultural Sciences.5. National Barley and Buckwheat Industry Technology System: Led byChief Scientist Zhang Jing from the Institute of Crop Science, Chinese Academy of Agricultural Sciences.6. National Sorghum and Millet Industry Technology System: Led by Chief Scientist Diao Xianmin from the Institute of Crop Science, Chinese Academy of Agricultural Sciences.7. National Oat and Buckwheat Industry Technology System: Led by Chief Scientist Ren Changzhong from the Jilin Province Agricultural Academy of Sciences.8. National Edible Bean Industry Technology System: Led by Chief Scientist Cheng Xuzhen from the Institute of Crop Science, Chinese Academy of Agricultural Sciences.9. National Potato Industry Technology System: Led by Chief Scientist Jin Liping from the Institute of Vegetable and Flower Science, Chinese Academy of Agricultural Sciences.10. National Sweet Potato Industry Technology System: Led by Chief Scientist Ma Dafu from the Xuzhou Agricultural Research Institute, Jiangsu Xuhuai Area.Conclusion:The Modern Agricultural Industry Technology System is a crucial initiative that aims to transform China's agricultural sector through the integration of scientific research, technology development, and practical application. By fostering innovation, promoting technology transfer, and enhancing the capabilities of farmers and agricultural enterprises, the MAITS is poised to contribute significantly to the country's agricultural development and the well-being of its rural population.。
浅谈农业产业化问题的原因和建议英文文献
Mainly talks about the agricultural industrialization of the reasons and SuggestionsA case, the industrialization of agricultureAgricultural industrialization refers to agriculture as the foundation, to domestic and international market as the guidance, in order to improve the efficiency as the center, optimize the combination of a variety of factors of production, extending agriculture industry chain, the implementation of agricultural regionalization layout, specialized production, the scale management, social service, the diversified main body, enterprise management, to combine agriculture and its related industries, and form the integrated operation management system. Agricultural industrialization constitute has three basic elements, one is to have a dominant industry (in current agricultural structure in a dominant position and has the development potential of the industry), 2 it is to have leading enterprises (agricultural products processing and marketing enterprise or enterprise group), three is to have a commodity base (regionalization, scale of planting and breeding bases), these three elements constitute the basic chain of agricultural industrialization. The basic characteristics of agricultural industrialization is based on the rural household contract responsibility system, which is based on agricultural resources, through market affects the leading enterprises, leading enterprise promoting production base, base link farmers form, realize the specialization of agricultural production, agricultural commercialization and socialization of service, reflect to a enterprise, according to the market-oriented, intensive production mode of the development of agricultural production, processing, marketing, management mode. Specifically, agricultural industrialization has the following characteristicsA, localization, production specialization. Agriculture and related industries to operate joint, family business is hard to, only adjust industrial layout in some area, the specialized production, can promote the joint, the combined effect can be achieved. Second, the business scale, service socialization. Moderate scale management is the important way to improve the economic benefit of production and management to reach a certain size, will not be able to realize the industrialization, at the same time, with the social service of form a complete set of industrialization and the social environment could not be optimized. Three, the main body diversification, clarity of property rights. Limit agricultural specialization broke through the department, present industrial, commercial, agricultural, trade unions between multiple subject, and through the system, such as contract specification between multiple subject and clear property right relations and benefit distribution. 4, enterprise management, operation integration. Agricultural industrialization will spread into the joint, farmers mutual collaboration, executes an enterprise to turn management, agriculture and related industries under the economic parameters and orderly operation. Five, the marketization of decision-making, benefit maximization. Agricultural industrialization is based on the market as the guidance, its decisions in line with market demand, the production and business operation activities smoothly according to the market orientation, thus maximum business benefit.The industrialized operation of agriculture in our country generally adopted the following model1, bibcock DaiDongXingIs given priority to with leading enterprises, around one or more of the products, the formation of the \"company + base + farmers\" production and marketing integration of the business organization. \"Leading\" companies with marketdevelopment ability, engage in deep processing of agricultural products, to provide services for farmers, driving the development of peasant household goods production, is the industrial organization of machining center, business center,service center and information center. This model is widely used in farming and animal husbandry and aquaculture. Through the support of key enterprises, realize scale management, achieve the goal of improve agricultural economic benefits. This type is suitable for the economic development condition is good, the market more perfect.2, market DaiDongXingThrough the construction of the local market, expand overseas markets, expand product market, affects the advantage industry to expand production scale, specialization, seriation production. Zhangzhou in tianbao town, for example, allow the province's largest banana wholesale market, the market has bank, industry and commerce, taxation, telecommunications, insurance, hotels, transportation and other supporting team with complete service facilities, in total more than 10 tons. Is applicable to any according to the area of operation of the market economy.3, DaiDongXing leading industryTo take advantage of local resources, traditional product development, the formation of regional leading industry, in order to \"famous, excellent, new, special\" product development for the purpose, to those who are the most prominent, the most obvious economic advantage, resource advantage production advantage relatively stable project, to cultivate, to speed up the development, form a pillar industry, around the leading industry development production and sales integration business. Apply to unique resources endowment, can produce various kinds of products of agricultural areas.4, group developmentGroup taking agriculture as a large and stable investment market, toward the \"SiHuang\" development, achieved good economic benefits. For example, the Inner Mongolia erdos cashmere products co., LTD., has 20000 hectares of goats base, developing ranch 3000 hectares, 34000 hectares, more than 100 strains of planting trees and grass planting, established 11 in major production areas of cashmere raw material purchase branch, formed a working ranch rectangular, alternating between several network of supply and demand. This type is suitable for the economic development condition is bad, but it is a region of resources advantage.5, intermediary organizations LianDongXingIn a variety of intermediary organizations (including the farmers' professional co-operatives, supply, sales, technical association association), the organization before, during or after the omni-directional service, make many scattered small-scale production operators joint in the formation of large-scale unified management group, achieve economies of scale. Applicable to the technical requirements higher planting, breeding, in the promotion of new products, new varieties, new methods in the process, is a kind of low investment, high income, farmers benefit more good way. Applicable to the technical requirements higher planting, breeding, can apply in developed and less developed areas.6, demonstration and promotion type, focus on talent, capital, technology founded agricultural demonstration zone. For example, xinxing county, guangdong province and guangzhou huihai the new technology development company launched integrated demonstration area ofagricultural industry in mountainous area in west of guangdong province. By the high quality aquatic products and rare animal farming, pollution-free vegetables, high-quality fruit planting farming projects, such as the local farmers in the area. Apply to some good region agricultural industrialization development.Heilongjiang shuangcheng agricultural ecological circular economy demonstration zone, located in the 30 km southwest of Harbin city. The east, and southeast of acheng, bordering on the p5; South, west to pull Lin is bounded, elm, fuyu of jilin province and neighbors; Northwest, north separates the songhua river and zhaoyuan, longjiang; Close to the Harbin city in northeast China. Planning scope: shuangcheng town of 9 had jurisdiction over 15 township, 85 km long, north and south 65 kilometers wide, the realm with a total area of 3112.3 km2. According to the natural conditions of shuangcheng each township, resource endowment and industrial foundation, shuangcheng agricultural ecological development of circular economy industry will form the pattern of \"1 nuclear 4 area 10 belt\". \"One core\" refers to the emerging township \"China twins organic vegetables wholesale market as the core as ecological circulation of agricultural products logistics center;\" 4 area \"refers to the central along the rivers ecological reserves, ecological processing industry intensive development zone, east of western efficient ecological agriculture, ecological agriculture in southern edge area;\" 10 belt \"refers to the organic corn belt, belt, organic rice grains industry area, organic vegetables industry area, two melon industry area, organic dairy industry area, organic beef cattle industry area, organic pig industry area, every industry area, organic layers belt. All produced within the scope of the recycling agricultural production wastes.Second, the problems existing in the agricultural(a) farmers problem of agricultural industrialization of the final purpose is to promote the solution of the \"three rural problems\", \"three rural issues\" is the core issue of the agriculture problem. 1. Good agricultural labor force erosion is serious Developed countries economic development experience has shown that the process of developing economy, is also a Labour from the first industry to the second and the third industry transfer process. The cause of this phenomenon is in the process of economic development, agricultural workers pay far less than the second and the third industry workers compensation. Our country economy is in a stage of rapid development, follow the same rule, agricultural workers pay far less than the second and the third industry workers compensation, so agricultural labor will shift to the second and the third industry, and the second and third industry and factory required is far higher than the requirement of the agricultural industry, so the second and the third industry of merely agricultural industry outstanding workforce, surplus agricultural labor force quality is relatively low. Poor rural infrastructure, transportation, medical, health and other far cannot be compared with the condition of the city, especially the urban recreational facilities, is far better than the countryside. But a new generation of outstanding rural labor force has knowledge, ideas, extremely convenient living in the city, then flocked to the city at all costs. To some extent, this also add to the best of agricultural labor force, to a certain extent, restrict the development of agricultural industrialization.2. The scientific and cultural qualities of agricultural labor force is generally not high net home although investing in education in recent years began to tend to thecountryside, but has long been tilted toward town, resulting in rural education a serious shortage of equipment and facilities, the rural out-of-school phenomenon is very serious, in some poor rural areas, what to see not to a complete school. It alsolimits the promotion of science and technology in the agricultural industry. Farmers' income level is lower, pension will not be able to get effective guarantee, so many farmers \"more begat, endowment\", this to a certain degree and increase the farmer's poverty, making them more unable to sustain the children's learning cost, resulting in Shanghai ring farmers to raise the intellectual standard of the people. Farmers' scientific and cultural level is not high, the degree of agricultural industrialization recognized will not improve, and advanced science and technology for the promotion of agricultural industrialization function also is not very good.3. Less agricultural land per capita labor though China's vast territory, but the proportion of arable land is not high, coupled with a large population, so the farmers per capita arable land area is less. Traditional idea of \"a boy than a girl makes the family planning policy in some areas also slightly powerless, exacerbated people mouth on this in a certain range of growth, the growth of people ¨ righteousness\" diluted \"to some extent the little change of the total arable land area. In some areas, due to the environmental protection consciousness is not strong, deforestation is serious, serious soil erosion, land desertification is becoming more and more out of control, it will increase the per capita arable land area is reduced. ............... .advice1, development of characteristic agriculture, establish the leading industry and productsWith the formation of a buyer's market of agricultural and sideline products, agriculture from traditional agriculture into the characteristic, high quality, high efficiency of precision agriculture development stage. Characteristic agricultural production, the development with regional characteristics of special special breeding, cultivation, the establishment of agricultural and sideline products processing, storage, preservation and distribution enterprises, the increase of agriculture and animal husbandry products processing depth and precision, promote the process of agricultural industrialization.Along with the development of agricultural industrialization, the inevitable regional development focus and development prospects and problems such as reasonable selection and optimal allocation of resources, to solve these problems, the key is must carry on the adjustment of industrial structure. And establish their own leading industries and brand products, and according to the industrialization pattern of the famous brand products. According to the characteristics of the local, practical and effective choice of the mode of agricultural industrialization.2, the construction of agricultural and sideline products professional wholesale marketConstruction of a batch of professional market town vegetables, give play to the role of market goods distribution and the radiation effect of foreign goods. Solved the problem of farmers' production and sales.Market conditions the facilities and the further expansion of trade and commerce logistics flow, to put forward higher requirements on a market environment and facilities, then think of building field.At the beginning of the formation and development of the market, in order to strengthen the management of market order, according to the actual circumstance of the countryside, set up the green channel, to encourage farmers and traders, the trading give breaks on tax policy at the same time. At the same time, should according to the local economy and local financial resources, perfect service, to improve the policy environment, to guide the development of market intermediary and service organizations. Information consultation, industry association, storage and transportation services and financial services market intermediary and service organizations.3, to cultivate and support very large agricultural products processing enterprises\"Leading enterprise\" is a \"locomotive\" for the development of agricultural industrialization. Built a \"tap\" enterprise can carry one or several comprehensive development of agricultural and sideline products, support a rich. The government should support enterprises through leasing, merger and acquisition, auction or shareholding system reform, financial and other support services, cultivate leading enterprises.4, promote the transformation of agricultural products processing value-added, cultivate new growth point of rural economic developmentOn the basis of the township and village enterprises, technology innovation and management innovation, accelerate the development of enterprises. To develop the local agricultural and sideline products as raw materials processing industry for agricultural products, expanding markets for agricultural products demand, promotes agricultural structural adjustment, improve the agricultural comprehensive benefit and market competitiveness. Development of deep processing of agricultural products, as an important content of agricultural structure adjustment, to make it become a new growth point to promote the development of agriculture and rural economy. Actively developing high-grade, high value-added products; Refinement of adapt to market demand, in essence, deep, \"optimum\", strive for more high quality brand name products.5, establish and improve the agricultural industry organizations, to promote agricultural industrializationThe function of the agricultural industrial organization is for before, during or after the technical consultation and coordinates the market competition of the specification, at the same time, also can protect the interests of farmers, in the continuous extension of industry chain in its profits, due to the government to make policy to create the environment, support and guide farmers to establish and improve the and development of industrial organization, promote the transformation of value-added agricultural products.To promote the development of the agricultural industrialization faster, better, this section give out some countermeasures and Suggestions on the development of agricultural industrialization. Specific as follows: (1) farmers problem 1. Prevent loss of good agricultural labor force On the one hand, the government should enhance of agricultural subsidies, to provide more surface system service for agriculture, to helpfarmers increase income, it also can effectively avoid the outstanding agricultural labor force resources loss. On the other hand, the government should strengthen the construction of rural infrastructure, especially roads, hospitals, entertainmentfacilities such as construction, farmers have more opportunity to enjoyThe same as the city residents of convenience and entertainment, it will be good for agriculture labor loss effectively.2. Raising farmers' scientific and cultural qualitiesIn this respect, the government should intensify education in rural areas for people, fiscal expenditure Have the intention to tilt the rural education, increasing, CRD in rural (especially the rural backward area) the compulsory education, improving farmers' cultural quality, improve farmers accept ability and application ability of science and technology.3. Increase the per capita arable land area(1) the government organization of agricultural surplus labor exportingRural surplus labor in China is more, it is restricting agricultural scale management of one of the major factors.。
美国农业合作社与农业产业化外文文献翻译中英文
美国农业合作社与农业产业化外文文献翻译中英文最新（节选重点翻译）英文Managing uncertainty and expectations: The strategic response of U.S.agricultural cooperatives to agricultural industrializationJulie HogelandAbstractThe 20th century industrialization of agriculture confronted U.S. agricultural cooperatives with responding to an event they neither initiated nor drove. Agrarian-influenced cooperatives used two metaphors, “serfdom” and “cooperatives are like a family” to manage uncertainty and influence producer expectations by predicting industrialization's eventual outcome and cooperatives’ producer driven compensation.The serfdom metaphor alluded to industrialization's potential to either bypass family farmers, the cornerstone of the economy according to agrarian ideology, or to transform them into the equivalent of piece-wage labor as contract growers. The “family” metaphor reflects how cooperatives personalized the connection between cooperative and farmer-member to position themselves as the exact opposite of serfdom. Hypotheses advanced by Roessl (2005) and Goel (2013) suggest that intrinsic characteristics of family businesses such as a resistance to change and operating according to a myth of unlimited choice andindependence reinforced the risk of institutional lock-in posed by agrarian ideology.To determine whether lock-in occurred, Woerdman's (2004) neo-institutional model of lock-in was examined in the context of late 20th century cooperative grain and livestock marketing. Increasingly ineffective open markets prompted three regional cooperatives to develop their own models of industrialized pork production. Direct experience with producer contracting allowed cooperatives to evade institutional and ideological lock-in.Keywords：Cooperatives，Agricultural industrialization，Agrarianism，Expectations，Family business，Family farming，Metaphors，Lock-inIntroductionRecent fluctuation in global financial markets led a panel of cooperative leaders to identify uncertainty as the primary managerial difficulty anticipated by cooperatives in the future (Boland, Hogeland, & McKee, 2011). Likewise, the 20th century industrialization of agriculture confronted cooperatives with the challenge of responding to an event they neither initiated nor drove. When the environment is highly uncertain and unpredictable, Oliver predicts that organizations will increase their efforts to establish the illusion or reality of control and stability over future organizational outcomes (Oliver, 1991: 170). This study argues thatcooperatives used two metaphors, “serfdom” and “cooperatives are like a family” to manage uncertainty by predicting industrialization's eventual outcome and cooperatives’ producer-driven compensation.These metaphors are agrarian. Recent research highlights the impact of agrarian ideology on cooperatives. Foreman and Whetten (2002: 623)observe, “co-ops have historically sought to reinforce the traditions and values of agrarianism through education and social interventions. Indeed, for many members these normative goals of a co-op have been preeminent.” These authors studied the tension within rural cooperatives produced by a normative system encompassing family and ideology and a utilitarian system defined by economic rationality, profit maximization and self-interest. They argue that this split in values implies that cooperatives are essentially two different organizations trying to be one. To capture the tension between these multiple identities, they focused on a potential family/business divide in cooperatives, basing this on a duality often noted in cooperative community and trade publications.The authors found that respondents wanted their local co-op to be more business oriented and at the same time, expected co-ops ideally (e.g., as an ideal organizational form) to be more family focused. These conflicting expectations suggested that multiple-identity organizations need to be assessed in terms of the individual components of their identity and the tension (or interaction) between them. Foreman and Whettenregard dual or multiple identity organizations as hybrids. There are consequences to hybridity: many members of a hybrid organization will identify with both aspects of its dual identity, “and thus find themselves embracing competing goals and concerns associated with distinctly different identity elements” (Foreman and Whetten, 2002). They conclude that competing goals and concerns foster competing expectations with consequences for organizational commitment (and I would add, performance).The split focus observed by Foreman and Whetten can be regarded as a contemporary expression of a value conflict beginning early in the 20th century over how production agriculture should be organized. Decentralized, autonomous, and typically small, family farmers used their skill at deciding the “what, when, where, how and why” of production and marketing to reduce the risk of being a price taker at open, competitive markets. Farmers also diversified the farm enterprise to spread price risk over several commodities. Corporate-led industrialized agriculture (integrators) by-passed both markets and independent farmers. Integrators coordinated supply and demand internally based on top-down administrative control over production and marketing decisions. They engaged in production contracting with growers who were held to competitive performance standards and paid according to their productivity. In contrast, family farmers were accountable only tothemselves.Study overviewFoss (2007) observes that the beliefs organizations hold about each other or the competitive environment are a key aspect of strategic management which have been understudied. Beliefs, which include norms and expectations, are important because they can be wrong. Cooperatives are often considered to have an ideological component but how such ideology develops and persists also has been understudied. This study addresses that gap by examining how agrarian language and assumptions shaped cooperatives’ reaction to 20th century agricultural industrialization. During this era, industrial methods transformed the production and marketing of processing vegetables, poultry, beef, and pork and were initiated for dairy and grains. An historical and institutional perspective is used to examine how two contrasting metaphors brought cooperatives to the brink of institutional lock-in. The study spans the entire 20th century from beginning to close.The study opens with a brief discussion of metaphors and norms then presents a theoretical model of lock-in. Discussion of the overarching role of agrarianism follows. Discussion then addresses why the cooperative alternative to corporate-led industrialization –the 1922 model developed by Aaron Sapiro –was not palatable to agrarian-influenced cooperatives (this section also definesagrarian-influenced cooperatives).Discussion then turns to considering how the disturbing implications of serfdom paved the way for the agrarian-influenced norm, “cooperatives as a competitive yardstick” and the cooperative metaphorical n orm, “cooperatives are like a family.” Producer expectations triggered by “serfdom” and “cooperatives are like a family” are addressed. Parallels are briefly drawn between neighborhood exchange in late 19th century rural California and behavior implied in “cooperatives are like a family.” Parallels are then drawn between family business traits and cooperative and producer experience in livestock and identity-preserved grain markets. This provides a foundation for examining in greater detail how well cooperative experience in pork and grains corresponded to Woerdman's four part model of lock-in (2004). Study conclusions and suggestions for future research follow.Importance of ideology, metaphor and normsEconomists have begun studying how cognition and discourse affect cooperative outcomes (Fulton, 1999). This study continues that line of inquiry by considering how a dominant ideology like agrarianism produced words and associations that, for most of the 20th century, arguably had a deterministic effect on farmer and cooperative perceptions of the future. Even today, few guidelines or predictions exist that suggest how organizations can manage ideological conflict (Greenwood, Raynard,Kodeih, Micelotta, & Lounsbury, 2011). Moreover, the difficulties of escaping a hegemonic ideology have seldom been recognized (Spencer, 1994).Metaphors are a pithy word or expression meant to evoke a comparison. They are used to understand one thing in terms of another (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980: 5). Understanding what metaphors represent and how they emerge and persist can offer a window into the salient factors influencing farmer and cooperative decision-making. Moreover, as in this text, metaphors “allow for the sorts of story in which overwhelming evidence in favor of one interpretation of the world can be repeatedly ignored, even though this puts the assets of the firm and the position of the decision-makers at extraordinary risk” (Schoenberger, 1997: 136).Much of what Pfeffer and Salancik (2003) say about norms also applies to how metaphors are used in this study. For example, these authors observe that an important function of norms is to provide predictability in social relationships so that each party can rely on the assurances provided by the other. Consequently, norms stress the meeting of expectations in an exchange relationship. Certainly, the metaphor, cooperatives are like a family, can be understood in the same manner. Defining norms as commonly or widely shared sets of behavioral expectations, Pfeffer et al. also indicate that norms develop underconditions of social uncertainty to increase the predictability of relationships for the mutual advantage of those involved. Once they cease to serve those interests norms break down.California's early industrializationIt seems reasonable to assume that agrarianism's belief in the pivotal importance of agriculture was shared to some degree by all U.S. cooperatives. However, unique features of California's agriculture, particularly in the Central Valley, predisposed it to industrialize some decades earlier than the Midwest, Great Plains, and Northeast (McClelland, 1997). The latter continued to rely on patriarchal family farm labor and so, for this paper, are assumed to represent the core domain of agrarian-influenced cooperatives. These areas lacked access to the supply of excess ethnic or minority labor which McClelland indicates prepared California for industrialization by 1910. Added to this advantage was California's legacy of estate or hacienda production which boosted cultural familiarity and acceptance of large scale production (Hogeland, 2010).In 1922, California attorney and cooperative organizer Aaron Sapiro combined elements of California experience into a model of cooperative organization and marketing popularly kno wn as “orderly marketing.” Sapiro began by extolling industrialization: “The factory system is recognized as the key to all forms of productive industries to-day all overthe world-except in agriculture… The farmer is the only part of modern industry… in which you have individual production” (Sapiro, 1993: 81).In general, Sapiro offered a cooperative alternative to producers’ tendency to dump excess supply from bumper harvests on the market. Instead, cooperatives should provide a home for the growers’ prod uct and use accumulated inventory to develop new products to stimulate consumer demand. Investing in processing or preservation technologies –canning, refrigeration and drying –would allow cooperatives to release excess production to the market in a prog ressive “orderly” manner.For example, by 1925 Sunkist growers had increased fruit utilization by transforming oranges from a single hand-held breakfast fruit to a glass of juice made from multiple oranges. The Sunkist extractor was specifically designed to use off-size fruit and wind-damaged fruit that would not sell as fancy Sunkist table fruit because all produced the same quality juice (Nourse, 1925). In 1922, Sun Maid scored a consumer success by packaging raisins in convenient snack-sized boxes called “Little Sun Maids” (Gary Marshburn, telephone conversation, July 24, 2008; Cotterill, 1984).The far-sighted orderly marketing norm anticipated the values of industrialized agriculture, urging cooperatives to guarantee supply through marketing contracts with some 85–95 percent of producer-members (Sapiro's recommended target). This commitmentcould propel the cooperative into being sole supplier of a particular specialty crop. (Such specialization was facilitated by California's geographically compact micro-climates).Sapiro's model provided a template for important 20th century specialty crop cooperatives outside of California, notably, Ocean Spray Cooperative (cranberries) and Welch's (Concord grapes). However, Sapiro's model represented a highly specialized, marketing-intensive cooperative that was conceptually and financially out of reach of the small family farmers in the Midwest, Great Plains, and the Northeast who produced fungible commodities like milk, meat and grains.6Cooperative philosopher and economist Edwin Nourse commented on cooperatives performing agricultural rationing such as orderly marketing:To be sure, a few cooperatives which stand in a class by themselves have already attained a degree of success comparable with the best achievements in industrial lines. But these are in comparatively small branches of specialized agriculture where economic organization was already on a high level. Before anything like the same result could be achieved in the great staple lines of production, where the demand for [price] stabilization is most acute, there would have to be a fair degree of concentration of executive responsibility in their operating organization (Nourse, 1930: 132).Serfdom's implicationsDuring the 1920s and 1930s –considered a “golden age” of agriculture – collective action surged. Rudimentary markets and chaotic distribution channels for basic commodities like milk, grain, and fruit provided new opportunities for cooperative marketing. Moreover, new antitrust legislation curbed many of the horizontally-integrated “trusts” dominating 19th century meat packing, oil, railroads and grain markets.Nevertheless, as early as 1922, Nourse saw emerging within agriculture market power so centralized and hierarchical it seemed feudal (Nourse, 1922: 589). Subsequently, the metaphor of “serfdom” was used throughout the 20th century by agrarian-influenced cooperatives to suggest how industrialization's contract production could reduce entrepreneurial and independent farmers to the equivalent of hired hands – so-called “piece wage labor.”In 1900, most counties could point to someone who started as a tenant or laborer and through hard work, luck, sharp dealing or intelligent cultivation, retired as a landlord owing several farms (Danbom, 1979: 7). In 1917, Ely introduced the concept of the ‘agricultural ladder’ as a model of occupational progression to farm ownership. The ladder showed how the agrarian virtue of hard work could allow a landless, unpaid family laborer to progress from being a hired hand and tenant farmer to an independent owner-operator (Kloppenburg & Geisler, 1985). Yet, the serfdom metaphor suggested just how tenuous such occupationalprogression could be.Late 19th century farmers formed cooperatives in response to market exploitation or failure. Although such exploitation affected farmer costs and returns, as a rule it did not impinge on farmers’ understanding of themselves as entrepreneurial and independent. Agrarian ideology lauded family farmers for taking on the risks of farming with a frontier attitude of self-reliance. Such farmers answered to no one except themselves. The small farmer was “first of all a self-directing individualist who could be counted on to resist with vigor the encroachments of outside authority” (Robinson, 1953: 69).Industrialized agriculture brought a new institutional logic to agriculture by putting efficiency and profitability first and using vertical integration to bypass farmers’ decision-making power over agriculture. Industrialization was market driven, seeking growth in identifying and satisfying consumer preferences. Research has indicated that the norms and prescriptions dictated by family logics are often at odds with the prescriptions dictated by markets (Greenwood et al., 2011).Power, reflected in ownership and governance arrangements, determines which logics will more easily flow into organizations and be well received (Greenwood et al., 2011). Family logics formally embedded into an organization's ownership structure are a very effective conduit for increasing familial influences within the organization. Not surprisingly,farmer-owned cooperatives believed they had a mandate to protect and foster family farming (Hogeland, 2006).中文管理不确定性和期望：美国农业合作社与农业产业化朱莉·霍格兰摘要20世纪的农业产业化使美国农业合作社面对很大的不确定性。
经济学毕业论文英文文献及翻译1
The green barrier to free tradeC. P. ChandrasekharJayati GhoshAs the March 31 deadline for completing the "modalities" stage of the proposed new round of negotiations on global agricultural trade nears, hopes of an agreement are increasingly waning. In this edition of Macroscan, C. P. Chandrasekhar and Jayati Ghosh examine the factors and the players constraining the realisation of such an agreement.AT THE END of the latest round of meetings of the agricultural negotiations committee of the WTO, the optimism that negotiators would meet the March 31 deadline for working out numerical targets, formulas and other "modalities" through which countries can frame their liberalisation commitments in a new full-fledged round of trade negotiations has almost disappeared. That target was important for two reasons.First, it is now becoming clear, that even more than was true during the Uruguay Round, forging an agreement in the agricultural area is bound to prove extremely difficult.Progress in the agricultural negotiations was key to persuading the unconvinced that a new `Doha Round' of trade negotiations is useful and feasible.Second, the Doha declaration made agricultural negotiations one part of a `single undertaking' to be completed by January 1, 2005. That is, in a take `all-or-nothing' scheme, countries had to arrive at, and be bound by, agreements in all areas in which negotiations were to be initiated in the new round. This means that if agreement is not worked out with regard to agriculture, there would be no change in the multilateral trade regime governing industry, services or related areas and no progress in new areas, such as competition policy, foreign investment and public procurement, all of which are crucial to the economic agenda of the developed countries.The factors making agriculture the sticking point on this occasion are numerous. As in the last Round, there is little agreement among the developed countries themselves on the appropriate shape of the global agricultural trade regime.There are substantial differences in the agenda of the US, the EU and the developed countries within the Cairns group of agricultural exporters. When the rich and the powerful disagree, a global consensus is not easy to come by.But that is not all. Even if an agreement is stitched up between the rich nations, through manoeuvres such as the Blair House accord, getting the rest of the world to go along would be more difficult this time.This is because the outcomes in the agricultural trade area since the implementation of the Uruguay Round (UR) Agreement on Agriculture (AoA) began have fallen far short of expectations. In the course of Round, advocates of the UR regime had promised global production adjustments that would increase the value of world agricultural trade and an increase in developing country share of such trade.As Chart 1 shows, global production volumes continued to rise after 1994 when the implementation of the Uruguay Round began, with signs of tapering off only in 2000 and 2001. As is widely known, this increase in production occurred in the developed countries as well.Not surprisingly, therefore, the volume of world trade continued to rise as well after 1994 (Chart 2). The real shift occurred in agricultural prices which, after some buoyancy between 1993and 1995, have declined thereafter, and particularly sharply after 1997. It is this decline in unit values that resulted in a situation where the value of world trade stagnated and then declined after 1995, when the implementation of the Uruguay Round began.As Table 1 shows, there was a sharp fall in the rate of growth of global agricultural trade between the second half of the 1980s and the 1990s, with the decline in growth in the 1990s being due to the particularly poor performance during the 1998 to 2001 period.Price declines and stagnation in agricultural trade values in the wake of the UR Agreement on Agriculture were accompanied and partly influenced by the persisting regionalisation of world agricultural trade.The foci of such regionalisation were Western Europe and Asia, with 32 and 11 per cent of global agricultural trade being intra-Western European and intra-Asian trade respectively (Chart 3). What is noteworthy, however, is that agricultural exports accounted for a much higher share of both merchandise and primary products trade in North America and Western Europe (besides Latin America and Africa) than it did for Asia.Thus, despite being the developed regions of the world, agricultural production and exports were important influences on the economic performance of North America and Western Europe.It is, therefore, not surprising that Europe is keen on maintaining its agricultural sector through protection, while the US is keen on expanding its role in world agricultural markets by subsidising its own farmers and forcing other countries to open up their markets. The problem is that the US has been more successful in prising open developing country markets than the large EU market.Thus, out of $104 billion worth of exports from North America in 2001, $34 billion went to Asia and $15 billion to Latin America, whereas exports to Europe amounted to $14 billion.The Cairns group of exporting countries (Argentina, Australia, Bolivia, Brazil, Canada, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Guatemala, Indonesia, Malaysia, New Zealand, Paraguay, the Philippines, South Africa, Thailand and Uruguay), for some of whom at least agricultural exports are extremely important, want world market to be freed of protection as well as the surpluses that result from huge domestic support in the US and the EC.We must note that $35 billion of the $63 billion of exports from Latin America went to the US and the EU. More open markets and less domestic support in those destinations is, therefore, crucial for the region.The fact that Europe has been successful in its effort at retaining its agricultural space with the help of a Common Agricultural Policy that both supports and subsidises its agricultural producers is clear from Chart 4, which shows that intra-EC trade which accounted for 74 per cent of EU exports in 1990, continued to account for 73 per cent of total EU exports in 1995 and 2001.But North America, with far fewer countries in its fold, has also been quite insular. Close to a third of North American exports are inter-regional. Little has changed since the Uruguay Round Agreement on Agriculture.It is widely accepted that three sets of actors account for this failure of the AoA:First, in order to push through an agreement when there were signs that the Uruguay Round was faltering, the liberalisation of agricultural trade in the developed countries was not pushed far enough;Second, is the ability to use "loopholes", especially those in the form of inadequately well-defined Green and Blue Box measures, in the AoA, to continue to support and protect farmers on the grounds that such support was non-trade distorting; andFinally, there are violations of even the lax UR rules in the course of implementation, which have been aided by the failure of the agreement to ensure transparency in implementation.Not surprisingly, some countries, especially the Cairns group of exporting countries, have proposed an ambitious agenda of liberalisation in the agricultural area.Tariffs are to be reduced sharply, using the "Swiss formula", which would ensure that the proportionate reduction in the tariffs imposed by a country would be larger, the higher is the prevailing bound or applied tariff in that country.中文翻译：题目：自由贸易中的绿色壁垒作者：C. P. Chandrasekhar 、Jayati Ghosh在A完自由化的承诺在其最新一轮会议的农业谈判委员会，世界贸易组织，乐观地认为，谈判的框架将在3月31日最后期限为制定数字指标，公式和其他“方式，哪些国家可以”通过新的全面谈判回合贸易几乎已经消失。
农业产业化agriculture industrialization
*此W ord包含大纲与讲稿两部分，与同名的PPT文档结合使用Agriculture IndustrializationBy Robot (Zhou Ji) H09000424OutlineIntroduceThe traditional agricultureThe industry type agricultureProblemsTo environment:Lands and waterTo society:Do farm work for money so that some area lack of food but some area have a lot of wasteLead to large scale spread of disease (H5N1 avian influenza,Bovine spongiform encephalopathy (BSE))To humans:Farm chemical is harm for the healthProduct chemical spawned food without nutritionSolutionEcological agriculture (Biogas circulatory system)No use farm chemical and develop the organic agricultureAgriculture IndustrializationDetailsPage 1Good evening everyone, today I want to talk about agriculture industrialization. Page2So what is agriculture industrialization?Page3As we know in the past farmers work with simple tools and animals. This picture tells us a very famous word about ancient China agriculture - Men do farm work and women engage in spinning and weaving (男耕女织). This is the traditional agriculture.Page4After The Industrial Revolution in the middle of 18th century, many agricultural machines, chemical fertilizer （化肥）and farm chemical （农药）were invented and produced.Page5Farmers can use agriculture machines and chemical to do their farm works. And people can feed a lot of chickens like the factory produce the goods. So the traditional agriculture changed to the agriculture industrialization.Page6.But are all the things of agriculture industrialization good? Does all the food from it save for us?Page7The answer is No. Nowadays excessive (过度的) agriculture behavior and using too much farm chemical cause the environmental problems. For example the land erosion (土地侵蚀) and the water pollution.(过量使用土地，不合理的修建各种工程设施，砍伐树木做耕地导致水土流失，围湖造田导致洪涝等)Page8The agriculture industrialization also takes us some society problems. After using the machines chemical fertilizer and farm chemical, the farmers can get much more rice and wheat (小麦) very year, so most of people do not need to worry about the food. But the rice and wheat can’t be sold for much money. And Some famers try to grow cash crop (经济作物) like cotton (棉花) and soybean (大豆) for money. The more and more famers follow to do like this. So once bad weather happen some people will lack of food. And if some cash crop can’t be sold or we produce much more than we need, we will have a lot of waste.Because of the agriculture industrialization, people now build breed factory (养殖场) to feed chickens and other animals. So it leads to large scale spread of disease easily, like H5N1 (avian influenza禽流感) and BSE (Bovine spongiform encephalopathy疯牛病).Page9And we know it has some other problems for ourselves, we humans. The farm chemical may take us pesticide poisoning (农药中毒). Some chemical technology can let the vegetables and animals grow up quickly. But they have no nutrition (营养) and they are not good for our bodies at all.(鸡拿抗生素当饭吃feed chickens with a lot of antibiotic 肯德基的45天速成鸡KFC use 45-days-grow chickens into food)Page10What we should do about the problems?Page11I think agriculture is a part of the nature, so the agriculture can’t destroy the nature. We should develop the ecological agriculture (生态农业). The agriculture working must fix the nature and environment. For example the Biogas circulatory system (沼气循环系统发酵ferment), it can recycle the rubbish and excrement (粪便) to supply the nature fertilizer and supply the power for people.Page12We also develop the organic agriculture (有机农业) and produce the organicfood (有机食品). Don’t use the farm chemical and use the nature fertilizer instead of chemical fertilizer. And we must resist the speed-grow food.Page13I wish the agriculture and our lives will be better and better! Thank you.。
农业机械化及其自动化外文文献及外文翻译
外文文献：STUDY RELATING TO FORMULATING LONG-TERM MECHANIZATION STRATEGY FOR EACH AGRO CLIMATIC ZONE/STATE IN INDIA题目：Need for Farm Mechanization专业：农业机械化及其自动化班级：0801班姓名：王根旺外文原文：INTRODUCTIONThe productivity of farms depends greatly on the availability and judicious use of farm power by the farmers. Agricultural implements and machines enable the farmers to employ the power judiciously for production purposes. Agricultural machines increase productivity of land and labour by meeting timeliness of farm operations and increase work out-put per unit time. Besides its paramount contribution to the multiple cropping and diversification of agriculture , mechanization also enables efficient utilisation of inputs such as seeds, fertilisers and irrigation water.The Technology Development Advisory Group Constituted by the Directorate General of Technical Development, in its industry monograph on agricultural machinery, observed that the usage of a seed-cumfertiliser drill does not just conserve energy but also saves around 20% of seeds and also increases the yield by 15% through better placement and more effective utilisation of fertilisers and seeds.ROLE AND PROGRESS OF MECHANIZATIONMechanization in Indian agriculture started with the establishment of the Central Tractor Organisation (CTO) mainly for land reclamation and development, mechanical cultivation and reduction of sanccharum spontanium (Kans).The production of irrigation pumps and diesel engines started during 1930s. The manufacture of tractors and power tillers started in 1960. Since then by the virtue of its inherent edge over the conventional means of farming, agricultural mechanization has been gaining popularity. The increased use of farm machines has found expression in the phenomenal expansion of cropped area and cropping intensity and the country’s agricultural production on all fronts. The shift has also helped in diversification of agriculture from conventional crops to commercial crops.The programmes of farm mechanization have resulted in adoption of farm machinery such as tractors, power tillers, combine harvesters, irrigation equipment, plant protection equipment, threshers, improved implements and hand tools. However the country still lags behind in terms of the available number of tractors per thousand hectares. In terms of density of tractors per thousand hectares, India not only lags behind the developed countries but also some of the developing countries of the world, especially a few of the neighbouring ones. The trend of sale of tractors over the years indicates a rising acceptance of agricultural machines and equipment with the Indian farmers. The use of different types of farm machinery including hand tools, animal-drawn implements, threshers, plantprotection equipment, diesel/electric pump sets etc. has been accelerating over the past several years; as a result of which the total power available per unit area on farms has also increased.翻译文章：引言农场的生产力在很大程度上取决于农民是否能明智地利用农业机械以及农业机械的可用性。
农业电子商务外文翻译文献
农业电子商务外文翻译文献(文档含中英文对照即英文原文和中文翻译)农业产业化：从农场到交易市场摘要农业产业化就是农业以市场需求为导向，有效的满足客户以及市场要求的一系列的链条。
这种变革需要一个更广泛的概念化和更准确的定义，传达一个致力于创造价值和可持续利用食物，纤维，可再生资源的更有活力，系统性，综合性和纪律性的系统。
我们讨论的力量，推动这一转移到市场，提供了新的和更具有代表性农业产业化的定义，提供模型以说明一些最引人注目的趋势，并阐明这些模型关键因素和影响。
关键词：农业产业化的定义，概念模型，市场为中心，市场体系1 绪论农业产业化在1955年开始作为一个独特的研究领域，当时约翰.戴维斯将它定义为：农业产业化是以农场生产为中心，然后商品化。
这个定义当时是最适当的，那是农业行动的重点是最大限度地生产食物和纤维。
戴维斯和高德博格用新鲜的见解，将农业产业化定义为:制造和分销农场用品：在该农场生产经营、储存、加工、分销所有的农产品的商品和物品所涉及的所有业务的总和。
类似的定义也有其他的人提出，如唐尼和埃里克森：农业产业化，包括所有这些业务和管理活动由公司提供投入到农业部门，生产农产品，运输，金融，处理农产品的全部过程。
这些传统的定义，随着时间的推移，对农场或生产的单位所反映农业产业化的焦点，如农业交易中心已数十年之久。
今天，一个就业散点图显示，虽然超过百分之三十的就业机会农业产业化提供的，少于百分之一的人直接参与农场生产。
农业产业化已不再是以农场为中心。
二十一世纪农业产业化包含了更广泛的一系列行动，主要是外围行动，包括以市场为导向的可持续利用食物，纤维，和可再生资源。
2 农业产业化的发展2.1货车司机的分界线几个因素推动了农业产业化的界限的划分，从主要农产品为本，努力生产更多的顾客和市场为中心的商品。
今天，成功的农业企业通常是更集中于：●系统性的价值链和每家公司的或企业的定位，贡献这些链;●多方利益相关者的日益弥漫性和复杂的农业产业化价值链;●自然稀少的资源和他们的审慎管理;●新的技术和适当的专利申请;●全球化，包括所产生无数的机会和的威胁;●可持续差别优势，或更确切地说，来源和营养例如：品牌和品牌资产在竞争日益激烈和活跃的农业产业化世界大市场。
外文翻译——农业产业化组织
译文（英文在下面）（标题：农业产业化组织的营销策略分析）资料来源：2010产业工程与管理国际研讨会作者：赵艳红、任艾华摘要：农业产业化是世界农业的发展方向，也是发达国家经营农业的主要方式。
大力发展农业产业化是提高我国农业的竞争力在其生产上营销创新的有效途径。
它涉及到农业产业化商业成功的一个重要因素。
在本文中，从产品、渠道、促销三方面，面对农业产业化的营销创新提出相应的发展建议。
关键词：产品；渠道；促销1 引言虽然中国已经建立了许多农业产业化，但是很少有成功的案例，原因是产品卖出与否并不影响他们的发展。
现在建立在现实的同时，农业产业化经营组织在产品开发、销售渠道和市场开拓用许多办法来解决迫在眉睫的问题。
我们可以说，销售已成为制约发展的瓶颈。
本文中，营销理念的发展，主要根据4P 理论的核心内容，由发展到满足消费者需求。
创新渠道，灵活地运用创新的营销组合，因而企业组织寻求促进农业产业化经营销售创新的措施。
2开发的产品，以满足消费者的需求4C理论认为，公司应该优先追求顾客满意，那么，农业产业的企业必须首先形成了顾客满意度。
市场营销认为产品需求是多层次的，产品的整体概念应该包括三个方面：核心产品、形式产品和额外产品。
2.1 核心主导产品提供基本效用给消费者和有兴趣的回答这个问题“消费者真正要买的是什么？”从根本上说，每一件产品都解决一个明确存在的问题。
买化妆品是买一个美丽，购买补品为了得到健康等；然而消费者对于最后购买什么农产品，这取决于哪种特定消费者参与购买农产品，就像购买大米、蔬菜、水果，那就是吃，购买花可能是为了看或者送人，从这个角度看，农业产业化的产品，必须满足企业先前在什么程度上审视消费者的根本利益。
一个农业工业化和其他组织可能有产品的投资组合，然而在各个产品系列，我们必须找到自己的核心产品项目，那是提供给消费者最好的产品种类的产品的基本功效。
2.2 产品的形式——适当演示的核心核心利益是通过必要的形式反映出来吗，如产品质量水平、特点、风格、品牌名称和包装，没有适当的形式，产品的核心利益不能被体现，观察到企业进入市场的产品进行了论证。
有关农业的英文参考文献
有关农业的英文参考文献Agriculture is the backbone of many economies, providing sustenance and raw materials for a variety of industries.It's a sector that has evolved significantly over the centuries, from simple subsistence farming to high-tech precision agriculture.The impact of climate change on agriculture is a critical topic, with studies showing how temperature fluctuations and water scarcity can affect crop yields. It's essential to understand these impacts to develop strategies for sustainable farming practices.Technological advancements have transformed the agricultural landscape. From genetically modified crops to drone monitoring, the integration of technology has increased efficiency and productivity in farming operations.The role of small-scale farmers in global food security is often overlooked. These farmers, who make up a significant portion of the agricultural workforce, contribute to local economies and food supply chains, highlighting the importance of supporting their livelihoods.Soil health is a foundational aspect of agriculture. The quality of the soil directly influences crop growth and sustainability. It's crucial to research and implement soil conservation methods to ensure long-term productivity.Agricultural biodiversity is vital for the resilience of farming systems. A diverse range of crops and farming practices can help mitigate the risks of pests, diseases, and environmental changes.The concept of agroecology combines ecological principles with agriculture to create sustainable and resilient farming systems. It's a holistic approach that considers the social, economic, and environmental aspects of farming.Urban agriculture is an emerging trend, where farming is integrated into urban landscapes. This can help address food security issues in cities and provide fresh produce to urban populations.The future of agriculture lies in innovation and adaptation. As the global population grows and resources become scarcer, it's essential to explore new methods and technologies that can sustainably feed the world.。
农业产业化营销策略外文翻译文献
农业产业化营销策略外文翻译文献(文档含中英文对照即英文原文和中文翻译)译文：农业产业化组织的营销策略分析摘要：农业产业化是世界农业的发展方向，也是发达国家经营农业的主要方式。
大力发展农业产业化是提高我国农业的竞争力在其生产上营销创新的有效途径。
它涉及到农业产业化商业成功的一个重要因素。
在本文中，从产品、渠道、促销三方面，面对农业产业化的营销创新提出相应的发展建议。
关键词：产品；渠道；促销1 引言虽然中国已经建立了许多农业产业化，但是很少有成功的案例，原因是产品卖出与否并不影响他们的发展。
现在建立在现实的同时，农业产业化经营组织在产品开发、销售渠道和市场开拓用许多办法来解决迫在眉睫的问题。
我们可以说，销售已成为制约发展的瓶颈。
本文中，营销理念的发展，主要根据4P理论的核心内容，由发展到满足消费者需求。
创新渠道，灵活地运用创新的营销组合，因而企业组织寻求促进农业产业化经营销售创新的措施。
2开发的产品，以满足消费者的需求4C理论认为，公司应该优先追求顾客满意，那么，农业产业的企业必须首先形成了顾客满意度。
市场营销认为产品需求是多层次的，产品的整体概念应该包括三个方面：核心产品、形式产品和额外产品。
2.1 核心主导产品提供基本效用给消费者和有兴趣的回答这个问题“消费者真正要买的是什么？”从根本上说，每一件产品都解决一个明确存在的问题。
买化妆品是买一个美丽，购买补品为了得到健康等；然而消费者对于最后购买什么农产品，这取决于哪种特定消费者参与购买农产品，就像购买大米、蔬菜、水果，那就是吃，购买花可能是为了看或者送人，从这个角度看，农业产业化的产品，必须满足企业先前在什么程度上审视消费者的根本利益。
一个农业工业化和其他组织可能有产品的投资组合，然而在各个产品系列，我们必须找到自己的核心产品项目，那是提供给消费者最好的产品种类的产品的基本功效。
2.2 产品的形式——适当演示的核心核心利益是通过必要的形式反映出来吗，如产品质量水平、特点、风格、品牌名称和包装，没有适当的形式，产品的核心利益不能被体现，观察到企业进入市场的产品进行了论证。
国外农业产业化发展经验及启示
收稿日期：2011－12－26作者简介：郭生河，男，1964年生，高级讲师。
国外农业产业化发展经验及启示郭生河（龙岩市农业学校364000）摘要：农业产业化是目前世界农业发展的共同趋势，该文列举了美国等国家的农业产业化发展经验，在分析借鉴国外成功经验的基础上，就提高龙岩市及福建省农业产业化经营水平的问题提出7点对策。
关键词：农业产业化；经验；启示Experience and enlightenment of agricultural industrializationdevelopment in foreign countriesGUO Sheng-he（Longyan Agricultural School ，Fujian Province 364000）Abstract ：Agricultural industrialization is now the common trend of agricultural development in the world ，this paper listed the experience of agricultural industrialization development in United States and other countries．Via through analyzing and drawing on the successful experiences of running foreign agriculture industrialization ，it possesses an important significance to improve the management level of agricultural industrialization of Longyan city and Fujian province ，and also to stimulate farmer income ，putting foward saver counter measures．Keywords ：Agricultural industrialization ；experience ；enlightenment农业产业化，国际上通常称之为农业一体化。
农业转型的英文文献
农业转型的英文文献Agricultural transformation is a pivotal shift that modern societies are undergoing, moving from traditional farming practices to more sustainable and efficient methods.The integration of technology in agriculture has revolutionized the way crops are grown, harvested, and processed. Drones and GPS systems now aid in monitoring crop health and optimizing yields.Sustainable farming practices, such as organic farmingand agroforestry, are gaining popularity. These methods aimto reduce the environmental impact of agriculture while maintaining or increasing productivity.Climate change poses significant challenges toagriculture, necessitating the adoption of resilient cropsand adaptive farming techniques to ensure food security forthe growing global population.Education and training are crucial for the successful transition to modern agricultural practices. Farmers must be equipped with the knowledge and skills to implement new technologies and methods effectively.Policymakers play a vital role in facilitatingagricultural transformation by creating supportive frameworks, providing incentives for sustainable practices, and investingin research and development.The future of agriculture lies in innovation, with biotechnology offering solutions such as genetically modified crops that are resistant to pests and diseases, and precision agriculture that tailors farming practices to the specific needs of each field.Community engagement and local participation are key tothe success of agricultural transformation initiatives, ensuring that changes are relevant and beneficial to the people who depend on farming for their livelihoods.In conclusion, the agricultural sector is at a crossroads, with the potential for significant positive change. By embracing transformation, we can build a more sustainable, productive, and resilient food system for the future.。
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农业产业化外文翻译文献(文档含中英文对照即英文原文和中文翻译)农业产业化：从农场到交易市场Mark R. Edwards and Clifford. J. Shultz摘要农业产业化就是农业以市场需求为导向，有效的满足客户以及市场要求的一系列的链条。
这种变革需要一个更广泛的概念化和更准确的定义，传达一个致力于创造价值和可持续利用食物，纤维，可再生资源的更有活力，系统性，综合性和纪律性的系统。
我们讨论的力量，推动这一转移到市场，提供了新的和更具有代表性农业产业化的定义，提供模型以说明一些最引人注目的趋势，并阐明这些模型关键因素和影响。
关键词：农业产业化的定义，概念模型，市场为中心，市场体系1 绪论农业产业化在1955年开始作为一个独特的研究领域，当时约翰.戴维斯将它定义为：农业产业化是以农场生产为中心，然后商品化。
这个定义当时是最适当的，那是农业行动的重点是最大限度地生产食物和纤维。
戴维斯和高德博格用新鲜的见解，将农业产业化定义为:制造和分销农场用品：在该农场生产经营、储存、加工、分销所有的农产品的商品和物品所涉及的所有业务的总和。
类似的定义也有其他的人提出，如唐尼和埃里克森：农业产业化，包括所有这些业务和管理活动由公司提供投入到农业部门，生产农产品，运输，金融，处理农产品的全部过程。
这些传统的定义，随着时间的推移，对农场或生产的单位所反映农业产业化的焦点，如农业交易中心已数十年之久。
今天，一个就业散点图显示，虽然超过百分之三十的就业机会农业产业化提供的，少于百分之一的人直接参与农场生产。
农业产业化已不再是以农场为中心。
二十一世纪农业产业化包含了更广泛的一系列行动，主要是外围行动，包括以市场为导向的可持续利用食物，纤维，和可再生资源。
2 农业产业化的发展2.1货车司机的分界线几个因素推动了农业产业化的界限的划分，从主要农产品为本，努力生产更多的顾客和市场为中心的商品。
今天，成功的农业企业通常是更集中于：●系统性的价值链和每家公司的或企业的定位，贡献这些链;●多方利益相关者的日益弥漫性和复杂的农业产业化价值链;●自然稀少的资源和他们的审慎管理;●新的技术和适当的专利申请;●全球化，包括所产生无数的机会和的威胁;●可持续差别优势，或更确切地说，来源和营养例如：品牌和品牌资产在竞争日益激烈和活跃的农业产业化世界大市场。
我们在这里研究的基本力量，引用从农场到市场的转变，并提供更新农业产业化的定义。
此外，我们提出的模型来抓住这个转变的本质。
2.2改变该二十世纪大部分时间里农业的中心是家庭农场和所有相关的立即投入的生产资料，生产，加工和分销。
典型的农业企业提供了一个生产资料的投入，如拖拉机或肥料，然后销售商品，如牛奶、粮食、蔬菜或水果。
在相比之下，二十一世纪的经验即将股份持有人的焦点，多和综合投入，尤其是在任务生产，加工，分销和营销传播纳入一个动态的系统。
新时代要求加快产品创新，利用规模的经济体系，掌控收入增长，保持市场份额并且与对手合作销售增加足够的产值，而时刻保持对环境的影响的敏感性，已成为农业企业管理主要关注的问题。
趋势表明，主导二十一世纪的农业企业往往被定性为：更大。
许多农场和公司已横向加入相当巨大，更大的面积，更多同类产品的组织，以实现多元化的规模经济。
往往是集团演变、收购，而不是内部成长一个投资组合的公司，其中可能包括食物、纤维、化学品、药品、甚至能源生产。
复杂：要求会计，财务报告，以及市场营销关系增加的农业企业复杂性。
战略：长期考虑到稀缺资源的土壤，空气、水、电力、木材、石油、矿产、鱼类以及有多少变数等可以影响他们的因素，许多推动企业管理自然资源，如何获得并使用资源已取得可持续性竞争优势。
政治：政治压力体现在安全、质量、生态环境，获得水、电、及自然保护是激励许多农业企业成为在政治上活跃的跨国公司的动因。
鼓励企业多样性：如谷物、奶类制品、肉类、加工食品和纤维药品出口世界各地。
2.3重新划分农业产业化的界线这些变化创造了新的挑战和机会，也带来了威胁，当然不同的视角和利益不同，结论也不同。
在短期内，农业产业化的界限将重新划分，特别是来自不同人的观念和机构的讨论以及其它的因素。
农业产业化边界的扩展是通过各种压力被经济意识驱动，包括社会成本和交易成本。
罗纳德科斯解释个人或公司承担的私人成本（本身）和外部成本（社会）。
这些费用的总和包括任何行动的社会成本。
科斯，还有后来威廉姆森，都显示增加的用于创造的产品和服务交易成本将如何推动企业的创新和变化。
交易成本包括界定和测量资源或索赔，使用费和强制执行的费用，及所收取的信息、谈判和执行费用（威廉姆森）。
随着资源日益稀缺，无论是社会和交易成本上升，都迫使他们组织行为方式的转变。
因此，农业产业化的边际收益正日益超越传统的界限。
3 农业产业化竞争策略与商机3.1 低成本，反季，和新的竞争领域许多发展经济体的农业企业能够在竞争中脱颖而出主要依赖在价格上有更低的成本。
水果和蔬菜生产商正在经历重大的新的市场准入制，从赤道以南到北美的国家有着相反的生长季节。
大多数食品店夏季在销售所有的从智利和其他南美国家进口的冬季葡萄、蔬菜等商品。
新的异国情调的食品和纤维，目前没有随着发达市场增长，但是在美国和欧洲你都能找到，而且需要更多的货架。
这些包括新的香料，豆芽，水果和海产品。
大豆和其他植物为基础的肉类替代品，同样是进入食品市场。
新的化肥、农药、结构复合材料有可能取代现有的生产资料，尤其是当他们可以产生更快、更便宜、使用比传统的产品更少的自然资源的时候。
3.2科学创新以及新技术，新方法遗传学、营养、生产、健康和活力所有的学科都是农业产业化的科学结合。
其他问题也可以是农业与科学和技术的合并，如货架寿命、供应链管理、生态影响、感知价值。
新技术、新方法、如套袋生菜、盒装牛肉、冰点的冷冻海鲜，可以预先准备的肉类都源于科学创新并且改变着农业。
同样地，水栽法、木材农场、转基因生物体以及其他新的生产方式正挑战着传统的农业生产。
3.3粮食生产和安全粮食生产越来越是一个以科学为基础的业务，往往被大的跨国公司所控制。
这些庞大的农业产业化企业的竞争获得植物，动物种群遗传的秘密控制他们的发现和通过收购的专利。
此外，农业必须加倍努力，以解决关注供应安全和食品安全。
3.4健康健康问题往往主宰许多传统的农业产业化战略。
也有过创造无脂肪油脂、杂交种子和遗传改造整合的适当剂量的医疗测试消息。
农药残留、食品污染、水的纯度等问题正日益受到公众的关注。
新食品，在何种程度上如何保持健康，最终将决定它们在竞争激烈的市场是否获得成功。
3.5企业的变革和经营扩展传统的化学公司如杜邦公司设立了农业部门并为他们提供的技术创新的咨询。
典型的农业公司，如孟山都继续来说，持续其农业产业化战略，并转变商业模式，以通过收购的新形式的企业与制药公司完全合作发展新的产品类别，如坚果类。
森林类产品公司，如博伊西卡斯卡德和威也汉斯投资相当多的资源在森林畜牧业。
橡胶公司广泛投资可再生橡胶树、玻璃和其他材料，以增加轮胎的强度、寿命和安全性。
水产养殖鱼类和贝类的同时也产生了新的产业，但是应该强力从方面生态的关注制约因素。
3.6 传统分销和零售较大的零售商，为了有日益增长的影响力，不得不在影响供应链管理、价格、生产、品牌、营销传播方面主动变革。
在发展中国家和转型经济体，作为农民的他们是从根本上改变传统农业，现在从事合同生产与策略更加协调和有效率的分销。
网络市场的结果是一些传统市场的消失，但提高了效率，提供了高质量和安全的选择。
规模较小的，合适的零售商，也会受这些变数影响，但实质上显然并非如此。
精品店的卖家经常瞄准时尚的消费者，因此，常常预测市场的趋势。
亚马逊网站作出了产业定位：由消费者阅读和购买其它的零售商往往无法出售的利润较高的产品和服务，以及从事利润率较高的活动。
3.7政府监管和金融服务尽管政府偏离干预，但在许多方面，各国政府仍然对农业产业有很大的影响力并且能扩大立法边界，提倡企业和消费者，并在很大程度上刺激商业用地扩大，使农业产业化管理，拉长它的价值链，以造福链条上的大多数利益相关者。
许多农业企业已经发展成主要服务和产品供应商。
对生产者、加工者、运输、付货人、杂货店、餐馆、保险公司、证券公司和银行都有巨大的影响，在何种程度上的食品和纤维的找到自己的方式，以市场和消耗。
公司明白消费者会被微妙线索高度的影响。
因此，典型的反馈表明：相对于食品的质量，消费者往往要求更好的相关服务和服务环境。
没有风险保障和融资，挑战固有的比如适应能力和消费者的安全等有密切关系的独特商业模式时，大部分农业企业都将无法生存。
3.8电子传媒和互联网卫星，电缆，光纤，互联网上现在几乎同时工作，对保证利率统一、加快推进农业及其利益相关者是互相关连。
谷歌雅虎等网页搜索引擎将关键条款进行分类。
农业产业化正通过搜索引擎与生态、污染控制、水资源和采掘业联在一起。
互联网作为另一种媒介也扩大了农业的接触面。
任何大小的农业业务都可以在最世界偏远地区的与客户沟通。
微型市场也从边远地区在发展，现在就可以与客户、分销商、和价值链上其他的成员沟通，从而使通过遥远的距离出售农产品变为可能，这是以前从未想象的。
一个首要的主题：开拓新市场，理念，产品和日益增长的相互联系是推动农业产业化的边界在以前所未有的设想。
国际贸易，金融和管理，适用于最新的信息技术，科学发现，和营销工具最大限度地增加产品和服务链的价值。
3.9 不断成长的医药、纤维、农产品等新产品概念传统上所产生的天然和人造物质产品的概念正悄然发生变化。
一些药品，如胰岛素，很快将会从转基因植物提取；新品种水稻将包括维生素和其它可能的养分;一些昂贵的中成药将成为可被价格低廉的从奶牛或其他哺乳动物体内提取的物质取代。
相关启示表明，许多新药物会在热带雨林和海洋发现，主要是尚未开发的和有前途的水库里的对人类健康有好处的自然植物和动物将被开发。
这些趋势表明制药行业的扩大包括新型新型农业产品。
纤维同样已变成一个简单的天然类和人造元件。
现在微型和超微化石纤维是不断变化的一类，并扩展到新的领域，而且新产品的形式与自然的和合成纤维相关。
举例来说，领先的治疗人体皮肤烧伤的医疗产品几十年来薄片状皮肤只来自成长中的猪。
现在是人造的，大多数观察家认为这种产品等同于竞技齿轮。
木材纤维使产品更轻，更强，在某些情况下，比钢铁更强。
组合木材纤维和混凝土正融入单件，使建造更为强大，更有弹性的房屋材料更符合成本效益。
3.10娱乐和旅游业许多传统性质的农业场地正演变成娱乐、学习、生态、旅游的地方。
即使一些家庭农场，也将他们生产小麦和玉米的地方变成了高尔夫球场，鸟类的庇护所甚至风车地。
附近的大多数城市附近的农场正吸引学生探索南瓜、奶牛、宠物山羊、桃子等领域。