经济学人翻译

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经济学人两篇+翻译

经济学人两篇+翻译

Disney Star Wars, Disney and myth-makingHow one company came to master the business of storytellingFROM a galaxy far, far away to a cinema just down the road: “The Force Awakens”, the newest instalment of the Star Wars saga, is inescapable this Christmas. The first Star Wars title since Lucasfilm, the owner of the franchise, was acquired by Disney in 2012 for $4.1 billion, it represents more than just the revival of a beloved science-fiction series. It is the latest example of the way Disney has prospered over the past decade from a series of shrewd acquisitions (see article). Having bought Pixar, Marvel and Lucasfilm, Disney has skilfullycapitalised on their intellectual property—and in so doing, cemented its position as the market leader in the industrialisation of mythology. Its success rests on its mastery of the three elements of modern myth-making: tropes, technology and toys.From Homer to Han SoloStart with the tropes. Disney properties, which include everything from “Thor” to “Toy Story”, draw on well-worn devices of mythic structure to give their stories cultural resonance. Walt Disney himself had an intuitive grasp of the power of fables. George Lucas, the creator of Star Wars, is an avid student of the work of Joseph Campbell, an American comparative mythologist who outlined the “monomyth” structure in which a hero answers a call, is assisted by a mentor figure, voyages to another world, survives various trials and emerges triumphant. Bothfilm-makers merrily plundered ancient mythology and folklore. The Marvel universe goes even further, directly appropriating chunks of Greco-Roman and Norse mythology. (This makes Disney's enthusiasm for fierce enforcement of intellectual-property laws, and the seemingly perpetual extension of copyright, somewhat ironic.)The internal mechanics of myths may not have changed much over the ages, but the technology used to impart them certainly has. That highlights Disney's second area of expertise. In Homer's day, legends were passed on in the form of dactylic hexameters; modern myth-makers prefer computer graphics, special effects, 3D projection, surround sound and internet video distribution,among other things. When Disney bought Lucasfilm it did not just acquire the Star Wars franchise; it also gained Industrial Light & Magic, one of the best special-effects houses in the business, whose high-tech wizardry is as vital to Marvel's Avengers films as it is to the Star Wars epics. And when Disney was left behind by the shift to digital animation, it cannily revitalised its own film-making brand by buying Pixar, a firm as pioneering in its field as Walt Disney had been in hand-drawn animation. Moreover, modern myths come in multiple media formats. The Marvel and Star Wars fantasy universes are chronicled in interlocking films, television series, books, graphic novels and video games. Marvel's plans are mapped out until the mid-2020s.But these days myths are also expected to take physical form as toys, merchandise and theme-park rides. This is the third myth-making ingredient. Again, Walt Disney led the way, licensing Mickey Mouse and other characters starting in the 1930s, and opening the original Disneyland park in 1955. Mr Lucas took cinema-related merchandise into a new dimension, accepting a pay cut as director in return for all the merchandising rights to Star Wars—a deal that was to earn him billions. Those rights now belong to Disney, and it is making the most of them: sales of “The Force Awakens” merchandise, from toys to clothing, are expected to be worth up to $5 billion alone in the coming year. In all, more than $32 billion-worth of Star Wars merchandise has been sold since 1977, according to NPD Group, a market-research firm. Even Harry Potter and James Bond are scruffy-looking nerf-herders by comparison.Those other franchises are reminders that Disney's approach is not unique. Other studios are doing their best to imitate its approach. But Disney has some of the most valuable properties and exploits them to their fullest potential. It is particularly good at refreshing and repackaging its franchises to encourage adults to revisit their childhood favourites and, in the process, to introduce them to their own children. This was one reason why Pixar, whose films are known for their cross-generational appeal, was such a natural fit. Now the next generation is being introduced to Star Wars by their nostalgic parents. At the same time, Disney has extended its franchises by adding sub-brands that appeal to particular age groups: children's television series spun off from Star Wars, for example, or darker, more adult tales from the Marvel universe, such as the “Daredevil” and “Jessica Jones” series on.Do, or do not—there is no tryWhat explains the power of all this modern-day mythology? There is more to it than archetypal storytelling, clever technology and powerful marketing. In part, it may fill a void left by the decline of religion in a more secular world. But it also provides an expression for today's fears.T he original “Star Wars” film, in which a band of plucky rebels defeat a technological superpower, was a none-too-subtle inversion of the Vietnam war. The Marvel universe, originally a product of the cold-war era, has adapted well on screen to a post-9/11 world of surveillance and the conspiratorial mistrust of governments, large corporations and the power of technology. Inuncertain times, when governments and military might seem unable to keep people safe or stay honest, audiences take comfort in the idea of superheroes who ride to the rescue. Modern myths also have the power to unify people across generations, social groups and cultures, creating frameworks of shared references even as other forms of media consumption become ever more fragmented.Ultimately, however, these modern myths are so compelling because they tap primordial human urges—for refuge, redemption and harmony. In this respect they are like social-media platforms, which use technology to industrialise social interaction. Similarly, modern myth-making, reliant though it is on new tools and techniques, is really just pushing the same old buttons in stone-age brains. That is something that Walt Disney understood instinctively—and that the company he founded is now exploiting so proficiently.迪士尼星球大战,迪士尼和神话创造一个公司如何成为兜售故事的商业传奇从遥远的星际抵达你周边的电影院—《星球大战7:原力觉醒》这部星战系列的最新影片就在圣诞期间上映,不容错过。

重点总结的经济学人-中英文版)

重点总结的经济学人-中英文版)

Finance and EconomicsOffshore private banking离岸私人银行业Bourne to survive伯恩的幸存Aug 6th 2009From The Economist print editionDespite the woes of UBS, Swiss private banking remains in reasonable shape尽管瑞银处境不佳,瑞士的私人银行业仍保有相当规模Illustration by S. KambayashiA FTER visiting his bank in Zurich, Jason Bourne, an amnesic assassin, wonders: “Who has a safety-deposit box full of money and six passports and a gun?” In the popular imagination as well as Hollywood films the answer is clear: customers of Swiss banks do.当失忆的杀手詹森•伯恩(Jason Bourne)从其位于苏黎世的银行走出后,自问到:”什么样的人会有一个装满了钱、6本护照还有一把枪的银行保险箱?”在大众的想像与好莱坞的电影中,这个答案是明确的:瑞士银行的客户就是这样的人。

If this reputation for skulduggery is right, Switzerland, home to about one-quarter of the world’s offshore money, is in big trouble. After nearly going bust, UBS, its biggest bank, is now being pistol-whipped by America’s Internal Revenue Service (IRS), which wants it to hand over the names of tens of thousands of alleged tax dodgers. A preliminary settlement between the two was agreed on July 31st, although its details have yet to be made public. In March Switzerland agreed to comply with an OECD tax code that will oblige it to reveal information on clients that other governments say they need to enforce their laws. Where will crooks, despots and war criminals go now? And what will Swiss private banks do when they leave?如果这种隐秘而无原则的名声不是空穴来风的话,瑞士,这个坐拥世界四分之一离岸资金的国家将会有大麻烦。

从目的论视角下看《经济学人》汉译策略

从目的论视角下看《经济学人》汉译策略

从目的论视角下看《经济学人》汉译策略《经济学人》是一本享誉国际的知名英文经济杂志,其内容涉及全球政治、经济、商业和文化等多个领域,深受广大读者的喜爱和追捧。

随着中国经济的蓬勃发展,对外交流日益频繁,人们对《经济学人》的汉译版也越来越感兴趣。

在这种背景下,本文将从目的论的视角出发,探讨《经济学人》汉译的策略,分析其翻译过程中的目的和策略。

我们需要了解《经济学人》汉译的目的是什么。

众所周知,汉译《经济学人》的最终目的是让更多的中国读者了解和关注国际政治、经济和文化等方面的信息,从而提高他们对全球事务的认识和理解。

汉译的目的是向中国读者传递《经济学人》的原汁原味,让他们获得与英文读者同样的信息和体验。

基于这一目的,对《经济学人》的汉译策略应该是尽可能忠实地保留原文内容和风格,确保读者能够获得一致的阅读体验。

受限于中英两种语言的差异以及不同文化背景的影响,汉译过程中还需要采取一些策略来确保译文的准确性和流畅度。

针对英文原文特点和翻译难点,我们可以分析汉译的一些具体策略。

首先是词汇和表达的选择。

英文语言的表达方式与汉语有着明显的差异,因此在翻译过程中需要有选择地采用相应的词汇和表达方式,以确保译文的自然流畅。

其次是句式和语法的转换。

英文句式和语法通常较为简洁,而汉语句式多样,因此在翻译时需要对句式和语法进行相应的转换,以使译文符合汉语的表达习惯和逻辑结构。

由于《经济学人》的内容涉及多个领域,包括政治、经济、文化等,涉及的专业名词和术语也较为复杂和丰富。

在翻译这些专业名词和术语时,需要采取一定的翻译策略,包括音译、意译和注释等,以确保译文的准确性和专业性。

《经济学人》通常还涉及一些严肃的社会议题和时事评论,因此翻译过程中还需要考虑如何忠实传达原文的语气和语调,以确保译文能够传达出原文的态度和情感。

基于目的论的视角下,《经济学人》的汉译策略应该是忠实保留原文内容和风格的灵活运用各种翻译策略,以确保译文的准确性、流畅度和适应性。

《经济学人》英语热点文章精选8篇(中英文对照

《经济学人》英语热点文章精选8篇(中英文对照

(考研英语阅读原文很多来自《经济学人》,希望大家好好看看)印度的救赎IN MAY America’s Federal Reserve hinted that it would soon start to reduce its vast purchases of Treasury bonds. As global investors adjusted to a world without ultra—cheap money, there has been a great sucking of funds from emerging markets。

Currencies and shares have tumbled, from Brazil to Indonesia, but one country has been particularly badly hit。

今年五月,美国联邦储备委员会(Federal Reserve)暗示,它将很快开始缩减大量购买国债的规模。

随着全球投资者开始调整策略,以适应没有超廉价资金的世界,大量资金开始逃离新兴市场.从巴西到印度尼西亚,货币及股票纷纷暴跌,但有一个国家受创尤其严重.Not so long ago India was celebrated as an economic miracle. In 2008 Manmohan Singh,the prime minister,said growth of 8—9% was India’s new cruising speed. He even predicted the end of the “chronic poverty,ignorance and disease, which has been the fate of millions of our countrymen for centuries”. Today he admits the outlook is difficult. The rupee has tumbled by 13% in three months。

《经济学人》中英对照

《经济学人》中英对照

(15)《经济学人》中英对照TEXT 1 Rebuilding the American dream chine 重建美国梦机器 Jan 19th xx | NEW YORK From The Economist print edition FOR America's colleges, January is a month of reckoning. Most applications for the next academic year beginning in the autumn have to be de by the end of De mber, so a university's popularity is put to an objective standard: how ny people want to attend. One of the more unlikely offi s to have been flooded with il is that of the City University of New York (CUNY), a public college that lacks, among other things, a famous sports team, bucolic campuses and raucous parties (it doesn't even have dorms), and, until re ntly, academic credibility. 对美国的大学而言,一月是一个清算的月份。

大多数要进入将于秋季开学的下一学年学习的申请必须在12月底前完成,因此一所大学的声望就有了客观依据:申请人的多少。

纽约城市大学,一所公立学院,与其他学校相比,它没有一支声名显赫的运动队,没有田园诗一般的校园,也没有喧嚣嘈杂的派对——甚至连宿舍都没有,而且,直到最近也没取得学术上的可信度,可就是这所大学的办公室塞满了学生们寄来的申请函,这简直有些令人难以置信。

《经济学人》常用词汇

《经济学人》常用词汇

《经济学人》常用词汇总结1、Absolute advantage 绝对优势2、Adverse choice 逆向选择3、Alternative cost 选择成本4、Arc elasticity of demand 需求的弧弹性5、Asymmetric information 非对称的信息6、Average cost 平均成本7、Average fixed cost 平均固定成本8、Average product 平均产品9、Average variable cost 平均可变成本10、Beta 投资的β11、Bond yield 债券收益12、Break-even chart 收支平衡图13、Budget line 预算线14、Bunding 捆绑销售15、Capital 资本16、Capital gain 资本收益17、Capitalism 资本主义18、Cardinal utility 基数效应19、Cartel 卡特尔20、Cobb-Douglas production function 科布-道格拉斯生产函数21、Collision 勾结22、Comparative advantage 比较优势23、Complements 互补品24、Constant-cost industry 成本不变行业25、Constant returns to scale 规模收益不变26、Consumer surplus 消费者剩余27、Contestable market 可竞争市场28、Contract curve 契约曲线29、Corner solution 角点解30、Cross elasticity of demand 需求的交叉弹性31、Deadweight loss of monopoly垄断的无谓损失32、Deadweight loss of monopsony 买方垄断的无谓损失33、Decreasing-cost industry 成本递减行业34、Decreasing return to scale 规模收益递减35、Demand curve 需求曲线36、Demand curve of loanable funds 可贷资金的需求曲线37、Discount rate 贴现率38、Diversifiable risk 可分散风险39、Dominant firm 主导厂商40、Dominant strategy 优势策略41、Duopoly 双头垄断42、Economic efficiency 经济效率43、Economic profit 经济利润44、Economic region of production 生产的经济区域45、Economic resource 经济资源46、Economies of scope 围经济47、Efficient markets hypothesis 有效市场假说48、Endowment position 财富状况49、Engel curve 恩格尔曲线50、Equilibrium 均衡51、Excess capacity 过剩生产能力52、Expansion path 扩路径53、Expected monetary vale期望货币价值54、Expected profit 预期利润55、Expected value of perfect information56、Explicit costs 显成本57、External diseconomy 外部不经济58、External economy 外部经济59、First-mover advantages 先动优势60、Fixed cost 固定成本61、Fixed input 不变投入品62、General equilibrium analysis 一般均衡分析63、Giffen’s paradox 吉芬反论64、Implicit cost 隐成本65、Income-compensated demand curve 收入补偿的需求曲线66、Income-consumption curve 收入-消费曲线67、Income effect 收入效应68、Income elasticity of demand 需求的收入弹性69、Increasing-cost industry成本递增的产业70、Increasing returns to scale 规模收益递增71、Indifference curve 无差异曲线72、Inferior good 劣质商品73、Innovation 创新74、Input 投入品75、Interest rate 利率76、Intermediate good 中间品77、Internal rate of return 部收益率78、Investment 投资79、Investment demand curve 投资需求曲线80、Isocost curve 等成本曲线81、Isoprofit curve 等利润曲线82、Isoquant 等产量曲线83、Isorevenue line 等收益线84、Kinked demand curve 折弯的需求曲线85、Labor 劳动86、Land 土地87、Law of diminishing marginal returns 边际收益递减率88、Lerner index 勒纳指数89、Learning curve 学习曲线90、Limit pricing 限制性定价91、Long run 长期92、Marginal cost 边际成本93、Marginal cost pricing 边际成本定价94、Marginal expenditure curve 边际支出曲线95、Marginal product 边际产品96、Marginal rate of product transformation 边际产品转换率97、Marginal rate of substitution 边际替代率98、Marginal revenue 边际收益99、Marginal revenue product 边际收益产品100、Marginal utility 边际效用101、Market 市场102、Market demand curve 市场需求曲线103、Market period 市场周期104、.Market structure 市场结构105、Market supply schedule 市场供给表106、Markup pricing加成定价107、Maximin strategy 最大最小策略108、Microeconomics 微观经济学109、Minmum efficient size of plant 工厂的最小有效规模110、Model模型111、Money income 货币收入112、Monopolistic competition 垄断竞争113、Monopoly 垄断114、Monopsony 买方垄断115、Moral hazard 道德风险116、Multinational firm 跨国公司117、Multiplant monopoly 多厂垄断118、Multiproduct firm 多产品厂商119、Mutual fund 共同基金120、Nash equilibrium 纳什均衡121、Natural monopoly 自然垄断122、Net-Present-Value Rule 净现值规则123、Nondiversifiable risk 不可分散的风险124、Nonprice competition 非价格竞争125、Normal goods 正常商品126、Oligopoly寡头垄断127、Oligopsony 买方寡头垄断128、Opportunity cost 机会成本129、Optimal input combination 最优投入品组合130、Ordinal utility 序数效用131、Pareto criterion 帕累托标准132、Partial equilibrium analysis 局部均衡分析133、Pecuniary benefits 货币收益134、Perfect Competition 完全竞争135、Perpetuity 不可兑换的公司债券136、Predatory pricing 掠夺性定价137、Present value 现值138、Price ceiling 最高限价139、Pric-consumption curve 价格-消费曲线140、Price discrimination 价格歧视141、Price elastic 富有价格弹性142、Price elasticity of demand 需求的价格弹性143、Price elasticity of supply 供给的价格弹性144、Price floor 最低限价145、Price inelastic缺乏价格弹性146、Price leader 价格领导者147、Price system 价格系统148、Principal-agent problem 委托-代理问题149、Prisoner`s dilemma 囚犯困境150、Private cost 私人成本151、Probability 概率152、Producer surplus 生产者剩余153、Production possibilities curve 生产可能性曲线154、Production function 生产函数156、Profit 利润157、Public good 公共物品158、Quasi-rent 准租金159、Quota 配额160、Ray 射线161、Reaction curve 反应曲线162、Real benefits 真实收益163、Rent 租金164、Ridge lines 脊线165、Risk 风险166、Risk averter 风险厌恶者167、Risk lover 风险爱好者168、Risk neutral 风险中性169、Saving 储蓄170、Second-degree Price discrimination 二级价格歧视171、Selling expenses 销售费用172、Short run 短期173、Social cost 社会成本174、Static efficiency 静态效率175、Strategic move 策略举措176、Substitutes 替代品177、Substitution effect 替代效应178、Supply curve 供给曲线179、Supply curve of loanable funds 可贷资金的供给曲线180、Target return 目标收益181、Tariff 关税182、Technological changes 技术进步183、Technology 技术184、Third-degree price discrimination 三级价格歧视185、Tit for tat 针锋相对186、Total cost 总成本187、Total cost function 总成本函数188、Total cost 总固定成本189、Total revenue 总收益190、Total surplus 总剩余191、Total utility 总效用192、Total variable cost 总可变成本193、Trading possibilities curve 贸易可能性曲线194、Transaction cost 交易成本门195、Transferable emissions permits 可转让的排放许可证196、Two-part tariff 双重收费197、Tying 搭售198、Unitary elasticity 单位弹性199、Utility 效用200、Utility of possibility curve 效用可能性曲线201、Value of marginal product 边际产品价值202、Variable cost 可变成本203、Variable input 可变投入品204、von Neumann-Morgenstern utility function •纽曼--摩根斯坦效用函数204、Winners curse 赢者的诅咒205、Ability-to-pay principle(of taxation)(税收的)支付能力原则206、Absolute advantage(in international trade)(国际贸易中的)绝对优势207、Accelerator principle 加速原理208、Actual,cycical and structual budget 实际预算、周期预算和结构预算209、Adaptive expectations 适用性预期210、Adjustable peg 可调整钉住211、Administered(or inflexible)prices 管理(或非浮动)价格212、Adverse selection 逆向选择213、Aggregate demand 总需求214、Aggregate demand(AD)curve 总需求曲线215、Aggregate supply 总供给216、Aggregate suppy(AS) curve 总供给曲线217、Allocative efficiency 配置效率218、Antitrust legislation 反托拉斯法219、Appreciation(of a currency)(通货)升值220、Appropriable 可分拨221、Arbitrage 套利222、Asset 资产223、Asset demand for money 货币的资产需求224、Automatic(or built-in)stabilizers 自动(或在)稳定器225、Average cost 平均成本226、verage cost curve,long-run( LRAC或 LAC)长期平均成本曲线227、Average cost curve, short-run( SRAC或 SAC)短期平均成本曲线228、Average fixed cost 平均固定成本229、Average product 平均产品230、Average propensity to consume 平均消费倾向231、Average revenue 平均收益232、Average variable cost 平均可变成本233、Balance of international payment 国际收支平衡表234、Balance of trade 贸易余额235、Balance of current account经常项目余额236、Balance sheet 资产负债表237、Balanced budget 平衡预算238、Bank,commercial 商业银行239、Bank money 银行货币240、bank reserves 银行准备会241、进入壁垒Barriers to entry242、Barter 易货贸易243、Benefit principle(of taxation)(税收的)受益原则244、Bond 债券245、Break-even point(in macroeconomics)(宏观经济学中的)收支相抵点246、Bretton woods System 布雷顿森林体系247、Broad money 广义货币248、Budget 预算249、Budget,balanced 平衡预算250、Budget constraint 预算约束251、Budget deficit 预算赤字252、Budget,government 政府预算253、Budget line 预算线254、Budget surplus 预算盈余255、Built-in stabilizers 在稳定器见自动稳定器(automatic stabilizers)256、Business cycles 商业周期257、C+I,C+I+G,or C+I+G+X schedule C+I,C+I+G或 C+I+G+X表258、Capital(capital goods,capital equipment)资本(资本商品,资本设备)259、Capital consumption allowance 资本消耗补偿见折旧(depreciation)260、Capital deepening 资本深化261、Capital gains 资本利得262、Capital markets 资本市场263、Capital-output ratio 资本-产出比率264、Capital widening 资本广化265、Capitalism 资本主义266、Cardinal utility 基数效用267、Cartel 卡特尔268、Central bank 中央银行269、Change in demand vs.change in quantity demanded 需求变化与需求量的变化270、Change in supply vs.supply in quantity 供给变动与供给且的变动271、Checking account(or bank money)支票(或银行货币)272、Chicago School of Economics (经济学)芝加哥学派273、Classical approach 古典理论274、Classical economics 古典经济学275、Classical theories(in macroeconomics)(宏观经济学中的)古典理论276、Clearing market 市场出清277、Closed economy 封闭经济见开放经济(open economy)278、Coase theorem 科斯定理279、Collective bargaining 集体谈判280、Collusion 勾结281、Collusive oligopoly 寡头勾结垄断282、Command economy 指令经济283、Commodity money 商品货币284、Common stock 普通股票285、Communism 共产主义286、Comparative advantage(in international trade)(国际贸易中的)比较优势287、Compensating differentials 补偿性(工资)差异288、Competition,imperfect 不完全竞争289、Competion,perfect 完全竞争290、Competitve equilibrium 竞争均衡291、Competitive market 竞争性市场292、Complements 互补品293、Compound interest 复利294、Concentration ratio 集中度295、Conglomerate 混合联合企业296、Conglomerate merger 混合兼并见兼并(merger)297、Constant returns to scale 规模报酬不变见规模报酬(returns to scale)298、Consumer price index 消费者价格指数(CPI)299、Consumer surplus 消费者剩余300、Consumption 消费301、Consumption function 消费函数302、Consumption-possibility line消费可能线见预算线(budget line)303、Cooperative equilibrium 合作性均衡304、Corporate income tax 公司所得税305、Corporation 公司306、Correlation 相关307、Cost,average 平均成本308、Cost,average fixed 平均固定成本309、Cost,average variable 平均可变成本310、Cost,fixed 固定成本311、Cost,marginal 边际成本312、Cost,minimum 最低成本313、Cost-push inflation 成本推动的通货膨胀314、Cost,total 总成本315、Cost,variable 可变成本316、Crawling(or sliding)peg 爬行(滑动)钉住317、Credit 信贷318、Cross elasticity of demand 需求的交叉弹性319、Crowding-out hypothesis 挤出(效应)假说320、Currency 通货321、Currency appreciation(or depreciation )通货升值(或贬值)322、Current account 经常见贸易余额(balance of trade)323、Cyclical budget 周期预算324、Cyclical unemployment 周期性失业325、Deadweight loss 净损失326、Debit 借方327、Decreasing returns to scale 规模报酬递减328、Deficit spending 赤字性支出329、Deflating(of economic data)(经济数据)紧缩330、Deflation 通货紧缩331、Demand curve(or demand schedule)需求曲线(或需求表)332、Demand for money 货币需求333、Demand-pull inflation 需求拉动型通货膨胀334、Demography 人口学335、Depreciation(of an asset)(资产)折旧336、Depreciation(of a currency)(通货)贬值337、Depression 萧条338、Derived demand 派生需求339、Devaluation 降值340、Developing country 发展中国家见欠发达国家(less developed country)341、Differentiated products 差异产品342、Diminishing marginal utility,law of 边际效用递减规律343、Diminishing returns,law of 收益递减规律344、Direct taxes 直接税345、Discount rate 贴现率346、Discounting(of future income)(未来收人)折现347、Discrimination 歧视348、Disequilibrium 非均衡349、Disinflation 反通货膨胀350、Disposable income 可支配收入(DI)351、Disposable personal income 个人可支配收入352、Dissaving 负储蓄354、Division of labor 劳动分工355、Dominant equilibrium 占优均衡见占优战略(dominant strategy)356、Dominant strategy 占优战略357、Downward-sloping demand,law of 需求向下倾斜规律358、Duopoly 双头垄断359、Duopoly price war 双头垄断价格战360、Easy-money policy 宽松的货币政策361、Econometrics 经济计量学362、Economic goods 经济物品363、Economic growth 经济增长364、Economic reguation 经济管制365、Economic rent 经济租金见"经济租金"(rent, economic)366、Economic surplus 经济剩余367、Economics of information 信息经济学368、Economies of scale 规模经济369、Economies of scope 广度经济370、Effective tax rate 有效税率371、Efficiency 效率372、Efficiency-wage theory 有效工资理论373、Efficient market 有效市场374、Elasticity 弹性375、Employed 就业者参见"失业"(unemployment)376、Equal-cost line 等成本线377、Equal-product curve(or isoquant)等产量线378、Equilibrium 均衡379、Equilibrum(for a business firm)厂商均衡380、Equilibrium(for the individual consumer)单个消费者的均衡381、Equilibrium,competitive 竞争均衡见竟争均衡(competitive equilibrium)382、Equilibrium,general 一般均衡见一般均衡分析(general-equilibrium analysis)383、Equilibrium,macroeconomic 宏观经济均衡384、Equimarginal principle 等边际法则385、Exchange rate 汇率见外汇汇率(foreign exchange rate)386、Exchange-rate system 汇率制度387、Excise tax vs.sales tax 消费税和销售税388、Exclusion principle 排他原则389、Exogenous vs.induced variables 外生变量和引致变量390、Expectations 预期391、Expenditure multiplier 支出乘数参见乘数(multiplier)392、Exports 出口393、External diseconomies 外部不经济394、External economies 外部经济395、External variables 外部变量同外生变量(exogenous variables)396、Externalities 外部性397、Factors of production 生产要素398、Fallacy of composition 合成谬误399、Federal Reserve System 联邦储备系统美国的中央银行(centra bank)400、Fiat money 法定货币没有在价值(intrinsic value)401、Final goods 最终产品402、Financial economics 金融经济学403、Financial intermediary 金融中介404、Firm(business firm)厂商405、Fiscal-monetary mix 财政-货币政策组合406、Fiscal policy 财政政策407、Fiscal cost 固定成本见固定成本(cost,fixed)408、Fixed exchange rate 固定汇率见外汇汇率(foreign exchangs rate)409、Flexible exchange rates 弹性汇率制410、Floating exchange rates 浮动汇率制见弹性汇率制(flexibleexchange rates)411、Flow vs. stock 流量与存量412、Foreign exchange 外汇413、Foreign exchange market 外汇市场414、Foreign exchange rate 外汇汇率415、Fourfirm concentration rate 四企业集中度见集中度(concentration ratio)416、Fractional-reserve banking 部分准备金417、Free goods 免费品不属于经济品(economic goods)418、Free trade 自由贸易419、Frictional unemployment 磨擦性失业420、Full employment 充分就业421、Gains from trade 贸易利得422、Galloping inflation 急剧的通货膨胀见通货膨胀(inflation)423、Game theory 博弈论424、General-equilibrium analysis 一般均衡分析425、GDP deflator GDP紧缩指数426、GDP gap GDP缺口427、GNP 国民生产总值见国民生产总值(gloss national product)428、Gold standard 全本位制429、Government debt 政府债务430、Goverment expenditure multiplier 政府支出乘数431、Graduated income tax 累进所得税见个人所得税(income tax,personal)432、Gresham`s Law 格雷欣法则433、Gross domestic product,nominal(or nominal GDP)名义国生产总值(或名义GDP)434、Gross domestic product,real 实际国生产总值(实际GDP)435、Gross national product,nominal 名义国民生产总值(或名义GNP)436、Gross national product,real 实际国民生产总值(实际GNP)437、Growth accounting 增长核算438、Hedging 套期保值439、High-powered money 高能货币见基础货币(monetary base)440、Horizontal equity vs.vertical equity 横向平等与纵向平等441、Horizontal integration 横向整合见纵向整合与横向整合(integration, vertical vs.horizontal)442、Horizontal merger 横向兼井见兼并(merger)443、Human capital 人力资本444、Hyperinflation 恶性通货膨胀见通货膨胀(inflation)445、Imperfect competition 不完全竞争见不完全竞争(competition,imperfect)446、Imperfect competitor 不完全竞争者447、Implicit-cost elements 隐性成本要素显性货币成本(explicit money costs)448、Imports 进口见出口(exports)449、Inappropriability 不可分拨性见不可分拨(inappropriable)450、Inappropriable 不可分拨451、Incidence(or tax incidence)归宿,或税赋归宿452、Income 收入453、Income effect(of a price change)(价格变动的)收入效应454、Income elasticity of demand 需求的收入弹性455、Income statement 收益表456、Income tax,negative 负所得税见负所得税(egative income tax)457、Income tax,personal 个人所得税458、Income velocity of money 货币的收入周转率459、Incomes policy 收入政策460、Increasing returns to scale 递增的规模报酬见规模报酬(returns to scale)461、Independent goods 独立品462、Indexing(or indexation)指数化463、Indifference curve 无差异曲线464、indifference map 无差异曲线图465、Indirect taxes 间接税见直接税(direct taxes)466、Induced variables 引致变量467、Industry 产业468、Inertial rate of inflation 惯性通货膨胀率469、Infant industry 幼稚产业470、Inferior goods 低档品或劣等品471、Inflation(or inflation rate)通货膨胀(或通货膨胀率)472、Inflation targeting 通货膨胀目标473、Innovation 创新474、Inputs 投入475、Insurance 保险476、Integration,vertical vs.horizontal 纵向整合和横向整合477、Intellectual property rights 知识产权478、Interest 利息479、Interest rate 利率480、Intermediate goods 中间产品481、International monetary system(also International financial system)国际货币制度(国际金融体系)482、Intervention 干预483、Intrinsic value(of money)(货币的)在价值484、Invention 发明485、Investment 投资487、Invisible hand 看不见的手488、Involuntarily unemployed 非自愿失业见失业(unemployment)489、Iron law of wages 工资铁律490、Isoquant 等产量见等产量曲线(equal product curve)491、Keynesian economics 凯恩斯经济学492、Keynesian school 凯恩斯学派见凯恩斯主义经济学(Keynesian economics)493、Labor force 劳动力494、Labor-force participstion rate 劳动力参与率495、Labor productivity 劳动生产率见生产率(productivity)496、Labor supply 劳动供给497、Labor theory of value 劳动价值论498、Laissez-faire("leave us along")自由放任(“别来管我”)499、Land 土地500、Least-cost rule(of production)(生产的)最低成本法则501、Legal tender 法定清偿物502、Less developed country(LDC)欠发达国家503、Liabilities 负债504、Libertarianism 自由放任主义505、Limited Liability 有限责任506、Long run 长期507、Long-run aggregate supply schedule 长期总供给表508、Lorenz curve 洛伦茨曲线509、Lowest sustainable rate of unemployment(or LSUR)最低可持续失业率510、Lump-of-labor fallacy 劳动合成谬误511、M1、 M2参见货币供应(money supply)。

【新祥旭考研】外刊赏读 《经济学人》In the hands of an angry God

【新祥旭考研】外刊赏读 《经济学人》In the hands of an angry God

外刊赏读|《经济学人》In the hands of an angry God新祥旭考研:十年专注考研一对一辅导本文选自《经济学人》一篇名为“In the hands of an angry God”(《落在愤怒上帝手中》)的文章。

本文并非从神学角度讨论“上帝”是否存在,而是从心理学角度论证,认为相信超自然能力的存在是人类固有的心理,即使是无神论者也是如此。

这种心理倾向在生物进化和社会发展方面都发挥了积极的作用。

本文不谈玄学,完全从理性和证据出发,论证有力,语言流畅,值得品读。

原文Ⅰ①Many people think that religious belief is inherent to human psychology.②This does not mean that specific beliefs are wired,but that the brain is predisposed to believe in super natural agents.③Some proponents of this idea argue that supernatural beliefs have hijacked innocent or otherwise useful features of the mind.④But Dominic Johnson argues in“God Is Watching You”,belief in God—specifically,in supernatural forces that can punish—is a useful evolutionary adaptation.Ⅱ①Mr Johnson argues that there is little harm if you over react to something that turns out not to exist.②But underestimating a rustling in the undergrowth,which might conceal a predator,could be fatal,leading to evolutionary selection of a tendency to see agents everywhere.③The instinct is easily triggered,even in atheists.④Even pictures can set it off:in one experiment,an office honour-system to pay for shared coffee got more contributions when someone taped a picture of a pair of eyes on the collecting tin.Ⅲ①There is also a tendency in most people to put greater emphasis on punishment than on reward:losing$100is far more painful than winning the same amount is pleasing.②Why would belief in an angry god be any use?③When humans developed language,they could spread word of cheating,freeriding and the like.④Raping your neighbour’s mate might once have made evolutionary sense—spreading your own genes at little cost—but“in a clever and gossiping species,knowledge of selfish actions could spread and come back to haunt us”in the form of a furious husband or a village mob.⑤Since cheating is now costlier,belief in an invisible monitor helps people avoid those costs,and so survive with their reputations intact,and pass on their genes.Ⅳ①Mr Johnson noted that societies which punish cheaters are more likely to survive and grow.②He quotes John Locke,a17th century English philosopher:“Those who deny the existence of the Deity are not to be tolerated at all.③Promises,covenants and oaths,which are the bonds of human society,can have no hold upon or sanctity for an atheist.”④Those bonds and covenants allow societies to co-ordinate action and plan for the future.⑤Mr Johnson’s own research into 186preindustrial cultures found that moralising religious beliefs were more prevalent in larger and more complex societies.⑥The fact that moralising religious beliefs are more prevalent in more complex societies does not prove that one caused the other.⑦But the striking number and variety of examples add credence to Mr Johnson’s theory.Ⅴ①The religious instinct is too deep-seated,he thinks.②Instead,critics of superstition are best advised to work with the grain of human psychology rather than against it,finding more benevolent ways to satisfy human yearning for something“out there”.③What form such an atheist religion should take,though,God only knows.[481words]词汇短语1.wire[ˈwaɪəd]v.接通电源2.*predisposed[pri:dɪs'pəʊzd]adj.倾向于3.*proponent[prəˈpəʊnənt]n.支持者4.*rustling[ˈrʌslɪŋ]n.沙沙声5.honour-system无看守监禁制6.furious[ˈfjʊəriəs]adj.狂怒的7.*covenant[ˈkʌvənənt]n.协议8.hold upon控制力9.*sanctity[ˈsæŋktəti]n.神圣10.credence[ˈkri:dns]n.相信11.grain[greɪn]n.细粒12.*benevolent[bəˈnevələnt]adj.慈善的13.*yearning[ˈjɜ:nɪŋ]n.渴望(注:标*的为超纲词)点评Ⅰ①Many people think that religious belief is inherent to human psychology.②This does not mean that specific beliefs are wired,but that the brain is predisposed to believe in supernatural agents.③Some proponentsof this idea argue that supernatural beliefs have hijacked innocent or otherwise useful features of the mind.④But Dominic Johnson argues in“God Is Watching You”,belief in God—specifically,in supernatural forces that can punish—is a useful evolutionary adaptation.翻译:很多人认为,宗教信仰是人类心理固有的。

《经济学人》杂志原版英文(The Economist整理版4-5)

《经济学人》杂志原版英文(The Economist整理版4-5)

Digest Of The. Economist. 2006(4-5)Hot to trotA new service hopes to do for texting what Skype did for voice callsTALK is cheap—particularly since the appearance of voice-over-internet services such as Skype. Such services, which make possible very cheap (or even free) calls by routing part or all of each call over the internet, have forced traditional telecoms firms to cut their prices. And now the same thing could be about to happen to mobilephone text messages, following the launch this week of Hotxt, a British start-up.Users download the Hotxt software to their handsets, just as they would a game or a ringtone. They choose a user name, and can then exchange as many messages as they like with other Hotxt users for £1 ($1.75) per week. The messages are sent as data packets across the internet, rather than being routed through operators' textmessaging infrastructure. As a result, users pay only a tiny data-transport charge, typically of a penny or so per message. Since text messages typically cost 10p, this is a big saving—particularly for the cost-conscious teenagers at whom the service is aimed.Most teenagers in Britain, and elsewhere in Europe, pay for their mobile phones on a “pre-paid” basis, rather than having a monthly contract with a regular bill. Pre-paid tariffs are far more expensive: bundles of free texts and other special deals, which can reduce the cost of text messaging, are generally not available. For a teenager who sends seven messages a day, Hotxt can cut the cost of texting by 75%, saving £210 per year, says Doug Richard, the firm's co-founder. For really intensive text-messagers, the savings could be even bigger: Josh Dhaliwal of mobileYouth, a market-research firm, says that some teenagers—chiefly boys aged 15-16 and girls aged 14-15—are “supertexters” who send as many as 50 messages per day.While this sounds like good news for users, it could prove painful for mobile operators. Text-messaging accounts for around 20% of a typical operator's revenues. With margins on text messages in excess of 90%, texting also accounts for nearly half of an operator's profits. Mr Richard is confident that there is no legal way that operators can block his service; they could raisedata-transport costs, but that would undermine their own efforts to push new services. Hotxt plans to launch in other countries soon.“The challenge is getting that initial momentum,” says Mr Dhaliwal. Hotxt needs to persuade people to sign up, so that they will persuade their friends to sign up, and so on. Unlike Skype, Hotxt is not free, so users may be less inclined to give it a try. But as Skype has also shown, once a disruptive, low-cost communications service starts to spread, it can quickly become very big indeed. And that in turn can lead to lower prices, not just for its users, but for everyone.A discerning viewA new way of processing X-rays gives much clearer imagesX-RAYS are the mysterious phenomenon for which Wilhelm Röntgen was awarded the first Nobel prize in physics, in 1901. Since then, they have shed their mystery and found widespread use in medicine and industry, where they are used to revealthe inner properties of solid bodies.Some properties, however, are more easily discerned than others. Conventional Xray imaging relies on the fact that different materials absorb the radiation to different degrees. In a medical context, for example, bones absorb X-rays readily, and so show up white on an X-radiograph, which is a photographic negative. But Xrays are less good at discriminating between different forms of soft tissue, such as muscles, tendons, fat and blood vessels. That, however, could soon change. For Franz Pfeiffer of the Paul Scherrer Institute in Villigen, Switzerland, and his colleagues report, in the April edition of Nature Physics, that they have manipulated standard X-ray imaging techniques to show many more details of the inner body.The trick needed to discern this fine detail, according to Dr Pfeiffer, is a simple one. The researchers took advantage not only of how tissues absorb X-rays but also of how much they slow their passage. This slowing can be seen as changes in the phase of the radiation that emerges—in other words of the relative positions of the peaks and troughs of the waves of which X-rays are composed.Subtle changes in phase are easily picked up, so doctors can detect even small variations in the composition of the tissue under investigation, such as might be caused by the early stages of breast cancer. Indeed, this trick—known as phase-contrast imaging—is already used routinely in optical microscopy and transmission electron microscopy. Until now, however, no one had thought to use it for medical X-radiography.To perform their trick, the researchers used a series of three devices called transmission gratings. They placed one between the source of the X-rays and the body under examination, and two between the body and the X-ray detector that forms the image. The first grating gathers information on the phases of the X-rays passing through it. The second and third work together to produce thedetailed phase-contrasted image. The approach generates two separate images—the classic X-ray image and the phase-contrasted image—which can then be combined to produce a high-resolution picture.The researchers tested their technique on a Cardinal tetra, a tiny iridescent fish commonly found in fish tanks and aquariums. The conventional X-ray image showed the bones and the gut of the fish, while the phase-contrasted image showed details of the fins, the ear and the eye.Dr Pfeiffer's technique would thus appear to offer a way to get much greater detail for the same amount of radiation exposure. Moreover, since it uses standard hospital equipment, it should be easy to introduce into medical practice. X-rays may no longer be the stuff of Nobel prizes, but their usefulness may just have increased significantly.Here be dragonsWith luck, you may soon be able to buy a mythological petPAOLO FRIL, chairman and chief scientific officer of GeneDupe, based in San Melito, California, is a man with a dream. That dream is a dragon in every home.GeneDupe's business is biotech pets. Not for Dr Fril, though, the mundane cloning of dead moggies and pooches. He plans a range of entirely new animals—or, rather, of really quite old animals, with the twist that even when they did exist, it was only in the imagination.Making a mythical creature real is not easy. But GeneDupe's team of biologists and computer scientists reckon they are equal to the task. Their secret is a new field, which they call “virtual cell biology”.Biology and computing have a lot in common, since both are about processing information—in one case electronic; in the other, biochemical. Virtual cell biology aspires to make a software model of a cell that is accurate in every biochemical detail. That is possible because all animal cells use the same parts list—mitochondria for energy processing, the endoplasmic reticulum for making proteins, Golgi body for protein assembly, and so on.Armed with their virtual cell, GeneDupe's scientists can customise the result so that it belongs to a particular species, by loading it with a virtual copy of that animal's genome. Then, if the cell is also loaded with the right virtual molecules, it will behave like a fertilised egg, and start dividing and developing—first into an embryo, and ultimately into an adult.Because this “growth” is going on in a computer, it happens fast. Passing from egg to adult in one of GeneDupe's enormous Mythmaker computers takes less than a minute. And it is here that Charles Darwin gets a look in. With such a short generation time, GeneDupe's scientists can add a little evolution to their products.Each computer starts with a search image (dragon, unicorn, gryphon, etc), and the genome of the real animal most closely resembling it (a lizard for the dragon, a horse for the unicorn and, most taxingly, the spliced genomes of a lion and an eagle for the gryphon). The virtual genomes of these real animals are then tweaked by random electronic mutations. When they have matured, the virtual adults most closely resembling the targets are picked and cross-bred, while the others are culled.Using this rapid evolutionary process, GeneDupe's scientists have arrived at genomes for a range of mythological creatures—in a computer, at least. The next stage, on which they are just embarking, is to do it for real.This involves synthesising, with actual DNA, the genetic material that the computer models predict will produce the mythical creatures. The synthetic DNA is then inserted into a cell that has had its natural nucleus removed. The result, Dr Fril and his commercial backers hope, will be a real live dragon, unicorn or what have you.Tales of the unexpectedWhy a drug trial went so badly wrongIN ANY sort of test, not least a drugs trial, one should expect the unexpected. Even so, on March 13th, six volunteers taking part in a small clinical trial of a treatment known as TGN1412 got far more than they bargained for. All ended up seriously ill, with multiple organ failure, soon after being injected with the drug at a special testing unit at Northwick Park Hospital in London, run by a company called Parexel. One man remains ill in hospital.Small, preliminary trials of this sort are intended to find out whether a drug is toxic. Nevertheless, the mishap was so serious that Britain's Medicines and Healthcare products Regulatory Agency (MHRA), a government body, swiftly launched a full inquiry. On April 5th it announced its preliminary findings. These were that the trial was run correctly, doses of the drug were given as they were supposed to have been, and there was no contamination during manufacturing. In other words, it seems that despite extensive tests on animals and human-cell cultures, and despite the fact that the doses in the human trial were only a five-hundredth of those given to the animals, TGN1412 is toxic in people in a way that simply had not shown up.This is a difficult result for the drug business because it raises questions about the right way of testing medicines of this kind. TGN1412 is unusual in that it is an antibody. Most drugs are what are known as “small molecules”. Antibodies are big, powerful proteins that are the workhorses of the immune system. A mere 20 of them have been approved for human therapy, or are in latestage clinical trails, in America and Europe, but hundreds are in pre-clinical development, and will soon need to be tried out on people.Most antibody drugs are designed to work in one of three ways: by recruiting parts of the immune system to kill cancer cells; by delivering a small-molecule drug or a radioactive atom specifically to a cancer; or by blocking unwanted immune responses. In that sense, TGN1412 was unusual because it worked in a fourth way. It is what is called a “superagonistic” antibody, designed to increase the numbers of a type of immune cell known as regulatory T-cells.Reduced numbers, or impaired function, of regulatory T-cells has been implicated in a number of illnesses, such as type 1 diabetes, multiple sclerosis and rheumatoid arthritis. Boosting the pool of these antibodies seemed like a good treatment strategy. Unfortunately, that strategy fell disastrously to pieces and it will take a little longer to find out why.The result highlights concerns raised in a paper just published by the Academy of Medical Sciences, a group of experts based in London. It says there are special risks associated with novel antibody therapies. For example, their chemical specificity means that they might not bind to their targets in humans as they do in other species.Accidence and substanceTwo possible explanations for the bulk of realityTHE unknown pervades the universe. That which people can see, with the aid of various sorts of telescope, accounts for just 4% of the total mass. The rest, however, must exist. Without it, galaxies would not survive and the universe would not be gently expanding, as witnessed by astronomers. What exactly constitutes this dark matter and dark energy remains mysterious, but physicists have recently uncovered some more clues, about the former, at least.One possible explanation for dark matter is a group of subatomic particles called neutrinos. These objects are so difficult to catch that a screen made of lead a light-year thick would stop only half the neutrinos beamed at it from getting through. Yet neutrinos are thought to be the most abundant particles in the universe. Some ten thousand trillion trillion—most of them produced by nuclear reactions in the sun—reach Earth every second. All but a handful pass straight through the planet as if it wasn't there.According to the Standard Model, the most successful description of particle physics to date, neutrinos come in three varieties, called “flavours”. These are known as electron neutrinos, tau neutrinos and muon neutrinos. Again, according to the Standard Model, they are point-like, electrically neutral and massless. But in recent years, this view has been challenged, as physicists realised that neutrinos might have mass.The first strong evidence came in 1998, when researchers at an experiment called SuperKamiokande, based at Kamioka, in Japan, showed that muon neutrinos produced by cosmic rays hitting the upper atmosphere had gone missing by the time they should have reached an underground detector. SuperKamiokande's operators suspect that the missing muon neutrinos had changed flavour, becoming electron neutrinos or—more likely—tau neutrinos. Theory suggests that this process, called oscillation, can happen only if neutrinos have mass.Since then, there have been other reports of oscillation. Results from the Sudbury Neutrino Observatory in Canada suggest that electron neutrinos produced by nuclear reactions in the sun change into either muon or tau neutrinos on their journey to Earth. Two other Japanese experiments, one conducted at Kamioka and one involving the KEK particle-accelerator laboratory in Tsukuba, near Tokyo, also hint at oscillation.Last week, researchers working on the MINOS experiment at Fermilab, near Chicago, confirmed these results. Over the coming months and years, they hope to produce the most accurate measurements yet. The researchers created a beam of muon neutrinos by firing an intense stream of protons into a block of carbon. On the other side of the target sat a particle detector that monitored the number of muon neutrinos leaving the Fermilab site. The neutrinos then traveled 750km (450 miles) through the Earth to a detector in a former iron mine in Soudan, Minnesota.Myths and migrationDo immigrants really hurt American workers' wages?EVERY now and again America, a nation largely made up of immigrants and their descendants, is gripped by a furious political row over whether and how it should stem the flood of people wanting to enter the country. It is in the midst of just such a quarrel now. Congress is contemplating the erection of a wall along stretches of the Mexican border and a crackdown on illegalworkers, as well as softer policies such as a guest-worker programme for illegal immigrants. Some of the arguments are plain silly. Immigration's defenders claim that foreigners come to do jobs that Americans won't—as if cities with few immigrants had no gardeners. Its opponents say that immigrants steal American jobs—succumbing to the fallacy that there are only a fixed number of jobs to go around.One common argument, though not silly, is often overstated: that immigration pushes down American workers' wages, especially among high-school dropouts. It isn't hard to see why this might be. Over the past 25 years American incomes have become less equally distributed, typical wages have grown surprisingly slowly for such a healthy economy and the real wages of the least skilled have actually fallen. It is plausible that immigration is at least partly to blame, especially because recent arrivals have disproportionately poor skills. In the 2000 census immigrants made up 13% of America's pool of workers, but 28% of those without a high-school education and over half of those with eight years' schooling or less.In fact, the relationship between immigration and wages is not clear-cut, even in theory. That is because wages depend on the supply of capital as well as labour. Alone, an influx of immigrants raises the supply of workers and hence reduces wages. But cheaper labour increases the potential return to employers of building new factories or opening new valet-parking companies. In so doing, they create extra demand for workers. Once capital has fully adjusted, the final impact on overall wages should be a wash, as long as the immigrants have not changed the productivity of the workforce as a whole.However, even if wages do not change on average, immigration can still shift the relative pay of workers of different types. A large inflow of low-skilled people could push down the relative wages of low-skilled natives, assuming that they compete for the same jobs. On the other hand, if the immigrants had complementary skills, natives would be relatively better off. To gauge the full effect of immigration on wages, therefore, you need to know how quickly capital adjusts and how far the newcomers are substitutes for local workers.Roaming holidayThe EU hopes to slash the price of cross-border mobile calls“TODAY it is only when using your mobile phone abroad that you realise there are still borders in Europe,” lamented Viviane Reding, the European commissioner responsible for telecoms and media regulation, as she announced plans to slash the cost of mobile roaming last month. It is a laudable aim: European consumers typically pay €1.25 ($1.50) per minute to call home from another European country, and €1 per minute to receive calls from home while abroad. With roaming margins above 90%, European mobile operators make profits of around €10 billion a year from the trade, the commission estimates.Ms Reding's plan, unveiled on March 28th and up for discussion until May 12th, is to impose a “home pricing” scheme. Even while roaming, callers would be charged whatever they would normally pay to use their phones in their home countries; charges for incoming calls while roaming would be abolished. That may sound good. But, as the industry is understandably at pains to point out, it could have some curious knock-on effects.In particular, consumers could sign up with operators in foreign countries to take advantage of lower prices. Everyone would take out subscriptions to the cheapest supplier and bring them back home, says John Tysoe of the Mobile World, a consultancy. “You'd end up with a complete muddle. An operator might have a network, bu t no customers, because they've all migrated.”Another problem with Ms Reding's plan, he says, is that operators would compensate for the loss of roaming fees— thought to account for around 3% of their revenues and 5% of profits—by raising prices elsewhere. This would have the perverse effect of lowering prices for international business travellers, a big chunk of roaming traffic, while raising prices for most consumers.The commission's proposals are “economically incoherent”, says Richard Feasey of Vodafo ne, which operates mobile networks in many European countries. Imposing price caps on roaming is legally questionable, he says, and Vodafone has, in any case, been steadily reducing its roaming charges. (European regulators prevented it from doing so for three years on antitrust grounds after its takeover of Mannesmann in 2000.) Orange, another multinational operator, says it is planning to make price cuts, too. “Of course, now everybody's got price cuts,” says Stefano Nicoletti of Ovum, a consultancy.But perhaps Ms Reding's unspoken plan is to use the threat of regulation as a way to prompt action. Operators are right that her proposals make no sense, but they are charging too much all the same. So expect them to lobby hard against the proposals over the next couple of years, while quietly cutting their prices—an outcome that would, of course, allow both sides to claim victory.Devices and their desiresEngineers and chemists get togetherTHERE used to be a world of difference between treating a patient with a device—such as a fake hip or a pacemaker—and using biology and biochemistry. Different ailments required wholly different treatments, often with little in common. But that is changing as medical advances—such as those being trumpeted at the biotechnology industry's annual gathering this week in Chicago—foster combinations of surgical implants and other hardware with support from medicines. Drug-releasing stents were one of the first fruits of this trend, which increasingly requires vastly different sorts of health-care firms to mesh their research efforts.That will be a challenge. While pharmaceutical and biotech firms are always in search of the next big thing, devicemakers prefer gradual progress. Instead of hanging out with breathless entrepreneurs near America's east and west coasts, where most drug and biotechnology firms are based, many of the device-makers huddle in midwestern cities such as Minneapolis, Indianapolis and Kalamazoo. And unlike Big Pharma, which uses marketing blitzes to tell ailing consumers about its new drugs, medical-device sales teams act more as instructors, showing doctors how to install their latest creations.Several companies, however, are now trying to bring these two business cultures together. Earlier this year, for example, Angiotech Pharmaceuticals, a Canadian firm, bought American Medical Instruments (AMI). Angiotech's managers reckon their company has devised a good way to apply drug coatings to all sorts of medical paraphernalia, from sutures and syringes to catheters, in order to reduce the shock to the body. AMI makes just the sorts of medical supplies to which Angiotech hopes to apply its techniques.One of America's biggest makers of medical devices, Medtronic, has been doing joint research with Genzyme, a biotechnology company that is also keen on broader approaches to health care. Genzyme says that it was looking for better ways to treat ailments, such as coronary and kidney disease, and realised that it needed to understand better how electro-mechanical devices and information technology work. But combining its efforts with those of Medtronic “on a cultural level is very hard”, the company says. Biotechnology firms are used to much more risky projects and far longer development cycles.Another difference is that device-makers know that if a problem emerges with their hardware, the engineers will tinker around and try to resolve the glitch. Biotech and pharmaceutical firms have no such option. If a difficulty emerges after years of developing and testing a new pill, as with Merck's Vioxx, there may be little they can do about it. “You can't futz with a molecule”, says Debbie Wang, a health-care industry analyst.Strangely, says Ms Wang, some of the most promising engineering outfits were once divisions of pharmaceutical andhealth-care companies, which got rid of them precisely because they did not appear to offer the rapid growth that managers saw in prescription drugs. Guidant, a maker of various cardiovascular devices, was spun off by Eli Lilly in 1994 and a decade later became the prize in a bidding war between Johnson & Johnson and Boston Scientific, which Boston won earlier this year.Pfizer sold Howmedica, which makes joint replacements and prosthetics, to Kalamazoo-based Stryker in 1998. Anotherjoint-replacement maker, Zimmer, was spun off from Bristol-Myers Squibb in 2001. Now both those companies are looking for ways to add “anti-interactive coatings”—ie, drugs—to their business. One of the most troublesome complications in joint replacement is infection.The big drug companies might be tempted to reacquire the firms that they let go. But, given the potential for cultural and strategic clashes, it may make more sense for a few big and broad medical-device makers, such as Medtronic, Boston Scientific and St Jude Medical, to continue consolidating their own industry while co-operating, along the lines of the Medtronic-Genzyme venture, with biotech and pharmaceutical firms as they see fit. There would still be irritation; but probably less risk of wholesale rejection.Eat less, live moreHow to live longer—maybeDIETING, according to an old joke, may not actually make you live longer, but it sure feels that way. Nevertheless, evidence has been accumulating since the 1930s that calorie restriction—reducing an animal's energy intake below its energy expenditure—extends lifespan and delays the onset of age-related diseases in rats, dogs, fish and monkeys. Such results have inspired thousands of people to put up with constant hunger in the hope of living longer, healthier lives. They have also led to a search for drugs that mimic the effects of calorie restriction without the pain of going on an actual diet.Amid the hype, it is easy to forget that no one has until now shown that calorie restriction works in humans. That omission, however, changed this month, with the publication of the initial results of the first systematic investigation into the matter. Thisstudy, known as CALERIE (Comprehensive Assessment of Long-term Effects of Reducing Intake of Energy), was sponsored by America's National Institutes of Health. It took 48 men and women aged between 25 and 50 and assigned them randomly to either a control group or a calorie-restriction regime. Those in the second group were required to cut their calorie intake for six months to 75% of that needed to maintain their weight.The CALERIE study is a landmark in the history of the field, because its subjects were either of normal weight or only slightly overweight. Previous projects have used individuals who were clinically obese, thus confusing the unquestionable benefits to health of reducing obesity with the possible advantages of calorie restriction to the otherwise healthy.At a molecular level, CALERIE suggests these advantages are real. For example, those on restricted diets had lower insulin resistance (high resistance is a risk factor for type 2 diabetes) and lower levels of low-density lipoprotein cholesterol (high levels are a risk factor for heart disease). They showed drops in body temperature and blood-insulin levels—both phenomena that have been seen in long-lived, calorie-restricted animals. They also suffered less oxidative damage to their DNA.Eric Ravussin, of Louisiana State University in Baton Rouge, who is one of the study's authors, says that such results provide support for the theory that calorie restriction produces a metabolic adaptation over and above that which would be expected from weight loss alone. (He also points out that it will be a long time before such work reveals whether calorie restriction actually extends life.) Nevertheless, such metabolic adaptation could be the reason why calorie restriction is associated with longer lifespans in other animals—and that is certainly the hope of those who, for the past 15 years, have been searching for ways of triggering that metabolic adaptation by means other than semi-starvation.The search for a drug that will stave off old age is itself as old as the hills—as is the wishful thinking of the suckers who finance such efforts. Those who hope to find it by mimicking the effect of calorie restriction are not, however, complete snake-oil salesmen, for there is known to be a family of enzymes called sirtuins, which act both as sensors of nutrient availability and as regulators of metabolic rate. These might provide the necessary biochemical link between starving and living longer.Universal service?Proponents of “software as a service” say it will wipe out traditional softwareSOMETHING momentous is happening in the software business. Bill Gates of Mi crosoft calls it “the next sea change”. Analysts call it a “tectonic shift” in the industry. Trade publications hail it as “the next big thing”. It is software-as-a-service (SaaS)—the delivery of software as an internet-based service via a web browser, rather than as a product that must be purchased, installed and maintained. The appeal is obvious: SaaS is quicker, easier and cheaper to deploy than traditional software, which means technology budgets can be focused on providing competitive advantage, rather than maintenance.This has prompted an outbreak of iconoclasm. “Traditional software is dead,” says Jason Maynard, an analyst at Credit Suisse. Just as most firms do not own generators, but buy electricity from the grid, so in future they will buy software on the hoof, he says. “It's the end of software as we know it. All software is becoming a service,” declares Marc Benioff of , thebest-known proponent of the idea. But while SaaS is growing fast, it still represents only a tiny fraction of the overall software industry—a mere $3.35 billion last year, estimates Mr Maynard. Most observers expect it to be worth around $12 billion by 2010—but even that is equal only to Microsoft's quarterly sales today. There is no denying that SaaS is coming. But there is much debate, even among its advocates, about how quickly it will grow, and how widely it will be adopted.At the moment, small and medium-sized businesses are the most enthusiastic adopters of SaaS, since it is cheaper and simpler than maintaining rooms of server computers and employing staff to keep them running. Unlike the market for desktop software, which is dominated by Microsoft, or for high-end enterprise software, which is dominated by SAP and Oracle, the middle ground is still highly f ragmented, which presents an opportunity. “This is the last great software market left—the last unconsolidated market,” says Zach Nelson of NetSuite, which provides a suite of software services including accounting, sales-force automation and customer service. His firm is targeting small and medium-sized businesses by providing “verticalised” services—that is, versions of its software adapted to particular types of company, such as professional-service firms, wholesale distributors and software firms.Large companies, says Mr Nelson, have already made big investments in traditional software. “They've already been through the pain,” he says. So they will not be in a hurry to ditch their existing investments in traditional software from the likes of SAP and Or acle. “I have no fantasy of replacing those guys,” says Mr Nelson. But Mr Benioff of disagrees. His firm provides customer-relationship management (CRM) software as a service, which is already used by many big firms including Cisco, Sprint a nd Merrill Lynch. “The world's largest companies are now using for the world's largest CRM implementations,” he says. “It's the future of our industry that everything will be a service.”Even so, Mr Maynard reckons it will be some time before large companies fully embrace the service model. However,。

考研英语《经济学人》翻译实践+词汇积累

考研英语《经济学人》翻译实践+词汇积累

考研英语《经济学⼈》翻译实践+词汇积累(6)This picture of dedication and loneliness stands in sharp contrast to the popular image. Mr Zhang says he is as disgusted as the general public is with official corruption. He notes that, like many civil servants, he works in a job without the kind of power that could be abused. The leaders in his office work longer hours than he does and still ride bicycles to work.虽尽⼼尽⼒,但总感到孤独,与⼤众对公务员的印象形成鲜明对⽐。

Zhang Minfu说,与普通⼤众⼀样,⾃⼰也痛恨贪腐。

他特别提醒,如同众多公务员那般,⾃⼰没有可滥⽤的职权。

其办公室的领导⼯作时间⽐他还长,现在仍是蹬车上班。

译后习得Dedication解释:V-T If you say that someone has dedicated themselves to something, you approve of the fact that they have decided to give a lot of time and effort to it because they think that it is important.投⾝举例:For the next few years, she dedicated herself to her work.随后的⼏年⾥,她全⾝⼼地投⼊⼯作。

解释:ADJ投⾝于…的举例:He's quite dedicated to his students.他奉献很多给他的学⽣们。

《经济学人》(节选)汉译实践报告的开题报告

《经济学人》(节选)汉译实践报告的开题报告

《经济学人》(节选)汉译实践报告的开题报告尊敬的评委和导师:本人将从翻译与传播角度,选取《经济学人》(以下简称Economist)的节选文章进行汉译实践,以提高自身英语能力和翻译水平。

一、选题理由1、经济学人是国际著名的财经、政治、科技、文化综合类杂志,拥有广泛的读者群体和专业的写作团队,其报道深入浅出、客观中立、文笔优美,具有较高的知名度和影响力。

2、经济学人的节选文章涉及领域广泛,包括经济学、管理学、国际关系、科技前沿等,具有较高的参考价值和实用性。

3、翻译实践是提高英语能力和翻译水平的有效途径,通过对《经济学人》节选文章的汉译实践,可以锻炼自身的英语阅读、理解、表达和翻译能力。

二、研究目标和内容1、研究目标通过对《经济学人》节选文章的汉译实践,达到以下目标:(1) 提高英语文献阅读能力。

(2) 提升翻译水平和语言表达能力。

(3) 加深对国际经济、政治、科技等领域的理解和认识。

(4) 探索英文期刊的汉译策略和技巧,提高汉译质量。

2、研究内容本人拟选取《经济学人》的某一期节选文章进行汉译实践,并结合相关理论和实践经验,探讨如何解决英文阅读难度大、翻译难度高、表达不准确等问题,提升汉译质量和对国际经济、政治、科技等领域的理解和认识。

三、研究方法1、文献阅读法:通过对《经济学人》的相关期刊、文章和资料的阅读,了解其风格特点和汉译难点。

2、对比分析法:通过对英文原文和中文译文的对比分析,发现翻译中存在的问题和不足,同时结合国内外相关理论进行归纳和总结。

3、实证研究法:对所选的一篇英文节选文章进行汉译实践,发现、总结和改进翻译过程中的问题,提高汉译质量。

四、研究意义本研究具有重要意义:1、提高研究者的英语阅读能力和翻译水平,进一步拓展视野,加深对国际经济、政治、科技等领域的理解和认识。

2、通过《经济学人》节选文章的汉译实践,进一步探索英文期刊的汉译策略和技巧,提升汉译质量。

3、提高中国高等教育国际化水平,促进国际文献传播和国际学术交流。

英文期刊《经济学人》汉译英时政词语点评

英文期刊《经济学人》汉译英时政词语点评

英文期刊《经济学人》汉译英时政词语点评As one of the most influential English-language periodicals, The Economist not only provides insightful analysis and commentary on economics, business, and finance, but also offers comprehensive coverage of global politics and current affairs. With its unique perspective and distinctive style, The Economist has been a valuable source ofinformation and inspiration for people around the world, especially for those who are interested in understanding the latest developments and trends in the ever-changing world.In recent years, the translation of political terms and phrases from Chinese to English has become a hot topic in the academic and professional circles. Many scholars, translators, and language experts have devoted considerable efforts to studying and analyzing the challenges and opportunities of translating political discourse from Chinese to English, as well as exploring the cultural and linguistic factors thatmay influence the translation process and the reception ofthe translated texts.Against this backdrop, this paper aims to provide acritical review and analysis of the translation of political terms and phrases from English to Chinese in The Economist, with a focus on the linguistic and cultural difficulties and the strategies and techniques adopted by the translators to overcome them. Specifically, the paper will examine five selected articles from The Economist that cover various aspects of global politics and current affairs, and analyzethe translation of the key terms and phrases in thesearticles from English to Chinese.The five articles selected for this study are: "The Rise of Populist Nationalism in Europe", "The North Korean Nuclear Crisis", "The Future of the Trans-Pacific Partnership", "The Rohingya Refugee Crisis", and "The Catalan Independence Referendum". These articles touch upon some of the most pressing and complex issues facing the world today, such as the rise of populism and nationalism in Western Europe, the nuclear threat posed by North Korea, the challenges and opportunities of the Trans-Pacific Partnership, the humanitarian crisis in Myanmar, and the political turbulence in Catalonia. By examining the translation of these articles, we can gain a deeper understanding of the linguistic and cultural difficulties involved in translating political discourse, as well as the strategies and techniques that can be used to produce effective and accurate translations.One of the most important challenges of translating political discourse from English to Chinese is the linguistic and cultural gap between the two languages and cultures. English is a highly idiomatic and metaphorical language that often uses complex and abstract terms and phrases to convey its meanings. Chinese, on the other hand, is a relatively more literal and concrete language that relies more on context and syntax to convey its meanings. As a result, translating political discourse from English to Chinese requires a deep understanding of both languages and cultures, as well as a great deal of creativity and flexibility.In the article "The Rise of Populist Nationalism in Europe", the translator faces the challenge of translating the key phrase "populist nationalism" into Chinese. Thetranslator decides to use the term "民粹主义"(min4cui4zhu3yi4), which combines the Chinese words for "people" (民) and "pure" (粹), and the English word "ism". This translation effectively conveys the meaning of the term and captures its connotations in English. However, the use of the term "minzhu" (民主), which means "democracy" in Chinese, may cause confusion among Chinese readers who are notfamiliar with the concept of "populist nationalism" in the Western context.In the article "The North Korean Nuclear Crisis", the translator faces the challenge of translating the key term "denuclearization" into Chinese. The translator decides to use the term "无核化" (wu2he2hua4), which literally means "removal of nuclear weapons". This translation effectively conveys the meaning of the term and captures its connotations in English. However, the use of the term "he" (核), which means "nuclear" in Chinese, may cause confusion among Chinese readers who are not familiar with the context of the North Korean nuclear crisis.In the article "The Future of the Trans-Pacific Partnership", the translator faces the challenge of translating the key term "free trade" into Chinese. The translator decides to use the term "自由贸易"(zi4you2mao4yi4), which combines the Chinese words for "freedom" (自由) and "trade" (贸易). This translation effectively conveys the meaning of the term and captures its connotations in English. However, the use of the term "maoyi" (贸易), which means "trade" in Chinese, may not fully capture the complexity and depth of the term "free trade" in the Western context.In the article "The Rohingya Refugee Crisis", thetranslator faces the challenge of translating the key term "ethnic cleansing" into Chinese. The translator decides to use the term "种族清洗" (zhong3zu2qing1xi3), which combines the Chinese words for "ethnic group" (种族) and "cleaning" (清洗). This translation effectively conveys the meaning of the term and captures its connotations in English. However, the use of the term "qingxi" (清洗), which means "cleaning" in Chinese, may not fully capture the brutality and violence of the term "ethnic cleansing" in the Western context.In the article "The Catalan Independence Referendum", the translator faces the challenge of translating the key phrase "illegal referendum" into Chinese. The translator decides to use the term "非法公投" (fei1fa3gong1tou2), which combines the Chinese words for "illegal" (非法) and "referendum" (公投). This translation effectively conveys the meaning of the term and captures its connotations in English. However, the use of the term "gongtou" (公投), which means "referendum" in Chinese, may not fully capture the political significance and implications of the term "referendum" in the Western context.In conclusion, the translation of political terms and phrases from English to Chinese is a complex and challenging task that requires a deep understanding of both languages and cultures, as well as a great deal of creativity and flexibility. The five articles selected for this study provide a comprehensive and diverse sample of the political discourse in English and Chinese, and offer valuable insights and lessons for translators, scholars, and language learners who are interested in bridging the linguistic and cultural gap between the two languages and cultures.。

经济学人文章翻译

经济学人文章翻译
Some people worry about our federal deficit. But I worry about our bravery deficit. Our economy, our society, we’re losing out because we’re not raising our girls to be brave. The bravery deficit is the reason why women are underrepresented in STEM, in C-suites, in boardrooms, in Congress, and pretty much everywhere you look.
Most girls are taught to avoid failure and risk. To smile pretty,play it safe, get all A’s. Boys, on the other hand, are taught to play rough, swing high, crawl to the top of the monkey bars and then jump off head first.
很多女性在交谈中告诉我,她们喜欢从事自己能胜任或做得完美的职业或职位。这也不足为奇。
女孩从小就被教导要避免失败,规避风险。要微笑得体,谨慎行事,门门优秀。而在另一方面,男孩却被教导要玩得粗野,荡到高空,爬上猴架顶端,再纵身跃下。
当他们成年之时,男性习惯于不断冒险,无论是要求加薪还是约某人出去,他们的冒险也时常得到回报。在硅谷人们常说倘若没经过两次创业的失败,没人会把你当回事。换言之,我们教育女孩要完美无缺,而教导男孩学会勇敢。
By the time they’re adults and whether they’re negotiating a raise or even asking someone out on a date, men are habituateபைடு நூலகம் to take risk after risk. They’re rewarded for it. It’s often said inSilicon Valleythat no one even takes you seriously unless you’ve had two failed startups. In other words,we’re raising our girls to be perfect and we’re raising our boys to be brave.

经济学人(英语文章带翻译)

经济学人(英语文章带翻译)

Nice work if you can get out 谁都不愿摊上这种好事Free exchange自由交流Why the rich now have less leisure than the poor为什么当今富人的休闲时间比穷人还少Apr 19th 2014 | From the print edition1 FOR most of human history rich people had the most leisure. In “Downton Abbey”, a drama a bout the British upper classes of the early 20th century, one aloof aristocrat has never heard of the term “weekend”: for her, every day is filled with leisure. On the flip side, the poor have typically slogged. Hans-Joachim Voth, an economichistorian at the University of Zurich, shows that in 1800 the average English worker laboured for 64 hours a week. “In the 19th century you could tell how poor somebody was by how long they worked,” says Mr Voth.”2 In today's advanced economies things are different. O verall working hours have fallen over the past century. But the rich have begun to work longer hours than the poor. In 1965 men with a college degree, who tend to be richer, had a bit more leisure time than men who had only completed high school. But by 2005 the college-educated had eight hours less of it a week than the high-school grads. Figures from the American Time Use Survey, released last year, show that Americans with abachelor's degree or above work two hours more each day than those without a high-school diploma. Other research shows that the share of college-educated American men regularly working more than 50 hours a week rose from 24% in 1979 to 28% in 2006, but fell for high-school dropouts. The rich, it seems, are no longer the class of leisure.3 There are a number of explanations. One has to do with what economists call the “substitution effect”. Higher wages make leisure moreexpensive: if people take time off they give up more money. Since the 1980s the salaries of those at the top have risen strongly, while those below the median have stagnated or fallen. Thus rising inequality encourages the rich to work more and the poor to work less.,4 The “winner-takes-all” nature of modern economies may amplify the substitution effect. The scale of the global market means businessesthat innovate tend to reap huge gains (think of YouTube, Apple and Goldman Sachs). The returns for beating your competitors can be enormous. Research from Peter Kuhn of the University of California, Santa Barbara, and Fernando Lozano of Pomona College shows that the same is true for highly skilled workers. Although they do not immediately get overtimepay for “extra” hours, the most successful workers, often the ones putting in the most hours, may reap gains from winner-takes-all markets. Whereas in the early 1980s a man working 55 hours a week earned 11% more than a man putting in 40 hours in the same type of occupation, that gap had increased to 25% by the turn of the 5 Economists tend to assume that the substitution effec t must at some stage be countered by an “income effect”: as higher wages allow people to satisfy more of their material needs, they forgo extra work and instead choose more leisure. Abillionaire who can afford his own island has little incentive to work that extra hour. But new social mores may have flipped the income effect on its head.6 The status of work and leisure in the rich world has changed since the days of “Downton Abbey”. Back in 1899 Thorstein Veblen, an American economist who dabbled in sociology, offered his take on things. He argued that leisure was a “badge of honour”. Rich people could get others to do the dirty, repetitive work—what Veblen called “industry”. Yet Veblen's leisure class was not idle. Rather they engaged in“exploit”: challe nging and creative activities such as writing, philanthropy and debating.7 Veblen's theory needs updating, according to a recent paper from researchers at Oxford University*. Work in advanced economies has become more knowledge-intensive and intellectual. There are fewer really dull jobs, like lift-operating, and more glamorous ones, like fashion design. That means more people than ever can enjoy “exploit” at the office. Work has come to offer the sort of pleasures that rich people used to seek in their time off. On the flip side, leisure is no longer a sign of social power. Instead it symbolises uselessness and unemployment.8 The evidence backs up the sociological theory. The occupations inwhich people are least happy are manual and service jobs requiringlittle skill. Job satisfaction tends to increase with the prestige ofthe occupation. Research by Arlie Russell Hochschild of the Universityof California, Berkeley, suggests that as work becomes moreintellectually stimulating, people start to enjoy it more than home life. “I come to work to relax,” one interviewee tells Ms Hochschild. And wealthy people often feel that lingering at home is a waste of time. A study in 2006 revealed that Americans with a household income of more than $100,000 indulged in 40% less “passive leisure” (such as watching TV) than those earning less than $20,000.Condemned to relax休闲是无奈之举9 What about less educated workers? Increasing leisure time probably reflects a deterioration in their employment prospects as low-skill and manual jobs have withered. Since the 1980s, high-school dropouts have fared badly in the labour market. In 1965 the unemployment rate of American high-school graduates was 2.9 percentage points higher than forthose with a bachelor's degree or more. Today it is 8.4 points higher. “Less educated people are not necessarily buying their way into leisure,” explains Erik Hurst of the University of Chicago. “Some of that time off work may be involuntary.” There may also be change in the income effect for those on low wages. Information technology, by opening a vast world of high-quality and cheap home entertainment, means that low-earners do not need to work as long to enjoy a reasonably satisfying leisure.从历史上来看,但凡富人都是最闲的。

2011年英语二阅读text4

2011年英语二阅读text4

2011年英语二阅读text4一、文章题材结构分析本文选自The Economist ( 《经济学人》) 2010年7月8日一篇题为《Staring into the abyss》的文章。

本文是一篇说明文,说明欧盟统一的货币体系,它的现状,各国对其看法以及评价。

第一段段讲述欧盟今非昔比,问题严重。

第二段重点指出其面临的迫切问题,以及使用统一的货币带来的影响。

第三段指出问题的解决停滞不前的原因。

第四、五段分别介绍了德国和法国在欧盟统一货币方面方面的不同态度。

最后一段总结:现在为欧盟下定论. 还为时过早。

二、全文翻译Text 4Will the European Union make it(成功,固定词组)? The question would have sounded strange not long ago. Now even the project’s greatest cheerleaders talk of a continent(洲,大陆)facing a “Bermuda triangle” of debt, population decline and lower growth.欧盟会成功吗?若在不久之前有人提这样的问题,人们会感到奇怪。

但是现在即使是欧盟最有力的支持者们也都在谈论欧洲大陆所面临的“百慕大三角”一一债务、人口下降和低速增长。

As well as those chronic(长期的,慢性的)problems, the EU faces an acute(严重的,急性的;激烈的;敏锐的;尖声的)crisis in its economic core, the 16 countries that use the single currency. Markets have lost faith that the euro zone’s economies, weaker or stronger, will one day converge thanks to(汇聚到)the discipline of sharing a single currency, which denies uncompetitive members the quick fix of devaluation(货币贬值).译文:市场已经失去信心,不再相信欧元区的经济体,无论强弱,终有一天都会因遵循使用统一货币一,这可以阻止缺乏竞争力的成员国利用货币贬值快速解决经济问题一而走向融合。

从目的论视角下看《经济学人》汉译策略

从目的论视角下看《经济学人》汉译策略

从目的论视角下看《经济学人》汉译策略《经济学人》是一份著名的英文新闻杂志,以全球商业、政治和经济报道著称。

为了让更多中国读者能够阅读和理解其内容,中国出版社普遍采用汉译的方式将其翻译成中文。

从目的论的视角来看,《经济学人》汉译策略主要有以下几个方面。

汉译的目的是为了传达原文的信息和意义。

《经济学人》的报道通常涵盖全球范围内的复杂经济和政治问题,涉及大量专业术语和领域知识。

汉译的目的是准确传达原文的信息和观点,使读者能够理解和领会其中的内涵。

汉译的策略要注重准确翻译专业术语和固定搭配,并尽可能提供背景和解释,以帮助读者更好地理解文章。

汉译的目的是为了适应中国读者的背景和文化。

《经济学人》是一本国际性的杂志,面向全球读者,包括中国读者。

为了迎合中国的语境和文化,汉译需要注意文化差异和社会背景,避免使用不熟悉或不适宜的用词和表达方式。

汉译还要考虑读者的知识水平和专业背景,尽可能使用通俗易懂的语言,使读者能够轻松理解和接受。

汉译的目的是为了提升读者的阅读体验。

新闻杂志的汉译不仅仅是简单的文字转换,更要注重整体的阅读体验。

汉译可以适当调整文章的句式和语调,使其更符合中国读者的习惯和口味。

汉译还可以适当增加或补充相关信息和解释,提升读者的阅读流畅性和理解度。

通过优化阅读体验,可以增加读者对汉译《经济学人》的兴趣和吸引力。

从目的论的视角来看,《经济学人》的汉译策略主要以准确传达原文信息、适应中国读者背景和文化、提升阅读体验以及推广品牌影响力为目的。

通过合理并综合应用这些策略,可以使汉译的《经济学人》更好地满足中国读者的需求和期望,提升其在中国的受欢迎程度和影响力。

《经济学人》双语精读 NO.1

《经济学人》双语精读 NO.1

原文:Speech is silver, silence is goldDONALD TRUMP and Joe Biden are not merely the two oldest candidates to contest a presidential election. They also may be the most prolix. Their speaking styles differ—Mr Trump riffs while Mr Biden rambles; Mr Trump nurses personal grievances and Mr Biden tells stories — but they both love to talk. However, in the run-up to last night’s debate, the campaign’s second and last, both campaigns signalled that they wanted their candidates to allow the other more speaking time.||译文:特朗普和拜登不只是两位年龄最大的总统候选人,他们有可能是最啰嗦的。

他们讲话风格不同——特朗普喜欢重复,而拜登则东拉西扯;特朗普心怀不满,而拜登则讲述故事——但他们都有一个共同特点:能说。

然而,在昨晚辩论的准备阶段(这是竞选活动的第二场也是最后一场辩论),双方竞选团队都表示,希望各自候选人能给对方更多的发言时间。

Mr Trump’s campaign believed that the more Mr Biden spoke, the likelier he was to ramble and lose his train of thought, which would give credence to their charge that he has lost his mental acuity. Mr Biden’s camp—judging by the first debate’s aftermath, in which Mr Biden’s polling lead grew after Trump repeatedly interrupted, hectored and insulted him—reasoned that the more airtime Mr Trump gets, the less voters like him.||译文:特朗普的竞选团队认为,拜登讲的越多,就越有可能胡言乱语、失去思路,从而使他们的“拜登精神敏锐度下降”这一说法更加可信。

2023.10.07 经济学人:双语翻译

2023.10.07 经济学人:双语翻译

2023.10.7 经济学人:双语翻译Covid tests to be scaled up as NHS hospitals brace for winter squeeze随着NHS医院应对冬季挤压,新冠病毒检测将扩大【1】Coronavirus testing and monitoring are to be scaled up for the winter, the UK’s public health agency has said. Scientists warned last month that the UK was nearly “flying blind” when it comes to Covid, because many of the surveillance programmes that were in place at the heightof the pandemic have been wound down.英国公共卫生机构表示,英国将扩大冬季对冠状病毒的检测和监测规模。

科学家上个月警告称,在新冠肺炎疫情方面,英国几乎“失明”,因为在疫情最严重时实施的许多监测项目已经关闭。

【2】Now the UK Health Security Agency (UKHSA) has confirmed that it is planning to boost testing and surveillance as winter approaches. The announcement has been made as schools and universities prepare for the return of students after the summer, employees head back to work and indoor gatherings become more common-factors known to increase the risk of respiratory infections, including Covid, spreading.现在,英国卫生安全局(UKHSA)已经证实,随着冬季的临近,它正计划加强检测和监测。

经济学人补充 带翻译

经济学人补充  带翻译

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CONVIVIAL, and not averse to a drink, Nancy Wake could often be found cheering up a cocktail bar. In the late 1940s, and again towards the end of her life, it might have been the American Bar of the Stafford Hotel, just across the road from The Economist’s offices in London. In 1940, when she was living as a newlywed in Vichy France, it could have been another American Bar, this one in the Hôtel du Louvre et de la Paix in Marseilles. It was a chance encounter here with an English officer, interned by the French authorities but that day on parole, which led to her membership of the resistance, and then to her role as an agent of the British Special Operations Executive in occupied France. Of the 39 SOE women infiltrated into France, 11 of whom would die in concentration camps, she was perhaps the most redoubtable.南希•维克性格开朗,能喝善饮,鸡尾酒吧经常可以看到她惬意的身影。

上世纪40年代末和生命最后的时光里她常光顾的可能是斯塔福德旅馆里的美国酒吧,这家酒吧就和伦敦《经济学人》办公楼隔路相望。

而1940年时,新婚燕尔的维克居住在维希法国,那时候她可能是巴黎卢浮旅馆和马赛和平旅馆内另一家美国酒吧的常客。

在这家酒吧,机缘巧合,她和一位被法国当局拘留恰巧在当天假释的英国军官相遇。

正是这段偶遇让她加入了反法西斯抵抗组织,后来成为法国占领区内英国特种作战执行队的一名间谍。

所有39名渗透到法国境内的间谍中,11名险些死在集中营里。

维克恐怕是39名间谍中最厉害的角色了。

From her earliest days, Miss Wake combined opposing qualities. She was disciplined, but at the same time a free spirit. In Sydney, to which her large family had moved after leaving her birthplace in New Zealand, she twice ran away from home. As soon as she could, she made her way to London, then to Paris to work as a freelance journalist. There it was her cheerful independence as much as her good looks that caught the eye of the rich French industrialist, Henri Fiocca, who would take her to Marseilles as his wife.打从很小起,维克性格中就充满了对立。

她一方面严于律己,另一方面却叛逆不羁。

一大家人从维克出生地新西兰搬至悉尼后,她曾两度离家出走。

条件一允许她就去了伦敦,然后到巴黎当起了自由记者。

在巴黎,凭着快乐的天性、独立的精神和美丽的容貌她吸引了腰缠万贯的法国企业家亨利•菲奥卡,随后,两人在马赛市结了婚。

She enjoyed her new life of luxury while it lasted, but she was no flibbertigibbet. Soon after meeting the interned British officer, she was helping to get similar Allied airmen, refugees and escaped prisoners-of-war out of occupied France and into Britain. She took a flat, ostensibly for a lover, in fact for the resistance, sheltered men on the run and became a crucial part of the southern escape line to Spain, travelling all over southern France from Nice to Nîmes to Perpignan, with clothing, money and false documents.虽然尽情享受着豪华奢侈的新生活,但她绝不是那种只贪图享受的轻浮女人。

和那位英国军官认识后不久,她就开始为盟军空军、避难人员和从法国被占区逃往英国的战俘提供协助。

她租下一幢公寓,以养情人作掩护,供抵抗组织活动所需,为逃难人员提供庇护;她带着衣物、钱和假造的公文,从尼斯到尼姆再到佩里皮昂在法国南部来回奔走,成为法国南部向西班牙逃亡路线的一个关键人物。

Inevitably, she was arrested. Beaten up and questioned for four days, she revealed nothing. It was this steadiness and loyalty to her comrades that most appealed to the British officers who later agreed to train her to become an SOE agent.不可避免地,她被捕了。

尽管在狱中遭到毒打盘问,她咬紧牙关,没透露任何。

正是由于对战友的可靠和忠诚,那些英国军官后来才一致同意训练她为英国特种作战执行队的间谍。

Other qualities were evident by then. Her femininity was never in doubt. It helped her escape capture, not just because she could on occasion flirt her way out of trouble, but also because her Gestapo pursuers assumed any woman as skilful in evading them must be a butch matron (though because of her ability to scuttle off the Ger mans called her “the White Mouse”). When she was with the Maquis, silk stockings and Elizabeth Arden face cream were often dropped for her by parachute, along with Sten guns, radios and grenades. Yet she conformed to no stereotype, swearing in the vernacular in the coarsest of terms, living for months in the woods and fighting, in the words of a confrère, not like a man but “like five men”.维克性格的其他特点在那时也已展现。

她的女性气质是毫无疑问的,靠着这种气质她一次次逃脱,一方面她可以偶尔和看守调调情从而逃脱,另一方面,一直追捕她的纳粹警察们认为,能够轻松逃脱他们手心的女人一定是那种五大三粗的老女人(不过她仍然因为脱身本领过人而被纳粹称为“白老鼠”)。

在法国抗德游击队工作那会,盟军空投斯特恩式轻机枪、收音机和手榴弹时,经常会顺便带些长筒丝袜、伊利莎白雅顿面霜给她。

但她不是只有女性的一面——她还会用最脏的方言骂人,可以在林中作战中撑过数月,用战友的话来说,她不像一个男人,而是“像五个男人”。

Her fearlessness seemed to come from a total lack of self-doubt. The certainty with which she held her beliefs—she hated the Nazis, having seen them whipping Jews in Vienna before the war, loved France and was intensely loyal to Britain—freed her of any sense of guilt. This in turn enabled her to act as though she were utterly innocent, even when claiming to be the cousin of an imprisoned Scottish captain, or chatting to a Gestapo officer with 200lb of illegal pork in her suitcase.她的无所畏惧似乎来自于她对自己一切的毫不怀疑。

对自己信仰的坚守让她问心无愧——她痛恨纳粹,战前曾亲眼目睹纳粹在维也纳迫害犹太人,她热爱法国,对英国忠贞不渝。

这也进而让她在行动中表现得毫不心虚,甚至可以底气十足地称自己是被捕的苏格兰海军上校的表妹,可以非法在手提箱里藏着200磅猪肉和纳粹警官气定神闲地聊天。

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