奥巴马在诺贝尔和平奖颁奖典礼上的演讲
奥巴马演讲稿大全集
奥巴马演讲稿大全集奥巴马是美国历史上备受瞩目的总统之一，他的演讲备受人们的喜爱和推崇。
在他的演讲中，我们可以感受到他的智慧、魅力和领导力。
下面，让我们一起回顾一些奥巴马总统的经典演讲。
1. "Yes We Can" 演讲。
2008年，奥巴马在得克萨斯州进行了一场备受瞩目的演讲，他在演讲中多次重复"Yes We Can"这句口号，鼓舞了无数支持者。
他强调了团结和希望的重要性，这场演讲成为了他竞选总统的标志性时刻。
2. 《布拉格演讲》。
2009年，奥巴马在捷克的布拉格发表了一场关于核裁军和全球安全的演讲。
他在演讲中提出了减少核武器库存的目标，并呼吁全球领袖共同努力实现这一目标。
这场演讲展现了奥巴马对和平与安全的执着追求。
3. 《金特里演讲》。
2011年，奥巴马在英国国会发表了一场备受关注的演讲。
他在演讲中强调了美国与欧洲的紧密关系，提出了应对全球挑战的合作方案。
这场演讲彰显了奥巴马作为世界领袖的风范和魅力。
4. 《独立日演讲》。
每年的独立日，奥巴马都会发表演讲，激励美国人民团结一心，追求自由和公正。
他的演讲充满了对美国价值观的赞美和对未来的信心，激励着全国人民。
5. 《诺贝尔和平奖演讲》。
获得诺贝尔和平奖后，奥巴马发表了一场备受关注的演讲。
他在演讲中谦虚地接受了这一荣誉，并表达了对和平与正义的承诺。
这场演讲展现了奥巴马作为和平使者的使命感和责任感。
奥巴马的演讲风格优美、深刻，他的言辞充满力量和感染力。
他的演讲不仅在当时引起了轰动，而且至今仍然被人们传颂。
通过回顾奥巴马总统的经典演讲，我们可以更好地理解他的领导风范和价值观，也能够从中汲取力量和启发。
希望奥巴马的演讲能够继续激励着我们，引领着我们走向更美好的未来。
(完美精华版)奥巴马演讲中英文对照
On this Memorial Day, as our nation honors its unbroken line of fallen heroes, our sense of patriotism is particularly strong. Because while we gather here under open skies, we know that far beyond the Organ Mountains – in the streets of Baghdad, and the outskirts of Kabul – America's sons and daughters are sacrificing on our behalf. And our thoughts and prayers are with them.I speak to you today with deep humility. My grandfather marched in Patton's Army, but I cannot know what it is to walk into battle like so many of you. My grandmother worked on a bomber assembly line, but I cannot know what it is for a family to sacrifice like so many of yours have.I am the father of two young girls, and I cannot imagine what it is to lose a child. My heart breaks for the families who've lost a loved one.These are things I cannot know. But there are also some things I do know.I know that our sadness today is mixed with pride; that those we've lost will be remembered by a grateful nation; and that our presence here today is only possible because your loved ones, America's patriots, were willing to give their lives to defend our nation.I know that while we may come from different places, cherish different traditions, and have different political beliefs, we all –every one of us – hold in reverence those who've given this country the full measure of their devotion.And I know that children in New Mexico and across this country look to your children, to your brothers and sisters, mothers and fathers, and friends –to those we honor today –as a shining example of what's best about America.Their lives are a model for us all.What led these men and women to wear their country's uniform? What is it that leads anyone to put aside their own pursuit of life's comforts; to subordinate their own sense of survival, for something bigger – something greater?Many of those we honor today were so young when they were killed. They had a whole life ahead of them – birthdays and weddings, holidays with children and grandchildren, homes and jobs and happiness of their own. And yet, at one moment or another, they felt the tug, just as generations of Americans did before them. Maybe it was a massacre in a Boston square; or a President's call to save the Union and free the slaves. Maybe it was the day of infamy that awakened a nation to a storm in the Pacific and a madman's death march across Europe. Or maybe it was the morning they woke up to see our walls of security crumble along with our two largest towers.Whatever the moment was, when it came and they felt that tug, perhaps it was simply the thought of a mom or a dad, a husband or a wife, or a child not yet born that made this young American think that it was time to go; that made them think "I must serve so that the people I love can live –in happiness, and safety, and freedom."This sense of service is what America is all about. It is what leads Americans to enter the military. It is what sustains them in the most difficult hours. And it is the safeguard of our security.You see, America has the greatest military in the history of the world. We have the best training, the most advanced technology, the most sophisticated planning, and the most powerful weapons. And yet, in the end, though each of these things is absolutely critical, the true strength of our military lies someplace else.It lies in the spirit of America's servicemen and women. No matter whether they faced down fascism or fought for freedom in Korea and Vietnam; liberated Kuwait or stopped ethnic cleansing in the Balkans or serve brilliantly and bravely under our flag today; no matter whether they are black, white, Latino, Asian, or Native American; whether they come from old military families, or are recent immigrants – their stories tell the same truth.It is not simply their bravery, their insistence on doing their part – whatever the cost – to make America more secure and our world more free. It's not simply an unflinching belief in our highest ideals. It's that in the thick of battle, when their very survival is threatened, America's sons and daughters aren't thinking about themselves, they're thinking about one another; they're risking everything to save not their own lives, but the lives of their fellow soldiers and sailors, airmen and Marines. And when we lose them – in a final act of selflessness and service – we know that they died so that their brothers and sisters, so that our nation, might live.What makes America's servicemen and women heroes is not just their sense of duty, honor, and country; it's the bigness of their hearts and the breadth of their compassion.That is what we honor today.Oliver Wendell Holmes once remarked that "To fight out a war, you must believe something and want something with all your might." The Americans we honor today believed. Sergeant Ryan Jopek believed. Ryan was just weeks away from coming home when he volunteered for a mission to Mosul from which he would never return. His friends remember his easy smile; I remember Ryan because of the bracelet his mother gave me that I wear every day. Next to his name, it reads: "All gave some – he gave all."It is a living reminder of our obligation as Americans to serve Ryan as well as he served us; as well as the wounded warriors I've had the honor of meeting at Walter Reed have served us; as well as the soldiers at Fort Bliss and the troops in Iraq, Afghanistan, and around the world are serving us. That means giving the same priority to building a 21st century VA as to building a 21st century military. It means having zero tolerance for veterans sleeping on our streets. It means bringing home our POWs and MIAs. And it means treating the graves of veterans like the hallowed ground it is and banning protests near funerals.But it also means something more. It means understanding that what Ryan and so many Americansfought and died for is not a place on a map or a certain kind of people. What they sacrificed for –what they gave all for – is a larger idea – the idea that a nation can be governed by laws, not men; that we can be equal in the eyes of those laws; that we can be free to say what we want, write what we want, and worship as we please; that we can have the right to pursue our own dreams, but the obligation to help our fellow Americans pursue theirs.So on this day, of all days, let's memorialize our fallen heroes by honoring all who wear our country's uniform; and by completing their work to make America more secure and our world more free. But let's also do our part – service-member and civilian alike – to live up to the idea that so many of our fellow citizens have consecrated – the idea of America. That is the essence of patriotism. That is the lesson of this solemn day. And that is the task that lies ahead. May God bless you, and may God bless the United States of America.巴拉克·奥巴马译者：徐达在今天这个阵亡将士纪念日，当我们国家缅怀其前赴后继牺牲的英雄时，我们的爱国主义情绪尤其强烈。
奥巴马演讲稿2011
奥巴马演讲稿2011
尊敬的各位领导、各位嘉宾，女士们，先生们：
很高兴能够在这里和大家共同分享我的一些想法。
今天，我想谈论的是我们所
面临的挑战，以及我们应该如何共同努力应对这些挑战。
首先，我想谈谈全球经济。
在过去的几年里，全球经济一直面临着巨大的挑战。
许多国家都经历了经济衰退，许多人失去了工作，许多家庭陷入了困境。
但是，我相信，只要我们齐心协力，共同努力，我们一定能够克服这些困难，重振全球经济。
其次，我想谈谈环境保护。
我们都知道，全球变暖、气候变化等环境问题已经
成为了全人类面临的共同挑战。
我们不能再对环境问题视若无睹，我们必须采取行动，保护我们的地球，保护我们的家园。
再者，我想谈谈国际关系。
当前，世界各国之间的关系日益紧张，国际局势也
越发复杂。
我们不能再采取单边主义，我们必须通过对话和合作解决国际矛盾，实现和平与发展。
最后，我想谈谈教育。
教育是每个国家的未来，是每个孩子的希望。
我们必须
重视教育，投入更多的资源，提高教育质量，让每个孩子都能接受良好的教育，实现自己的梦想。
总之，我们所面临的挑战是巨大的，但只要我们齐心协力，共同努力，我们一
定能够克服这些挑战，创造一个更加美好的未来。
谢谢大家！。
奥巴马演讲稿的特点
奥巴马演讲稿的特点奥巴马以超高水准的口才闻名，但是他也不可能做到所有演讲都是即兴的，很大部分都是含有准备成分的，我想知道他除了拥有后备的写作团队外，是如何记住大部分的演讲词的？（有时候演讲长达1、2个小时）他根本就没有记住演讲词，靠的是提词器。
有两个提词器，放在演讲桌前方，上面显示演讲词。
所以，他不用自己背，基本上靠读就OK 了。
2009年9月份到11份的时候我也注意到有的场合他在按着提示器念，但是往往这个时候他眼睛都没有神，但很多时候他目光都是带有智慧的。
和布什不同，奥巴马可以自己写作，并提出基于个人思考的解决问题的方案。
和克林顿不同，奥巴马更加自信、坦白、透明，他和克林顿一样拥有着雄辩的口才，并对普通民众具有强大的吸引力。
2004年7月27日，奥巴马在美国民主党全国代表大会上发表“基调演讲”，他演讲的题目就是《大无畏的希望》，奥巴马充满激情地宣誓：“不存在一个自由主义的美国和一个保守主义的美国，而只有一个美利坚合众国。
不存在黑人的美国和白人的美国，而只有美利坚合众国。
”这次演讲使得很多年轻的民主党人欣喜若狂，很多上了年纪的民主党人也为之热泪盈眶。
政事这场演讲让名不见经传的奥巴马开始声名鹊起。
一个希望的火种开始在美国熊熊燃烧。
奥巴马也不是一个天生的演讲家，他在演讲过程中也存在着挫败，但他堪称一个演讲大师，他的演讲有着“令政客嫉妒的嗓音”，加上其个人魅力无穷，调动现场气氛一流，演讲中带着某种直指人心的魔力，每每能使得群情激昂。
奥巴马的演说富有节奏感，味道十足、语气恰到好处，几乎带有一种催眠和传教的功能。
即使当他面对成千上万人演讲，也能让每个人都觉得奥巴马就是对他一个人在说。
美国历史上优秀的政治家林肯，肯尼迪和马丁▪路德▪金，都是演讲高手。
在传媒日益发达的当代，这一点直接关系到能否感动选民、取得共鸣。
1、个人魅力奥巴马的成功在于他的个人魅力以及他的演讲中的表现力、说服力、语气与词汇表达。
作为美国的第四十四任，第四十五任以及美国历史上第一个非裔总统2009年诺贝尔和平奖的获得者，他的演讲富有激情，活力并充分调动了美国民众的气氛“YES,WE CAN”肯定的不只是支持他的美国人民，更是肯定自我，肯定美国，并让人们去相信，“我们所希望的我们可以做到；我们会站在世界的高峰，我们会做的更好，跟着他会带着美国走向更好的明天。
奥巴马演讲稿
奥巴马演讲稿
尊敬的各位先生、女士们，今天我站在这里，代表美国政府，向全世界发表演讲。
我们所面临的挑战是巨大的，但我坚信，只要我们齐心协力，共同努力，就一定能够克服困难，迎接未来。
首先，我想谈谈全球气候变化的问题。
气候变化是全人类面临的共同挑战，我
们必须采取行动，减少碳排放，保护地球环境。
我们不能再对这个问题视而不见，而是要积极寻求解决之道，为子孙后代留下一个更加美好的世界。
其次，我要强调的是全球经济发展的问题。
当前，全球经济形势依然严峻，许
多国家都在为经济增长而努力。
我们需要加强国际合作，共同应对经济挑战，推动全球经济持续健康发展。
只有通过合作，我们才能共同创造更加繁荣的未来。
此外，我还要谈到国际安全和和平的问题。
当今世界，恐怖主义、战争、冲突
仍然层出不穷，给人民带来巨大的痛苦。
我们必须加强国际合作，共同打击恐怖主义，维护世界和平。
只有通过团结一致，我们才能实现全球安全与和平。
最后，我要呼吁全球各国共同努力，推动全球治理体系的改革。
当前，全球治
理体系面临许多挑战，需要进行改革和完善。
我们应该加强国际合作，推动全球治理体系更加公正、合理，更好地满足各国人民的利益。
各位先生、女士们，面对全球诸多挑战，我们不能束手无策，而是要齐心协力，共同努力。
只有通过团结合作，我们才能迎接未来，创造更加美好的世界。
让我们携手并肩，共同努力，为全人类的幸福和未来而奋斗！谢谢大家！。
奥巴马诺贝尔奖获奖感言英文修订版
奥巴马诺贝尔奖获奖感言英文Document number：PBGCG-0857-BTDO-0089-PTT1998THE PRESIDENT: Your Majesties, Your Royal Highnesses, distinguished members of the Norwegian Nobel Committee, citizens of America, and citizens of the world:I receive this honor with deep gratitude and great humility. It is an award that speaks to our highest aspirations -- that for all the cruelty and hardship of our world, we are not mere prisoners of fate. Our actions matter, and can bend history in the direction of justice.And yet I would be remiss if I did not acknowledge the considerable controversy that your generous decision has generated. (Laughter.) In part, this is because I am at the beginning, and not the end, of my labors on the world stage. Compared to some of the giants of history who’ve received this prize -- Schweitzer and King; Marshall andMandela -- my accomplishments are slight. And then there are the men and women around the world who have been jailed and beaten in the pursuit of justice; those who toil in humanitarian organizations to relieve suffering; the unrecognized millions whose quiet acts of courage and compassion inspire even the most hardened cynics. I cannot argue with those who find these men and women -- some known, some obscure to all but those they help -- to be far more deserving of this honor than I.But perhaps the most profound issue surrounding my receipt of this prize is the fact that I am the Commander-in-Chief of the military of a nation in the midst of two wars. One of these wars is winding down. The other is a conflict that America did not seek; one in which we are joined by 42 other countries -- including Norway -- in an effort to defend ourselves and all nations from further attacks.Still, we are at war, and I’m responsible for the deployment of thousands of young Americans to battle in a distant land. Some will kill, and some will be killed. And so I come here with an acute sense of the costs of armed conflict -- filled with difficult questions about the relationship between war and peace, and our effort to replace one with the other.Now these questions are not new. War, in one form or another, appeared with the first man. At the dawn of history, its morality was not questioned; it was simply a fact, like drought or disease -- the manner in which tribes and then civilizations sought power and settled their differences.And over time, as codes of law sought to control violence within groups, so did philosophers and clerics and statesmen seek to regulate the destructive power of war. The concept of a “just war” emerged, suggesting that war is justified only when certain conditions were met: if it is waged as a last resort or in self-defense; if the force used is proportional; and if, whenever possible, civilians are spared from violence.Of course, we know that for most of history, this concept of “just war” was rarely observed. The capacity of human beings to think up new ways to kill one another proved inexhaustible, as did our capacity to exempt from mercy those who look different or pray to a different God. Wars between armies gave way to wars between nations -- total wars in which the distinction between combatant and civilian became blurred. In the span of 30 years, such carnage would twice engulf this continent. And while it’s hard to conceive of a cause more just than the defeat of the Third Reich and the Axis powers, World War II was a conflict in which the total number of civilians who died exceeded the number of soldiers who perished.In the wake of such destruction, and with the advent of the nuclear age, it became clear to victor and vanquished alike that the world needed institutions to preventanother world war. And so, a quarter century after the United States Senate rejected the League of Nations -- an idea for which Woodrow Wilson received this prize -- America led the world in constructing an architecture to keep the peace: a MarshallPlan and a United Nations, mechanisms to govern the waging of war, treaties to protect human rights, prevent genocide, restrict the most dangerous weapons.In many ways, these efforts succeeded. Yes, terrible wars have been fought, and atrocities committed. But there has been no Third World War. The Cold War endedwith jubilant crowds dismantling a wall. Commerce has stitched much of the world together. Billions have been lifted from poverty. The ideals of liberty and self-determination, equality and the rule of law have haltingly advanced. We are the heirsof the fortitude and foresight of generations past, and it is a legacy for which my own country is rightfully proud.And yet, a decade into a new century, this old architecture is buckling under the weight of new threats. The world may no longer shudder at the prospect of warbetween two nuclear superpowers, but proliferation may increase the risk of catastrophe. Terrorism has long been a tactic, but modern technology allows a few small men with outsized rage to murder innocents on a horrific scale.Moreover, wars between nations have increasingly given way to wars within nations.The resurgence of ethnic or sectarian conflicts; the growth of secessionist movements, insurgencies, and failed states -- all these things have increasingly trapped civilians in unending chaos. In today’s wars, many more civili ans are killed than soldiers; theseeds of future conflict are sown, economies are wrecked, civil societies torn asunder, refugees amassed, children scarred.I do not bring with me today a definitive solution to the problems of war. What I do know is that meeting these challenges will require the same vision, hard work, and persistence of those men and women who acted so boldly decades ago. And it will require us to think in new ways about the notions of just war and the imperatives of a just peace.We must begin by acknowledging the hard truth: We will not eradicate violent conflict in our lifetimes. There will be times when nations -- acting individually or in concert -- will find the use of force not only necessary but morally justified.I make this statement mindful of what Martin Luther King Jr. said in this same ceremony years ago: “Violence never brings permanent peace. It solves no social problem: it merely creates new and more complicated ones.” As someone who stands here as a direct consequence of D r. King’s life work, I am living testimony to the moral force of non-violence. I know there’s nothing weak -- nothing passive -- nothing na?ve -- in the creed and lives of Gandhi and King.But as a head of state sworn to protect and defend my nation, I cannot be guided by their examples alone. I face the world as it is, and cannot stand idle in the face of threats to the American people. For make no mistake: Evil does exist in the world. A non-violent movement could not have halted Hitler’s armies. Negotiat ions cannot convince al Qaeda’s leaders to lay down their arms. To say that force may sometimes be necessary is not a call to cynicism -- it is a recognition of history; the imperfections of man and the limits of reason.I raise this point, I begin with this point because in many countries there is a deep ambivalence about military action today, no matter what the cause. And at times, this is joined by a reflexive suspicion of America, the world’s sole military superpower.But the world must remember that it was not simply international institutions -- not just treaties and declarations -- that brought stability to a post-World War II world. Whatever mistakes we have made, the plain fact is this: The United States of America has helped underwrite global security for more than six decades with the blood of our citizens and the strength of our arms. The service and sacrifice of our men and women in uniform has promoted peace and prosperity from Germany to Korea, and enabled democracy to take hold in places like the Balkans. We have borne this burden not because we seek to impose our will. We have done so out of enlightened self-interest -- because we seek a better future for our children and grandchildren, and we believe that their lives will be better if other s’ children and grandchildren can live in freedom and prosperity.So yes, the instruments of war do have a role to play in preserving the peace. And yet this truth must coexist with another -- that no matter how justified, war promises human tragedy. The soldier’s courage and sacrifice is full of glory, expressing devotion to country, to cause, to comrades in arms. But war itself is never glorious, and we must never trumpet it as such.So part of our challenge is reconciling these two seemingly inreconcilable truths -- that war is sometimes necessary, and war at some level is an expression of human folly. Concretely, we must direct our effort to the task that President Kennedy called for long ago. “Let us focus,” he said, “on a more practical, more attainable peace, based not on a sudden revolution in human nature but on a gradual evolution in human institutions.” A gradual evolution of human institutions.What might this evolution look like What might these practical steps beTo begin with, I believe that all nations -- strong and weak alike -- must adhere to standards that govern the use of force. I -- like any head of state -- reserve the right to act unilaterally if necessary to defend my nation. Nevertheless, I am convinced that adhering to standards, international standards, strengthens those who do, and isolates an d weakens those who don’t.The world rallied around America after the 9/11 attacks, and continues to support our efforts in Afghanistan, because of the horror of those senseless attacks and the recognized principle of self-defense. Likewise, the world recognized the need to confront Saddam Hussein when he invaded Kuwait -- a consensus that sent a clear message to all about the cost of aggression.Furthermore, America -- in fact, no nation -- can insist that others follow the rules of the road if we refuse t o follow them ourselves. For when we don’t, our actions appear arbitrary and undercut the legitimacy of future interventions, no matter how justified.And this becomes particularly important when the purpose of military action extendsbeyond self-defense or the defense of one nation against an aggressor. More and more, we all confront difficult questions about how to prevent the slaughter of civilians by their own government, or to stop a civil war whose violence and suffering can engulf an entire region.I believe that force can be justified on humanitarian grounds, as it was in the Balkans, or in other places that have been scarred by war. Inaction tears at our conscience and can lead to more costly intervention later. That’s why all responsible nations mus tembrace the role that militaries with a clear mandate can play to keep the peace. America’s commitment to global security will never waver. But in a world in which threats are more diffuse, and missions more complex, America cannot act alone. America alone cannot secure the peace. This is true in Afghanistan. This is true in failed states like Somalia, where terrorism and piracy is joined by famine and human suffering. And sadly, it will continue to be true in unstable regions for years to come.The leaders and soldiers of NATO countries, and other friends and allies, demonstrate this truth through the capacity and courage they’ve shown in Afghanistan. But in many countries, there is a disconnect between the efforts of those who serve and the ambivalence of the broader public. I understand why war is not popular, but I also know this: The belief that peace is desirable is rarely enough to achieve it. Peace requires responsibility. Peace entails sacrifice. That’s why NATO continues to be indispensable. That’s why we must strengthen . and regional peacekeeping, and not leave the task to a few countries. That’s why we honor those who return home from peacekeeping and training abroad to Oslo and Rome; to Ottawa and Sydney; to Dhaka and Kigali -- we honor them not as makers of war, but of wagers -- but as wagers of peace.Let me make one final point about the use of force. Even as we make difficult decisions about going to war, we must also think clearly about how we fight it. The Nobel Committee recognized this truth in awarding its first prize for peace to Henry Dunant -- the founder of the Red Cross, and a driving force behind the Geneva Conventions.Where force is necessary, we have a moral and strategic interest in binding ourselves to certain rules of conduct. And even as we confront a vicious adversary that abides by no rules, I believe the United States of America must remain a standard bearer in the conduct of war. That is what makes us different from those whom we fight. That is a source of our strength. That is why I prohibited torture. That is why I ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed. And that is why I have reaffirmed America’s commitment to abide by the Geneva Conventions. We lose ourselves when we compromise the very ideals that we fight to defend. (Applause.) And we honor -- we honor those ideals by upholding them not when it’s easy, but when it is hard.I have spoken at some length to the question that must weigh on our minds and our hearts as we choose to wage war. But let me now turn to our effort to avoid such tragic choices, and speak of three ways that we can build a just and lasting peace.First, in dealing with those nations that break rules and laws, I believe that we must develop alternatives to violence that are tough enough to actually change behavior -- for if we want a lasting peace, then the words of the international community must mean something. Those regimes that break the rules must be held accountable. Sanctions must exact a real price. Intransigence must be met with increased pressure -- and such pressure exists only when the world stands together as one.One urgent example is the effort to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons, and to seek a world without them. In the middle of the last century, nations agreed to be bound by a treaty whose bargain is clear: All will have access to peaceful nuclear power; those without nuclear weapons will forsake them; and those with nuclear weapons will work towards disarmament. I am committed to upholding this treaty. It is a centerpiece of my foreign policy. And I’m working with President Medvedev to reduce America and Russia’s nuclear stockpiles.But it is also incumbent upon all of us to insist that nations like Iran and North Korea do not game the system. Those who claim to respect international law cannot avert their eyes when those laws are flouted. Those who care for their own security cannot ignore the danger of an arms race in the Middle East or East Asia. Those who seek peace cannot stand idly by as nations arm themselves for nuclear war.The same principle applies to those who violate international laws by brutalizing their own people. When there is genocide in Darfur, systematic rape in Congo, repression in Burma -- there must be consequences. Yes, there will be engagement; yes, there will be diplomacy -- but there must be consequences when those things fail. And the closer we stand together, the less likely we will be faced with the choice between armed intervention and complicity in oppression.This brings me to a second point -- the nature of the peace that we seek. For peace is not merely the absence of visible conflict. Only a just peace based on the inherent rights and dignity of every individual can truly be lasting.It was this insight that drove drafters of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights after the Second World War. In the wake of devastation, they recognized that if human rights are not protected, peace is a hollow promise.And yet too often, these words are ignored. For some countries, the failure to uphold human rights is excused by the false suggestion that these are somehow Western principles, foreign to local cultures or stages of a nation’s development. And within America, there has long been a tension between those who describe themselves as realists or idealists -- a tension that suggests a stark choice between the narrow pursuit of interests or an endless campaign to impose our values around the world.I reject these choices. I believe that peace is unstable where citizens are denied the right to speak freely or worship as they please; choose their own leaders or assemble without fear. Pent-up grievances fester, and the suppression of tribal and religious identity can lead to violence. We also know that the opposite is true. Only when Europe became free did it finally find peace. America has never fought a war against a democracy, and our closest friends are governments that protect the rights of their citizens. No matter how callously defined, neither America’s interests -- nor the world’s -- are served by the denial of human aspirations.So even as we respect the unique culture and traditions of different countries, America will always be a voice for those aspirations that are universal. We will bear witness tothe quiet dignity of reformers like Aung Sang Suu Kyi; to the bravery of Zimbabweans who cast their ballots in the face of beatings; to the hundreds of thousands who have marched silently through the streets of Iran. It is telling that theleaders of these governments fear the aspirations of their own people more than the power of any other nation. And it is the responsibility of all free people and free nations to make clear that these movements -- these movements of hope and history --they have us on their side.Let me also say this: The promotion of human rights cannot be about exhortation alone. At times, it must be coupled with painstaking diplomacy. I know that engagement with repressive regimes lacks the satisfying purity of indignation. But Ialso know that sanctions without outreach -- condemnation without discussion -- can carry forward only a crippling status quo. No repressive regime can move down a new path unless it has the choice of an open door.In light of the Cultural Revolution’s horrors, Nixon’s meeting with Mao appearedinexcusable -- and yet it surely helped set China on a path where millions of its citizens have been lifted from poverty and connected to open societies. Pope John Paul’s engagement with Poland created space not just for the Catholic Church, but forlabor leaders like Lech Walesa. Ronald Reagan’s efforts on arms control and embrace of perestroika not only improved relations with the Soviet Union, but empowered dissidents throughout Eastern Europe. There’s no simple formula here. But we must try as best we can to balance isolation and engagement, pressure and incentives, so that human rights and dignity are advanced over time.Third, a just peace includes not only civil and political rights -- it must encompass economic security and opportunity. For true peace is not just freedom from fear, but freedom from want.It is undoubtedly true that development rarely takes root without security; it is also true that security does not exist where human beings do not have access to enough food, or clean water, or the medicine and shelter they need to survive. It does not exist where children can’t aspire to a decent education or a job that supports a family. The absence of hope can rot a society from within.And that’s why helping farmers feed their own people -- or nations educate their children and care for the sick -- is not mere charity. It’s also why the world must come together to confront climate change. There is little scientific dispute that if we do nothing, we will face more drought, more famine, more mass displacement -- all of which will fuel more conflict for decades. For this reason, it is not merely scientists and environmental activists who call for swift and forceful action -- it’s military leaders in my own country and others who understand our common security hangs in the balance.Agreements among nations. Strong institutions. Support for human rights. Investments in development. All these are vital ingredients in bringing about the evolution that President Kennedy spoke about. And yet, I do not believe that we will have the will, the determination, the staying power, to complete this work withoutsomething more -- and that’s the continued expansion of our moral imagination; an insistence that there’s something irreducible that we all share.As the world grows smaller, you might think it would be easier for human beings to recognize how similar we are; to understand that we’re all basically seeking the same things; that we all hope for the chance to live out our lives with some measure of happiness and fulfillment for ourselves and our families.And yet somehow, given the dizzying pace of globalization, the cultural leveling of modernity, it perhaps comes as no surprise that people fear the loss of what they cherish in their particular identities -- their race, their tribe, and perhaps most powerfully their religion. In some places, this fear has led to conflict. At times, it even feels like we’re moving backwards. We see it in the Middle East, as the conflict between Arabs and Jews seems to harden. We see it in nations that are torn asunder by tribal lines.And most dangerously, we see it in the way that religion is used to justify the murder of innocents by those who have distorted and defiled the great religion of Islam, and who attacked my country from Afghanistan. These extremists are not the first to kill in the name of God; the cruelties of the Crusades are amply recorded. But they remind us that no Holy War can ever be a just war. For if you truly believe that you are carrying out divine will, then there is no need for restraint -- no need to spare the pregnant mother, or the medic, or the Red Cross worker, or even a person of one’s own faith. Such a warped view of religion is not just incompatible with the concept of peace, but I believe it’s incompatible with the very purpose of faith -- for the one rule that lies at the heart of every major religion is that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us.Adhering to this law of love has always been the core struggle of human nature. For we are fallible. We make mistakes, and fall victim to the temptations of pride, and power, and sometimes evil. Even those of us with the best of intentions will at times fail to right the wrongs before us.But we do not have to think that human nature is perfect for us to still believe that the human condition can be perfected. We do not have to live in an idealized world to still reach for those ideals that will make it a better place. The non-violence practiced by men like Gandhi and King may not have been practical or possible in every circumstance, but the love that they preached -- their fundamental faith in human progress -- that must always be the North Star that guides us on our journey.For if we lose that faith -- if we dismiss it as silly or na?ve; if we divorce it from the decisions that we make on issues of war and peace -- then we lose what’s best about humanity. We lose our sense of possibility. We lose our moral compass.Like generations have before us, we must reject that future. As Dr. King said at this occasi on so many years ago, “I refuse to accept despair as the final response to the ambiguities of history. I refuse to accept the idea that the ‘isness’ of man’s present condition makes him morally incapable of reaching up for the eternal ‘oughtness’ that fore ver confronts him.”Let us reach for the world that ought to be -- that spark of the divine that still stirs within each of our souls. (Applause.)Somewhere today, in the here and now, in the world as it is, a soldier sees he’s outgunned, but stands firm to keep the peace. Somewhere today, in this world, a young protestor awaits the brutality of her government, but has the courage to march on. Somewhere today, a mother facing punishing poverty still takes the time to teach her child, scrapes together what few coins she has to send that child to school -- because she believes that a cruel world still has a place for that child’s dreams.Let us live by their example. We can acknowledge that oppression will always be with us, and still strive for justice. We can admit the intractability of depravation, and still strive for dignity. Clear-eyed, we can understand that there will be war, and still strive for peace. We can do that -- for that is the story of human progress; that’s the hope of all the world; and at this moment of challenge, that must be our work here on Earth.Thank you very much.。
奥巴马演讲全文(英文)
Change Has Come to AmericaNovember, 04, 2008, Barack ObamaHello, Chicago.If there is anyone out there who still doubts that America is a place where all things are possible, who still wonders if the dream of our founders is alive in our time, who still questions the power of our democracy, tonight is your answer.美国是一个一切皆有可能的地方，如果还有人对这一点心存怀疑，如果还有人怀疑美国奠基者的梦想在我们时代是否还有活力，还有人怀疑我们民主制度的力量，那么，你们今晚正是对那些疑问作出了回答。
It’s the answer told by lines that stretched around schools and churches in numbers this nation has never seen, by people who waited three hours and four hours, many for the first time in their lives, because they believed that this time must be different, that their voices could be that difference.在学校和教堂周围所出现的前所未有的长队是答案，这个国家从未见过这么多的人前来投票，人们排三个、四个小时的队来进行有生以来的第一次投票，因为他们相信这一次将会不同，他们发出的声音可能就是那个差别。
It’s the answer spoke n by young and old, rich and poor, Democrat and Republican, black, white, Hispanic, Asian, Native American, gay, straight, disabled and not disabled. Americans who sent a message to the world that we have never been just a collection of individuals or a collection of red states and blue states.这是一个年轻人和年老人、富人和穷人、民主党人和共和党人、黑人、白人、西班牙裔人、亚裔、印第安人、同性恋和异性恋、残障人士和健全人士所作出的回答。
奥巴马演讲全集
奥巴马演讲全集1.奥巴马就职演说–2024年1月20日中国人民对奥巴马就职演讲印象深刻，被视为开启新世纪的重要历史时刻。
奥巴马在演讲中强调了团结、希望和变革的重要性，呼吁美国人民共同合作，共同应对挑战。
2.开罗演讲–2024年6月4日奥巴马在开罗大学做了一场了不起的演讲，呼吁美国与伊斯兰世界建立新的合作关系。
他提及了美国的历史责任以及对话的重要性，并承认过去美国对伊斯兰世界的关系存在误解。
3.奥巴马接受诺贝尔和平奖演讲–2024年12月10日奥巴马接受诺贝尔和平奖时发表了一场令人印象深刻的演讲，他强调了和平的重要性，并承认做出改变是一项艰难的任务。
他呼吁国际社会共同努力，共同应对全球问题。
4.曼谷演讲–2024年11月18日奥巴马在曼谷的演讲中，呼吁泰国加强民主和人权。
他谈到了两国的合作关系以及对地区稳定的重要性，并表达了对泰国人民的敬意。
5.赞成同性婚姻演讲–2024年5月9日奥巴马在这场历史性的演讲中，公开宣布支持同性婚姻。
他强调了平等、公正和人权的重要性，呼吁美国人民共同努力，共同创造一个包容和尊重每个人的社会。
6.斯坦福大学毕业典礼演讲–2024年6月11日奥巴马在斯坦福大学的毕业典礼上发表了一场鼓舞人心的演讲，鼓励年轻人担当起改变世界的责任。
他谈到了未来的挑战和希望，呼吁年轻人勇敢地面对这些挑战并追逐自己的梦想。
7.马克思·路德·金纪念日演讲–2024年1月18日奥巴马在马克思·路德·金纪念日演讲中致敬这位伟大的民权领袖。
他谈到了种族平等和社会公正的重要性，并表示在改变社会的道路上，还有很多困难和障碍需要克服。
8.联合国大会演讲–2024年9月20日奥巴马在联合国大会上发表了一场关于全球问题的重要演讲。
他强调了全球合作的重要性，呼吁国际社会共同努力，共同应对气候变化、恐怖主义和人权问题。
这只是奥巴马演讲全集的一小部分，他的演讲涵盖了各种重要的议题，包括国内外政策、环境问题、社会公正和人权等。
奥巴马演讲全文(附带翻译)
奥巴马演讲全文：OBAMA: Thank you. Thank you. Thank you so much.Tonight, more than 200 years after a former colony won the rightto determine its own destiny, the task of perfecting our unionmoves forward.(APPLAUSE)OBAMA: It moves forward because of you. It moves forward because you reaffirmed the spirit that has triumphed over war anddepression, the spirit that has lifted this country from the depthsof despair to the great heights of hope, the belief that while eachof us will pursue our own individual dreams, we are an Americanfamily and we rise or fall together as one nation and as one people.(APPLAUSE)Tonight, in this election, you, the American people, reminded usthat while our road has been hard, while our journey has been long,we have picked ourselves up, we have fought our way back, and weknow in our hearts that for the United States of America the bestis yet to come.(APPLAUSE)OBAMA: I want to thank every American who participated in thiselection... (APPLAUSE)... whether you voted for the very first time or waited in linefor a very long time. (APPLAUSE)By the way, we have to fix that.(APPLAUSE)Whether you pounded the pavement or picked up the phone...(APPLAUSE)... whether you held an Obama sign or a Romney sign, you madeyour voice heard and you made a difference.I just spoke with Governor Romney and I congratulated him andPaul Ryan on a hard-fought campaign.(APPLAUSE)We may have battled fiercely, but it's only because we love thiscountry deeply and we care so strongly about its future. FromGeorge to Lenore to their son Mitt, the Romney family has chosen togive back to America through public service and that is the legacythat we honor and applaud tonight.(APPLAUSE)In the weeks ahead, I also look forward to sitting down withGovernor Romney to talk about where we can work together to movethis country forward.(APPLAUSE)I want to thank my friend and partner of the last four years,America's happy warrior, the best vice president anybody could everhope for, Joe Biden.(APPLAUSE)OBAMA: And I wouldn't be the man I am today without the womanwho agreed to marry me 20 years ago.(APPLAUSE)Let me say this publicly: Michelle, I have never loved you more.I have never been prouder to watch the rest of America fall in lovewith you, too, as our nation's first lady.(APPLAUSE)Sasha and Malia, before our very eyes you're growing up tobecome two strong, smart beautiful young women, just like yourmom.(APPLAUSE)OBAMA: And I'm so proud of you guys. But I will say that for nowone dog's probably enough.(LAUGHTER)To the best campaign team and volunteers in the history ofpolitics... (APPLAUSE)The best. The best ever. Some of you were new this time around,and some of you have been at my side since the very beginning.(APPLAUSE)But all of you are family. No matter what you do or where you gofrom here, you will carry the memory of the history we madetogether and you will have the life-long appreciation of a gratefulpresident. Thank you for believing all the way, through every hill,through every valley.(APPLAUSE)You lifted me up the whole way and I will always be grateful foreverything that you've done and all the incredible work that youput in.(APPLAUSE)I know that political campaigns can sometimes seem small, evensilly. And that provides plenty of fodder for the cynics that tellus that politics is nothing more than a contest of egos or thedomain of special interests. But if you ever get the chance to talkto folks who turned out at our rallies and crowded along a ropeline in a high school gym, or saw folks working late in a campaignoffice in some tiny county far away from home, you'll discoversomething else.OBAMA: You'll hear the determination in the voice of a youngfield organizer who's working his way through college and wants tomake sure every child has that same opportunity.(APPLAUSE)You'll hear the pride in the voice of a volunteer who's goingdoor to door because her brother was finally hired when the localauto plant added another shift. (APPLAUSE)You'll hear the deep patriotism in the voice of a militaryspouse whose working the phones late at night to make sure that noone who fights for this country ever has to fight for a job or aroof over their head when they come home.(APPLAUSE)That's why we do this. That's what politics can be. That's whyelections matter. It's not small, it's big. It's important.Democracy in a nation of 300 million can be noisy and messy andcomplicated. We have our own opinions. Each of us has deeply heldbeliefs.And when we go through tough times, when we make bigdecisions as a country, it necessarily stirs passions, stirs upcontroversy.That won't change after tonight, and it shouldn't. Thesearguments we have are a mark of our liberty. We can never forgetthat as we speak people in distant nations are risking their livesright now just for a chance to argue about the issues that matter,the chance to cast their ballots like we did today.(APPLAUSE)But despite all our differences, most of us share certain hopesfor America's future. We want our kids to grow up in a countrywhere they have access to the best schools and the bestteachers.(APPLAUSE)A country that lives up to its legacy as the global leader intechnology and discovery and innovation, with all the good jobs andnew businesses that follow. OBAMA: We want our children to live in an America that isn'tburdened by debt, that isn't weakened by inequality, that isn'tthreatened by the destructive power of a warming planet.(APPLAUSE)We want to pass on a country that's safe and respected andadmired around the world, a nation that is defended by thestrongest military on earth and the best troops this - this worldhas ever known.(APPLAUSE)But also a country that moves with confidence beyond this timeof war, to shape a peace that is built on the promise of freedomand dignity for every human being. We believe in a generousAmerica, in a compassionate America, in a tolerant America, open tothe dreams of an immigrant's daughter who studies in our schoolsand pledges to our flag.(APPLAUSE)To the young boy on the south side of Chicago who sees a lifebeyond the nearest street corner.(APPLAUSE)To the furniture worker's child in North Carolina who wants tobecome a doctor or a scientist, an engineer or an entrepreneur, adiplomat or even a president - that's the future we hope for.That's the vision we share. That's where we need to go -forward.(APPLAUSE)That's where we need to go.Now, we will disagree, sometimes fiercely, about how to getthere. As it has for more than two centuries, progress will come infits and starts. It's not always a straight line. It's not always asmooth path.By itself, the recognition that we have common hopes and dreamswon't end all the gridlock or solve all our problems or substitutefor the painstaking work of building consensus and making thedifficult compromises needed to move this country forward. But thatcommon bond is where we must begin. Our economy is recovering. Adecade of war is ending. A long campaign is now over.(APPLAUSE)And whether I earned your vote or not, I have listened to you, Ihave learned from you, and you've made me a better president. Andwith your stories and your struggles, I return to the White Housemore determined and more inspired than ever about the work there isto do and the future that lies ahead.(APPLAUSE)Tonight you voted for action, not politics as usual.(APPLAUSE)You elected us to focus on your jobs, not ours. And in thecoming weeks and months, I am looking forward to reaching out andworking with leaders of both parties to meet the challenges we canonly solve together. Reducing our deficit. Reforming our tax code.Fixing our immigration system. Freeing ourselves from foreign oil.We've got more work to do.(APPLAUSE)OBAMA: But that doesn't mean your work is done. The role ofcitizens in our Democracy does not end with your vote. America'snever been about what can be done for us. It's about what can bedone by us together through the hard and frustrating, but necessarywork of self-government. That's the principle we were foundedon. (APPLAUSE)This country has more wealth than any nation, but that's notwhat makes us rich. We have the most powerful military in history,but that's not what makes us strong. Our university, our cultureare all the envy of the world, but that's not what keeps the worldcoming to our shores.What makes America exceptional are the bonds that hold togetherthe most diverse nation on earth.OBAMA: The belief that our destiny is shared; that this countryonly works when we accept certain obligations to one another and tofuture generations. The freedom which so many Americans have foughtfor and died for come with responsibilities as well as rights. Andamong those are love and charity and duty and patriotism. That'swhat makes America great.(APPLAUSE)I am hopeful tonight because I've seen the spirit at work inAmerica. I've seen it in the family business whose owners wouldrather cut their own pay than lay off their neighbors, and in theworkers who would rather cut back their hours than see a friendlose a job.I've seen it in the soldiers who reenlist after losing a limband in those SEALs who charged up the stairs into darkness anddanger because they knew there was a buddy behind them watchingtheir back.(APPLAUSE)I've seen it on the shores of New Jersey and New York, whereleaders from every party and level of government have swept asidetheir differences to help a community rebuild from the wreckage ofa terrible storm.(APPLAUSE)And I saw just the other day, in Mentor, Ohio, where a fathertold the story of his 8-year-old daughter, whose long battle withleukemia nearly cost their family everything had it not been forhealth care reform passing just a few months before the insurancecompany was about to stop paying for her care.(APPLAUSE)I had an opportunity to not just talk to the father, but meetthis incredible daughter of his. And when he spoke to the crowdlistening to that father's story, every parent in that room hadtears in their eyes, because we knew that little girl could be ourown. And I know that every American wants her future to be just asbright. That's who we are. That's the country I'm so proud to leadas your president.(APPLAUSE)OBAMA: And tonight, despite all the hardship we've been through,despite all the frustrations of Washington, I've never been morehopeful about our future. (APPLAUSE)I have never been more hopeful about America. And I ask you tosustain that hope. I'm not talking about blind optimism, the kindof hope that just ignores the enormity of the tasks ahead or theroadblocks that stand in our path. I'm not talking about thewishful idealism that allows us to just sit on the sidelines orshirk from a fight.I have always believed that hope is that stubborn thing insideus that insists, despite all the evidence to the contrary, thatsomething better awaits us so long as we have the courage to keepreaching, to keep working, to keep fighting. (APPLAUSE)America, I believe we can build on the progress we've made andcontinue to fight for new jobs and new opportunity and new securityfor the middle class. I believe we can keep the promise of ourfounders, the idea that if you're willing to work hard, it doesn'tmatter who you are or where you come from or what you look like orwhere you love. It doesn't matter whether you're black or white orHispanic or Asian or Native American or young or old or rich orpoor, able, disabled, gay or straight, you can make it here inAmerica if you're willing to try.(APPLAUSE)I believe we can seize this future together because we are notas divided as our politics suggests. We're not as cynical as thepundits believe. We are greater than the sum of our individualambitions, and we remain more than a collection of red states andblue states. We are and forever will be the United States ofAmerica. (APPLAUSE)And together with your help and God's grace we will continue ourjourney forward and remind the world just why it is that we live inthe greatest nation on Earth. Thank you, America. God bless you. God bless these UnitedStates. (APPLAUSE)谢谢，谢谢，非常感谢。
奥巴马总统演讲稿
奥巴马总统演讲稿尊敬的各位领导人，各位嘉宾，女士们，先生们：很高兴能有机会出席今天的会议，与各位共同探讨全球性的问题。
作为美国总统，我有责任向世界发表讲话，并表达我们国家的立场和愿景。
首先，我想强调的是全球范围内的和平与安全问题。
我们生活在一个复杂多变的世界，面临着许多挑战，包括恐怖主义、冲突和战争。
作为世界各国的领导人，我们必须共同努力，寻求和平解决争端，保障世界各地人民的安全和福祉。
我呼吁各国携手合作，共同打击恐怖主义，促进全球和平与稳定。
其次，我想谈谈气候变化和环境保护的重要性。
气候变化对全球环境和人类生存造成了巨大影响，我们必须采取行动，降低温室气体排放，保护地球的生态系统。
美国政府已经采取了一系列措施，包括签署《巴黎协定》和推动清洁能源发展，我们希望各国也能加入到这一努力中，共同保护地球，确保未来世代能够继续享受美丽的自然环境。
另外，我还想强调全球经济发展和贸易合作的重要性。
随着全球化进程加速推进，各国经济之间的联系日益紧密，我们必须加强合作，共同应对金融市场波动和贸易摩擦，推动全球经济稳定增长。
美国愿意与各国加强经济合作，推动贸易和投资自由化，实现共赢发展。
最后，我想说的是社会公正和人权保障问题。
作为一个价值观开放自由的国家，美国一直致力于促进公平正义和人权保障。
我们呼吁各国尊重民主法治，保障人民基本权利，消除社会不平等，促进包容和多元文化。
只有在一个公正平等的社会中，人们才能真正实现自由和幸福。
在全球化进程中，各国面临着许多共同挑战，我们必须携手合作，共同应对这些挑战，推动世界各地的和平发展和繁荣。
我期待着与各国领导人共同合作，创造一个更加美好的未来。
谢谢大家！奥巴马以上是对奥巴马总统演讲稿的回答，从和平与安全、气候变化与环境保护、经济发展和贸易合作、社会公正和人权保障等方面分别进行了阐述和回答。
奥巴马获诺贝尔和平奖演讲稿全文中英对照
奥巴马获诺贝尔和平奖演讲稿全文中英对照第一篇：奥巴马获诺贝尔和平奖演讲稿全文中英对照奥巴马获诺贝尔和平奖演讲稿全文中英对照我陷入了一个两难的境地：我的面前，是尊敬的诺贝尔委员会，我的身后，是广大的美国民众，我的左边和右边，是两种截然不同的意见，和一些叽叽喳喳的喧哗。
奥巴马获诺贝尔和平奖发表获奖感言视频截图奥巴马获诺贝尔和平奖的获奖感言演讲稿(全文)时间：2009年12月10日演讲者：奥巴马撰稿者：陈罗祥尊敬的诺贝尔委员会，大家好！10月9日清晨，我接到了白宫发言人吉布斯的来电，获悉贵委员会决定，将本年度的诺贝尔和平奖颁发给我。
我感到十分荣幸，在此，我非常感谢诺贝尔委员会对我的褒奖、信任和支持。
我知道，不仅仅是我赢得了一个奖项，这同样也是全体美国民众的胜利！我知道，最近几十天来，有关我的获奖，引起多方的质疑和争论。
赞成者认为，我在削减核武器、解决核问题争端、应对气候变化、支持“多伙伴世界”等一系列全球性问题上的多次许诺和积极努力，是获奖的关键元素。
反对者认为，做出颁奖给我的这一决定过早也过于草率，因为我就任美国总统，毕竟只有短短几个月的时间，需要假以时日。
还有人认为，我的获奖仅仅是因为“明星力量”而非有意义的成就；我之能够获奖也仅仅因为我是美国有史以来的第一位黑人总统。
更有人认为，与其说把奖项颁给我是对我成绩的肯定，不如说是他们投给我的政府未来的“信任投票”。
甚至，有人认为，这不过是给我下的一个圈套而已。
我知道，我陷入了一个两难的境地：我的面前，是尊敬的诺贝尔委员会，我的身后，是广大的美国民众，我的左边和右边，是两种截然不同的意见，和一些叽叽喳喳的喧哗。
这时，我听到一个清晰的声音，穿越了时空，静静地传来……我知道，在遥远的中国，有一种宗教，叫道教；我知道，在五千年前的东方，有一个圣人叫老子。
在我获奖的翌日，有一位来自中国的道长，送了一本书给我：《道德经》。
我知道，这是中国传统文化的经典之一。
我打开了书，于是那些智慧的声音在我耳边响起：道可道，非常道；名可名，非常名……于是，我明白了——我知道，我信仰上帝，但我从不排斥，世界上任何一种智慧的声音。
奥巴马在诺贝尔和平奖颁奖典礼上的演讲
奥巴马在诺贝尔和平奖颁奖典礼上的演讲奥巴马在诺贝尔和平奖颁奖典礼上的演讲作者：熊永立2009-12-12 14:19:42 发表于：博客中国12月10日，每年一度的诺贝尔和平奖颁奖仪式在挪威首都市政厅举行。
本年度和平奖的得主、美国总统奥巴马在接受和平奖时发表演讲。
他指出，同其他诺贝尔和平奖获得者相比，例如马丁·路德·金和纳尔逊·曼德拉，他取得的成就“微不足道”，但这仅仅是他“在世界舞台上的辛勤工作”的开始。
奥巴马表示，在他准备增派三万美军到阿富汗之际，领取诺贝尔和平奖，具有讽刺意义。
但是他指出，和平不仅是表面没有冲突，只有建立在尊重每个人的权利与尊严基础上的公正和平才能持久。
他还批评“一些国家”经常用西方国家的标准不适合于本国的文化与发展为藉口，不尊重人权。
演讲全文如下：奥巴马在诺贝尔和平奖颁奖典礼上的演讲总统：国王和王后陛下，各位殿下，杰出的挪威诺贝尔委员会（Norwegian Nobel Committee）委员，美国公民及全世界公民们：获此殊荣，我深怀感激并深表谦恭。
这个奖表达出我们的最高理想——尽管这个世界存在种种凶残困苦，但我们并不任命运摆布。
我们的行动是有作用的，能够推动历史向正义方向发展。
不过，如果不坦承你们这项厚爱有加的决定所引起的相当激烈的争议，那我就有失疏忽了。
（笑声）其中部份原因是，我在世界舞台上的奋斗才刚刚开始，而不是接近尾声。
与曾经获此殊荣的一些历史巨人相比——史怀哲（Schweitzer）和马丁·路德·金(King)；马歇尔(Marshall)和曼德拉(Mandela)——我的成就微不足道。
还有全世界为追求正义而遭到监禁和欧打的男女志士；那些为减轻苦难而在人道组织中艰辛工作的人；那千百万默默无闻地以充满勇气和关爱的无声行动让最悲观的愤世嫉俗者也受到感召的人们。
我绝不反驳那些认为这样的男女志士——有些知名，有些只为他们所帮助的对象所知——远比我有资格获此殊荣的看法。
奥巴马和平奖领奖全文
我今天并没有带来解决战争问题的最终方案。我所知道的是，迎接这些挑战将需要共同的信念，艰苦的工作以及持之以恒，就如同数十年前那些如此大胆地采取行动的人们一样。它还要求我们从全新的角度去审视“正义战争”和公正和平的必要性等提法。
我们首先必须承认确凿的事实:我们不能在我们的有生之年根除暴力冲突。这将会比国家——以个人名义或国家名义发现暴力的使用不仅必要而且在道德上是正义的要多花上好几倍的时间。
努力防止核武器扩散，并寻求一个没有核武器的世界就是一个迫切的例子。在上个世纪中叶，各国对一个内容明确的条约表示赞同:所有国家将和平地利用核能；没有核武器的国家将放弃核武器；已拥有核武器的国家将努力裁军。我将致力于维护这一条约。这是我的外交政策的核心。而且我要与梅德韦杰夫总统一起减少美国和俄罗斯的核武器储存。
这种演变可能是什么样子？可能的实际步骤是什么？
首先，我认为所有国家，无论强弱，必须坚持管制武力的使用。我，和任何国家的元首一样，保留在有必要的情况下采取单方面行动以捍卫我的国家的权利。尽管如此，我深信，应当坚持标准，国际标准，同时增强那些遵守规则的，孤立和削弱那些不遵守的。
在911恐怖袭击之后，全世界都站在美国一边，并且还在继续支持我们在阿富汗的行动，因为那里的恐怖袭击还在发生，因此自卫就应该受到认可。同样，当萨达姆政权入侵科威特的时候，全世界都认同必须面对他。这是一个简单的道理，即任何侵略都要付出代价。
这就把我带到了我要谈的第二点-我们所寻求的和平的性质。和平不仅仅是没有可见的冲突。只有建立在内在权利及个体尊严的基础上的和平，才能真正持久。
第二次世界大战之后，正是在这种认识激发了世界人权宣言起草者。在毁灭之后，他们认识到，如果人权得不到保障，和平就是一句空话。
然而很多时候，这些话被忽视了。某些国家，不维护人权，就以这是所谓的西方原则为借口，说这些原则不适用与当地文化或一个国家的发展阶段。而长期以来在美国，理想主义者和现实主义者之间一直很紧张-这一紧张暗示着一个抉择，即在狭隘地追求利益和持续地在全世界推行我们的价值观之间的抉择。
奥巴马获胜演讲 译文与评论原文及翻译
贝拉克·侯赛因·奥巴马二世，美国第44任总统，出生于美国夏威夷州火奴鲁鲁，祖籍肯尼亚（The Republic of Kenya）。
奥巴马是首位拥有黑人血统，并且童年在亚洲成长的美国总统，与不同地方与不同文化背景的人共同生活过。
2010年5月27日美国白宫发布了“国家安全战略报告”。
奥巴马在该报告中将军事作为外交努力无效的最后手段。
新国家安全战略认为世界充满了多种威胁，放弃了布什政府“反恐战争”的说法。
人生经历巴拉克·奥巴马(Barack Hussein Obama II)，1961年8月4日生于美国夏威夷州火奴鲁鲁（檀香山），父亲是一位祖籍肯尼亚的黑人穆斯林，母亲是堪萨斯州的美国人。
1983年毕业于哥伦比亚大学，1985年到芝加哥工作。
1991年毕业于哈佛大学的法学院，是第一个担任哈佛法学评论主编的非洲裔美国人。
1992年和米歇尔·拉沃恩·奥巴马结婚。
1996年，奥巴马从芝加哥当选为伊利诺伊州州参议员并在之后的3年中连任；2000年，在竞选美国众议院议员席位失败后，奥巴马将主要精力投入到伊利诺伊州的参议工作中。
2007年2月10日，奥巴马在伊利诺伊州斯普林菲尔德市正式宣布参加2008年美国总统大选，并提出了重点在“完结伊拉克战争以及实施全民医疗保险制度”的竞选纲领。
2008年6月3日，奥巴马被定为民主党总统候选人；同年8月23日，在民主党全国代表大会上奥巴马被正式提名，从而成为了美国历史上首个非洲裔总统大选候选人。
2008年1月1日，奥巴马开通了自己的微博网，通过网络渠道对竞选进行宣传，后来被人们称为Web2.0总统，可见奥巴马对网络的重视。
2008年11月5日，奥巴马击败共和党候选人约翰·麦凯恩，正式当选为美国第四十四任总统（届数：第56届，任数：第44任，位数：第43位，政党：民主党）。
于2009年1月20日，在美国首都华盛顿特区参加就职典礼，发表就职演说，并参加了游行。
奥巴马演讲稿(全文)
奥巴马演讲稿(全文)[奥巴马] 你好。
诸位下午好。
我感到很荣幸能够有机会到上海跟你们交谈，我要感谢复旦大学的杨校长，感谢他的款待和热情的欢迎。
我还想感谢我们出色的大使洪博培，他是我们两国间深厚的纽带。
我不知道他刚才说什么，但是希望他说得很好。
[13:17:39][奥巴马] 我今天准备这样，先做一个开场白，我真正希望做的是回答在座的问题，不但回答在座的学生问题，同时还可以从网上得到一些问题，由在座的一些学生和洪博培大使代为提问。
很抱歉，我的中文远不如你们的英文，所以我期待和你们的对话。
这是我首次访问中国，我看到你们博大的国家，感到很兴奋。
在上海这里，我们看到了瞩目的增长，高耸的塔楼，繁忙的街道，还有企业家的精神。
这些都是中国步入21世纪的迹象，让我感到赞叹。
同时我也急切的要看到向我们展现中国古老的古迹，明天和后天我要到北京去看雄伟壮丽的故宫和令人叹为观止的长城，这个国度既有丰富的历史，又有对未来憧憬的信念。
[奥巴马] 而我们两国的关系也是如此，上海在美中关系的历史中是个具有意义的重大城市，在30年前，打开了我们两国政府和两国人民接触交往的新的篇章。
[13:17:54][奥巴马] 不过美国与这个国家的纽带可以追溯更久远的过去，追溯到美国独立的初期，乔治华盛顿组织了皇后号的下水仪式，这个船成功前往大清王朝，华盛顿希望看到这艘船前往各地，与中国结成新的纽带。
希望中国开辟新的地平线，建立新的伙伴关系。
在其后的两个世纪中，历史洪流使我们两国关系向许多不同的方向发展，而即使在最动荡的方向中，我们的两国人民打造深的，甚至有戏剧性的纽带，比如美国人永远不会忘记，在二战期间，美国飞行员在中国上空被击落后，当地人民对他们的款待，中国公民冒着失去一切的危险罩着他们。
[13:18:01][奥巴马] 而参加二战的老兵仍然欢迎故地重游的美国老兵，他们在那里参战。
40年前，我们两国间开启了又一种联系，两国关系开始解冻，通过乒乓球的比赛解冻关系。
奥巴马演讲原文及解释
诺贝尔和平奖获得者美国总统奥巴马的获奖感言【原创】
诺贝尔和平奖获得者美国总统奥巴马的获奖感言【原创】女士们、先生们、全世界热爱和平的朋友们：你们好！今天，我很高兴有人用好消息把我从噩梦中叫醒，要不我还将一直在梦境中为了我们美利坚合众国惨不忍睹的经济而挣扎。
当美国时间9日凌晨，白宫发言人罗伯特·吉布斯告诉我，巴拉克·侯赛因·奥巴马，得到了2009年诺贝尔和平奖，我很惊喜，也很意外。
这只能说我很幸运，因为我等到了一个不错的机会。
当然，这首先得感谢我的前任乔治·沃克·布什，是他把世界搞得战火纷飞、狼烟四起，让大家害怕战争、讨厌战争，大家看过法国作家左拉的《陪衬人》吗，正是在布什好战、无赖、无能的陪衬下，让我招人喜欢，觉得我不错，至少我现在还不那么令人讨厌吧。
得这个和平奖，我很惭愧。
确实，我曾经说过什么“解决国际冲突首选对话和谈判”，什么“美国在应对世界气候变化方面发挥建设性作用”，什么“无核世界理念”……这些话，可是，那只是一种权宜之计，是竞选总统和上台造势的需要，以后，我就渐渐地会把这些话给淡忘了，现在不是已经有人在说，“他（奥巴马）现阶段的行为与当初竞选承诺不相符，这让人感到沮丧”，这也是没有办法的事。
用中国这个古老的民族现在正在流行的一句话说，那叫“潜规则”，以前我的前任们搞竞选不都是这么做的吗，我以为，别人可以，我也可以，这样才显得公平、平等。
不过，现在可能不行了，有人把诺贝尔和平奖给了我，它不光光是荣誉，同时还有1000万瑞典克朗的实惠，既然我拿了，我就得多多少少干一点事实，对得起这个和平奖。
但是丑话在先，我也只是尽力而为，因为有些事情不是象人们想象的那么简单，尽管我是美国总统，但是管着我的大有人在，许多事情美国国会的众参两院通不过，我就干不成，希望大家不要让我勉为其难。
现在，世界上对我得诺贝尔奖有颇多的非议，这很不应该。
试想，这诺贝尔和平奖，并不是一个披萨饼，可以随便给任何一个人，这是事关世界和平的大事，如果不颁给我这个现任的美国总统，还能颁给谁。
奥巴马第二次就职演讲稿
2022年10月9日，奥巴马获诺贝尔和平奖。
2022年，发生在墨西哥湾的漏油事件使他面临执政能力的严峻挑战。
2022年11月6日，第57届总统大选中，奥巴马击败共和党候选人罗姆尼，成功连任。
以下是给大家分享了，希望大家有帮助。
谢谢大家，拜登副总统、首席大法官先生、国会议员们、尊敬的各位嘉宾、亲爱的公民们。
每一次我们集会庆祝总统就职都是在见证美国宪法的持久力量。
我们都是在肯定美国民主的承诺。
我们重申，将这个国家紧密联系在一起的不是我们皮肤的颜色，也不是我们信仰的教条，更不是我们族名的美国人的是我们对于一种理念的恪守。
200多年前，这一理念在一篇宣言中被清晰阐述：“我们认为下述真理是不言而喻的，人人生而平等。
造物主赋予他们若干不可剥夺的权利，包括生命权、自由权和追求幸福的权利。
”奥巴马第二次就职演讲今天，我们继续着这一未竟的征程，来架起这些理念与我们时代现实之间的桥梁。
因为历史告诉我们，即使这些真理是不言而喻的，它们也从来不会自动生效。
因为虽然自由是上帝赋予的礼物，但仍然需要世间的子民去捍卫。
1776年，美国的爱国先驱们不是只为了推翻国王的暴政而战，也不是为赢得少数人的特权，建立暴民的统治。
先驱们留给我们一个共和国，一个民有、民治、民享的政府。
他们委托每一代美国人保卫我们的建国信条。
在过去的200百多年里，我们做到了。
从奴役的血腥绳索，和刀剑的血光厮杀中我们懂得了，建立在自由与平等原则之上的联邦不能永远维持半奴隶和半自由的状态。
我们赢得了新生，誓言共同前进。
我们共同努力，建立起现代的经济体系。
架设铁路与高速公路，加速了旅行和商业交流。
建立学校与大学，培训我们的工人。
我们一起发现，自由市场的繁荣只能建立在保障竞争与公平竞争的原则之上。
我们共同下决心让这个伟大的国家远离危险，保护她的人民不受生命威胁和不幸侵扰。
一路走来，我们从未放弃对集权的质疑。
我们同样不屈服于这一谎言：一切的社会弊端都能够只靠政府来解决。
奥巴马演讲 和平得来不易
奥巴马演讲:"和平得来不易,但获得和平是可能的"The tide of war is receding. When I took office, roughly 180,000 Americans were serving in Iraq and Afghanistan. By the end of this year, that number will be cut in half, and it will continue to decline. This is critical for the sovereignty of Iraq and Afg hanistan. It’s also critical to the strength of the United States as we build our nation at home.Moreover, we are poised to end these wars from a position of strength. Ten years ago, there was an open wound and twisted steel, a broken heart in the center of this city. Today, as a new tower is rising at Ground Zero, it symbolizes New York’s renewal, even as al Qaeda is under more pressure than ever before. Its leadership has been degraded. And Osama bin Laden, a man who murdered thousands of people from dozens of countries, will never endanger the peace of the world again.So, yes, this has been a difficult decade. But today, we stand at a crossroads of history with the chance to move decisively in the direction of peace. To do so, we must return to the wisdom of those who created this institution. The United Nations’ Founding Charter calls upon us, “to unite our strength to maintain international peace and security.” And Article 1 of this General Assembly’s Universal Declaration of Human Rights reminds us that, “All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and in rights.” Those bedrock beliefs -- in the responsibility of states, and the rights of men and women -- must be our guide.And in that effort, we have reason to hope. This year has been a time of extraordinary transformation. More nations have stepped forward to maintain international peace and security. And more individuals are claiming their universal right to live in freedom and dignity.One year ago, I stood at this podium and I called for an independent Palestine. I believed then, and I believe now, that the Palestinian people deserve a state of their own. But what I also said is that a genuine peace can only be realized between the Israelis and the Palestinians themselves.I know there’s no straight line to that progress, no single path to success. We come from different cultures, and carry with us different histories. But let us never forget that even as we gather here as heads of different governments, we represent citizens who share the same basic aspirations -- to live with dignity and freedom; to get an education and pursue opportunity; to love our families, and love and worship our God; to live in the kind of peace that makes life worth living.It is the nature of our imperfect world that we are forced to learn these lessons over and over again. Conflict and repression will endure so long as some people refuse to do unto others as we would have them do unto us. Yet that is precisely why we have built institutions like this -- to bind our fates together, to help us recognize ourselves in each other -- because those who came before us believed that peace is preferable to war, and freedom is preferable to suppression, and prosperity is preferable to poverty. That’s the message t hat comes not from capitals, but from citizens, from our people.And when the cornerstone of this very building was put in place, President Truman came here to New York and said, “The United Nations is essentially an expression of the moral nature of man’s aspirations.” The moral nature of man’s aspirations. As we live in a world that is changing at a breathtaking pace, that’s a lesson that we must never forget.Peace is hard, but we know that it is possible. So, together, let us be resolved to see that it is defined by our hopes and not by ourfears. Together, let us make peace, but a peace, most importantly, that will last.。
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奥巴马在诺贝尔和平奖颁奖典礼上的演讲奥巴马在诺贝尔和平奖颁奖典礼上的演讲作者：熊永立2009-12-12 14:19:42 发表于：博客中国12月10日，每年一度的诺贝尔和平奖颁奖仪式在挪威首都市政厅举行。
本年度和平奖的得主、美国总统奥巴马在接受和平奖时发表演讲。
他指出，同其他诺贝尔和平奖获得者相比，例如马丁·路德·金和纳尔逊·曼德拉，他取得的成就“微不足道”，但这仅仅是他“在世界舞台上的辛勤工作”的开始。
奥巴马表示，在他准备增派三万美军到阿富汗之际，领取诺贝尔和平奖，具有讽刺意义。
但是他指出，和平不仅是表面没有冲突，只有建立在尊重每个人的权利与尊严基础上的公正和平才能持久。
他还批评“一些国家”经常用西方国家的标准不适合于本国的文化与发展为藉口，不尊重人权。
演讲全文如下：奥巴马在诺贝尔和平奖颁奖典礼上的演讲总统：国王和王后陛下，各位殿下，杰出的挪威诺贝尔委员会（Norwegian Nobel Committee）委员，美国公民及全世界公民们：获此殊荣，我深怀感激并深表谦恭。
这个奖表达出我们的最高理想——尽管这个世界存在种种凶残困苦，但我们并不任命运摆布。
我们的行动是有作用的，能够推动历史向正义方向发展。
不过，如果不坦承你们这项厚爱有加的决定所引起的相当激烈的争议，那我就有失疏忽了。
（笑声）其中部份原因是，我在世界舞台上的奋斗才刚刚开始，而不是接近尾声。
与曾经获此殊荣的一些历史巨人相比——史怀哲（Schweitzer）和马丁·路德·金(King)；马歇尔(Marshall)和曼德拉(Mandela)——我的成就微不足道。
还有全世界为追求正义而遭到监禁和欧打的男女志士；那些为减轻苦难而在人道组织中艰辛工作的人；那千百万默默无闻地以充满勇气和关爱的无声行动让最悲观的愤世嫉俗者也受到感召的人们。
我绝不反驳那些认为这样的男女志士——有些知名，有些只为他们所帮助的对象所知——远比我有资格获此殊荣的看法。
但与我获奖有关的最深层的问题可能在于我是一个正打着两场战争的国家的三军统帅。
其中一场战争已接近尾声。
另一场并非是美国挑起的冲突；有包括挪威在内的42个国家在与我们共同努力，为的是保护我们及其他所有国家不再遭受攻击。
然而，我们仍处在战争时期，是我派遣成千上万名美国年轻人远赴战场。
有些人要杀射，有些人要被杀射。
因此，我是带着对武装冲突的代价的敏锐感觉来到这里的——心中充满有关战争与和平的关系以及我们为用和平取代战争而努力的难题。
而这些问题并不新鲜。
战争，以这样或那样的形式，随着人类的诞生而出现。
在历史初期，战争的道义性无人质疑；它是如同干旱或疾病一样的现实——是各个部落以及后来的各种文明谋求权力和解决分歧的方式。
后来，随着旨在控制群体内部暴力的规范的出现，哲学家、宗教领袖和政治家也纷纷致力于用条文限制战争的破坏力。
“正义战争”的概念由此形成，亦即认为，在符合以下几个具体条件时，战争是正义的：如果战争是最后手段或是为自我防御；如果武力程度适当；以及在一切可能的情况下不对平民使用暴力。
当然，我们都知道，在人类历史的大部份时间内，这种“正义战争”的概念鲜被理会。
人类显然有无穷的能力不断想出新的方式相互残杀，同样也有无穷的能力毫不怜惜那些外貌不同或信仰不同的人。
军队之间的战争变成国家间的战争——模糊了战斗人员与平民界线的全面战争。
这种战争大屠杀曾在30年内两度侵吞这块大陆。
虽然难以设想还有什么比击败第三帝国（Third Reich）和轴心国（Axis powers）更正义的事业，但在第二次世界大战中死亡的平民总数超过了战死疆场的军人。
在这种毁灭之后，并且随着核时代的到来，战胜者与战败者同样清楚地认识到，这个世界需要有防止另一次世界大战的机制。
为此，在美国参议院拒绝接受国际联盟（L eague of Nations）的四分之一世纪后——而伍德罗·威尔逊（Woodrow Wilson）正因为提出成立国联的设想而荣获诺贝尔和平奖，美国带动世界建起维护和平的体制：马歇尔计划(Marshall Plan)和联合国，对发动战争的规范，以及保护人权、防止种族灭绝大屠杀和限制最危险武器的各项条约。
这些努力在很多方面获得了成功。
不错，可怕的战争仍然发生，种种暴行依然出现，但第三次世界大战没有爆发。
冷战以兴高采烈的人群推倒一堵墙而告结束；商贸将世界大片地区紧密连在了一起；数十亿人口摆脱了贫困；自由、自决、平等和法治的理想断断续续地向前推进。
我们是先辈们的坚韧精神和远大目光的继承人，这是我自己的国家有理由为之感到骄傲的业绩。
然而，在进入新世纪已10年之际，这一旧有的架构正在越来越难撑新生威胁的重压。
世界或许不再为两个超级核大国之间可能发生战争而颤栗，但核扩散可能会增加发生巨大灾难的危险。
恐怖主义一贯是一种手段，但现代技术会使少数怒火超量的小人以可怕的规模残杀无辜。
而且，国与国的战争正在日益被国家内部的战争所取代。
民族和宗派冲突的重新抬头、分离主义运动、叛乱活动和失控国家的增加，都越来越将平民困于无休止的动乱中。
在今天的战争中，平民的死亡大大超过军人；埋下未来冲突的种子；破坏经济；摧毁公民社会；形成大批难民；使儿童遭受创伤。
我今天没有带来对战争问题的决定性解决办法。
但我确知，应对这些挑战要求具有几十年前那些英勇无畏的前辈所具有的远见、勤劳和坚韧不拔。
这需要我们从新的角度思考正义战争的含义和正义和平的必备条件。
我们必须首先承认这个严峻的现实：在我们的有生之年，我们不会根除暴力冲突。
会有一些时候，国家——不论是单独或共同行动——发现使用武力不仅必要，而且为道义所需。
我说这番话时并没有忘记马丁·路德·金（Martin Luther King Jr.）多年前在这同一仪式上说过的话：“暴力永远不会带来持久和平。
它解决不了社会问题：只会制造新的、更复杂的问题”。
我站在这里，作为金博士毕生奋斗的直接受益者，就是对非暴力的道义力量的活见证。
我知道在甘地（Gandhi）和马丁·路德·金的信念与人生中，绝无软弱——绝无消极——绝无天真。
但是，作为宣誓保卫自己国家的一国元首，我不能只以他们的榜样为指南。
我面对的世界是现实的世界，我不能面对美国人民遭到的威胁无动于衷。
因为，切莫误会：邪恶在世界上确实存在。
一场非暴力运动不可能阻止希特勒的军队。
谈判不能说服基地（al Qaeda）组织的头目放下武器。
说武力有时是必要的并不是让大家变得愤世嫉俗——这是承认历史；是人类的不完美和情理的限度。
我说起这一点，我以这一点开头，因为今天在许多国家，对军事行动，不管出于什么理由，都存在一种深深的矛盾心理。
有时候，这种矛盾又掺杂着对美国，这个世界上惟一的超级大国的一种反射性的不信任。
但世人必须记住，不简单地是因为国际体制——不只是条约和宣言——才给二战后的世界带来稳定。
不管我们犯了多少错误，一个明白的事实是：美利坚合众国在60多年里，以自己公民的鲜血和军力，帮助维护和保证了世界的安全。
我们的男女军人的贡献与牺牲促进了从德国到韩国的和平与繁荣，使民主能在像巴尔干这样的地方扎根。
我们承受这些重负并不是因为我们谋求强加我们的意志。
我们这样做是出于开化的自身利益——因为我们为我们的子子孙孙追求更美好的未来。
我们相信如果别人的子子孙孙能生活在自由和繁荣中，他们的生活会更好。
所以，是的，战争的手段确实在保卫和平中具有作用。
但这个事实必须同另一个事实共存——不管理由多么正当，战争导致人间悲剧。
军人的勇敢和牺牲无比光荣，表达了对国家、事业、战友的忠诚。
但战争本身决不光荣，我们决不能如此宣扬。
因此，我们面对的挑战部份来自于调和这两个看似不可调和的事实——战争有时必要，战争在某种程度上是人类愚蠢的表现。
具体说，我们必须把我们的努力放在肯尼迪总统（Kennedy）很久以前所指出的使命上。
他说：“让我们把注意力，集中在更实际，更能取得的和平上，这种和平不是基于人类本性的突发革命，而是基于人类体制的逐渐演进。
”这种演进可能具有何种形式？哪些可能是切实可行的步骤？首先，我认为所有国家，无论强弱，都必须遵循对使用武力的规范。
与任何国家元首一样，我保留在必要时采取单边行动保卫自己国家的权利。
然而，我确信遵循标准——国际标准——的国家更有力量，而那些不遵循标准的国家会陷于孤立，并且被削弱。
“9.11”之后，全世界团结一致，与美国站在一起，并在今天继续支持我们在阿富汗的努力，这是滥杀无辜的残忍与公认的自卫原则使然。
同样，当萨达姆侯赛因（Saddam Hussein）入侵科威特时，世界也认识到必须与其抗衡。
这一共识发出的清晰信息是：侵略必须付出代价。
另外，美国──以及任何国家──都不能在自己拒绝遵守规则时要求别人遵守规则。
如果我们不以身作则，我们的行动就会表现为专横武断，使未来进行干预的合理性受到影响，无论理由多么充足。
当军事行动的目的超越了自卫或帮助某一国抵抗侵略者的防卫行动时，这一点变得尤其重要。
我们大家都越来越多地面对棘手的问题：如何防止一国政府屠杀本国的平民？如何制止一场其暴行和所导致的痛苦会殃及整个地区的内战?我认为，基于人道理由的武力是正当的，例如在巴尔干地区或饱经战乱的其他地区。
不采取行动不仅折磨我们的良心，还会导致未来以更高的代价进行干预。
因此，所有负责任的国家都必须相信使命明确的军事行动所能够发挥的维护和平作用。
美国将矢志不渝地致力于确保全球安全。
然而，在这个威胁日益蔓延、使命日趋复杂的世界里，美国不能独自行动。
美国独自行动不能带来和平。
在阿富汗如此，在恐怖主义和海盗伴随饥荒肆虐、人民受苦受难的索马里等政府失控的国家也是如此。
不幸的是，这种状况在今后岁月里会继续存在于动荡地区。
在阿富汗，北约国家以及其他友邦和盟国的领导人和军人以自身能力和勇气证实了上述论断。
可是，在许多国家中，奉献者作出的努力与公众的矛盾心理之间存在脱节。
我理解战争不受欢迎的原因，但我也知道：单凭向往和平的美好意愿很少能够带来和平。
和平需要承担责任。
和平需要作出牺牲。
这是继续不能没有北约的原因。
这是我们必须加强联合国及地区维和行动，不能将此重任推卸给少数几个国家的原因。
因此，无论是在奥斯陆或罗马、渥太华或悉尼、达卡或基加利，我们都对那些完成维和行动与海外培训任务归来的军人给予极大的荣誉，因为他们不是战争制造者，而是和平缔造者。
请允许我对使用武力的问题最后再说明一点。
即使我们对出兵参战一事作出了艰难的决定，我们还必须认真考虑我们如何参加作战。
诺贝尔委员会在向亨利·杜南（Henry Dunant）颁发第一个和平奖时认识到这一点。
亨利·杜南是红十字会（Red Cross）创始人、《日内瓦公约》（Geneva Conventions）的幕后推动力量。