土地资源管理公共房屋中英文对照外文翻译文献

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介绍土地资源管理专业的英语作文范文

介绍土地资源管理专业的英语作文范文In the realm of environmental and urban studies, Land Resource Management stands as a critical field that addresses the sustainable use, conservation, and development of land resources. This interdisciplinary area integrates knowledge from geography, urban planning, environmental science, and public policy to ensure that land is utilized efficiently and equitably.Students pursuing a degree in Land Resource Management are equipped with the skills to assess land use patterns, evaluate the impact of development projects, and formulate strategies for land conservation. They learn to use Geographic Information Systems (GIS) for mapping and analyzing spatial data, which is essential for making informed decisions about land allocation.The importance of this field cannot be overstated, as it directly influences the quality of life in communities by affecting factors such as housing, transportation, and green spaces. Professionals in Land Resource Managementplay a pivotal role in mitigating the effects of urban sprawl, preserving natural habitats, and promoting sustainable development practices.In conclusion, Land Resource Management is a vital discipline that addresses the complex challenges of balancing human needs with environmental stewardship. It is a field that requires a deep understanding of both the natural and built environments and the ability to applythis knowledge to create sustainable solutions for the future.土地资源管理专业是环境和城市研究领域中至关重要的一个分支，它关注土地资源的可持续利用、保护和开发。

关于土地征用的英文文献

Land Acquisition ActJerome KernIn India the government is empowered by the central law passed by the union legislature, which is known as the Land Acquisition Act, 1894. The objective of this Act is to amend the laws relating to land acquisition for public purpose and for companies and also to determine the compensation, which is required to be made in cases of land acquisition. The enactment states that the expression land includes benefits that arise of land and things attached to the earth or permanently attached to the anything fastened to the earth.Further the Land Acquisition Act also specifies the public officers who are authorized for such acquiring of land on behalf of the State. They include the Collector, Deputy Commissioner and also any officer who is specially appointed by the appropriate government under the authority of law. The collector prepares the declaration and copies are forwarded to the administrative departments and all the concerned parties. This declaration is then required to be published in the same manner as in case of the notification issued. The collector issues the awards, further allows a time of not less than 15 days for any objections to be filed.Moreover if the compensation given is under protest than as per the enactment the awardees are entitled to refer the matter to the court for determination of requisite amount of compensation.First, Right to Property“Right to acquire a property, although is not a fundamental right, but is a constitutional and human right. Before a person can be deprived of his right to acquire property, the law and/or a contract must expressly and explicitly state so.”The answer to the question, whether the property amendments violate the basic structure of our Constitution is in negative. The answer to this question depends upon the correct interpretation of the nature and effect of those amendments and their effect on fundamental rights and other basic features of our Constitution.The right conferred by Article 19(1) (f) and Article 31 read with the under noted entries were closely interwoven with the whole fabric of the Indian Constitution that those rights cannot be torn out without leaving a jaggedhole and broken threads replaced so as to harmonize with the other parts of the ConstitutionArticle 19(1) (f) and Article 31 (2) dealt with different, but connected aspects of the right to property. The above mentioned two articles were mutually exclusive. However, there was a difference in opinion in this regard which was clarified by the 25th Amendment which introduced in Article 31 a new clause (2-B) which provided that “Nothing in Article 19(1) (f) shall affect any such law as is referred to in clause (2).” The validity of this amendment was unanimously upheld in the Fundamental Rights case. The reason for this mutual exclusiveness was that when property is acquired for a public purpose on payment of compensation, the right of a citizen to hold property is gone, and the question of his right to hold that property subject to reasonable restrictions does not arise.Further Article 19(1) (f) which conferred on citizens the right to acquire, hold and dispose of property formed part of a group of articles under the heading “Right to Freedom.” It requires no elaborate argument to demonstrate that property is intimately connected with the right to freedom. Article 31 appeared under the heading “Right to Property”; for the right to freedom conferred by Article 19(1) (f) would be worth little if the property when acquired could be taken away by law. Hence Article 31 provided that private property could be acquired only for public purpose and on payment of compensation. There is nothing in the Statement of Objects and Reasons to show that the Parliament no longer looked upon the right to acquire hold and dispose of property as part of the Right to Freedom.Second,Principle of Determining CompensationBoth under amended and unamended Article 31(2), legislatures have an option either to fix the compensation in the law itself, or to lay down principles for determining compensation to be paid. Confining to the first option, if after the 4th Amendment, Parliament passed a law fixing compensation ranging from 90 to 50 per cent, or less, of the full and fair money equivalent (market value) of the property to be acquired, no court could set aside the law, for the challenge would be to the adequacy of compensation. In the result, the law would be a valid law although the compensation provided fell short, or far short, of the market value.If the question is asked “why the law has fixed the compensation amounting to 60%, and not 70 or 50 per cent of the market value?” the answer would be that in the legislative judgment the amount fixed by the law was a fair and just compensation for the acquisition of property under that law. And if a law fixing compensation at amounts ranging from 90 to 50 per cent,or less, of the market value of the property acquired cannot be struck down by a court, equally, “principles of compensation” cannot be struck down when they produce the same result. The consequence of the transformation brought about by the 4th Amendment is that “principles of compensation do not mean the same thing before and after the 4th Amendment. The 4th Amendment clearly explained the meaning of “principle of compensation” as rules, the application of which would enable a person to determine the full and fair money equivalent. The 4th Amendment took away the yardstick of full and fair money equivalent and put no determinate yardstick in its place.After the 4th Amendment, principles of compensation only meant general rules, the application of which would produce an amount which the legislature considered was just and fair compensation for the property acquired. The framers of the Constitution knew that to substitute the fixed yardstick of a full and fair equivalent by the changing yardstick of the legislative judgment of what is fair and just to the individual whose property is to be acquired, was to put wide powers in the hands of Parliament which were capable of abuse. But the framers considered it necessary that Parliament should have those powers, and that necessary powers cannot be withheld because they can be abused. As regards the State legislatures, the requirement of obtaining the President’s assent [i.e. approval of the Union Government] was considered a sufficient safeguard. As years went by, it was seen that the presumption that the elected representatives of the people would not enact unfair laws of acquisition was seen to be unfounded, because the power was gravely abused and at times, the power became a weapon of blackmail.The above analysis shows that the 4th Amendment expressly made compensation and principles of compensation non-justifiable. One question still remain open to judicial review, namely, whether the amount fixed or the amount derived from the principles laid down for determining the compensation could be described as compensation at all. If, for example, a law fixed Re. 1 for acquiring property of the market value Rs.1 lac, it is obvious that the legislature was observing the form but denying the substance of compensation. Such compensation would be struck down as illusory, i.e. in a practical sense, as no compensation at all. Where illusory compensation ends and grossly inadequate compensation begins, is a matter of difficulty which would have to be solved on the facts and circumstances for which the law provides. But apart from this limitation, the 4th Amendment was designed to exclude judicial review of “compensation” or principles of compensation for the acquisition of property.In Vejravelu’s case, the petitioner impugned the Land Acquisition (Madras Amendment) Act, 1961 which amended the Land Acquisition Act, 1894, by providing that for acquisition of land for housing purposes the compensation to be paid was to be the market value at the date of acquisition or the amount equal to the average market value during the five years immediately preceding the date of acquisition, whichever was less. The Amendment Act also excluded potential value of land. Since Subba Rao, C.J. struck down the impugned Act for violating Article 14m it was wholly unnecessary for him to go into the challenge to the said Act under Article 31. In fact, in the view which Subba Rao, C.J. took of the impugned Act under Article 14, he himself found it unnecessary to go into the challenge to the said Act under Article 19. The discussion in Vajravelu’s case of the effect of 4th Amendment is confused and self-contradictory. At one place Subba Rao, C.J. observed that if the 4th Amendment is amending Article 31(2) retained the word “compensation”, the word must be treated as having the meaning of “just equivalent.” However, he realized that to put this meaning would be to destroy the very object with which the 4th Amendment was enacted, namely, to nullify Bela Banerjee’s case. He therefore inconsistently upheld the grossly inadequate compensation provided for in the impugned Act. This judgment need not detain us further because Subba Rao, C.J.’s observation that “compensation” as used in the 4th Amendment mean “a just equivalent” was treated in State of Gujarat v. Shantilal Magaldas as not merely obiter but also erroneous.In Shantilal Magaldas’s case Shah, J. held that the Transfer of Property Act laid down a relevant principle when it provided for compensation being determined on the basis of market value prevailing on a date anterior to the extinction of interest of the property acquired. The value of Shantilal’s land was determined as on 18th April, 1927. The draft shceme was not sanctioned by Government till 7th August, 1942, (that is, not till after 15 years). The compensation payable was communicated to Shantilal on 23rd August, 1957 (that is, not till after 30 years). Yet Shah, J. held that after the 4th Amendment the Act and the scheme were valid under Article 31(2).The common features of the five provisions laying down the principles of compensation which Shah, J. held were “relevant” (not irrelevant) are as under:Firstly, they did not profess to aim at a just equivalent or the market value of the property at or about the time of acquisition; i.e. to say that the standard of just equivalent was discarded.Secondly, the compensation actually awarded was grossly inadequate, judged by the value of the property in the open market, at or about the time of acquisition.Finally, the compensation was not illusory.In addition to these principles Shah, J. showed that the principles of compensation are “relevant” if they deliberately omit an admitted element of market value, or disregard the continuous rise in the market value by taking the average of 5 years, or disregard the rise by taking the actual cost.The judgment given in Shantilal’s case vanished when the same learned judges delivered the judgment in the Bank Nationalization Case which nullified the 4th Amendment. Following propositions emerged from the majority decision:Compensation being the equivalent n terms of money of the property acquired the principle for determination of compensation is intended to award to the expropriated owner the value of the property acquired. The Constitution guarantees a right to compensation – an equivalent in money of the property acquired. That is the basic guarantee. The law must therefore, provide compensation, and for determining compensation relevant principles must be specified; if the principles are not relevant the ultimate value determined is not compensation.If appropriate method or principle is applied, the fact that by the application of another principle which is also appropriate a different value is realized, the court will not be justified in entertaining the contention that out of the two appropriate methods, one more generous to the owner should have been applied.Both the lines of thought (i.e. Vajravelu’s case and Shantilal’s case) which converge in the ultimate result, support the view that the principles specified by the law for the determination of compensation is beyond the pale of challenge, if it is relevant to determination of compensation and is recognized principle applicable in the determination of compensation for property compulsorily acquired and the principle is appropriate in determining the value of the class of property sought to be acquired.The value determined by the exclusion of important components of the undertaking such as goodwill and the value of unexpired period of leases, will not, in our judgment, be compensation for the undertaking.From:A review of Avijit Guha’s Land, Law, and Left土地征用法杰罗姆·柯恩出处：《法律与左审查》。

土地管理法双语

土地管理法双语《土地管理法》是中国国家的一部重要法律条文，其内容涵盖了土地资源的合理利用、保护和管理。

这部法律的实施对于维护国家的土地资源安全、促进经济发展和社会稳定具有重要意义。

以下是关于《土地管理法》的双语简介，旨在帮助读者理解其重要性和主要内容。

《土地管理法》Land Management Law导言Preamble《土地管理法》是中国国家法律体系中的重要组成部分，旨在全面推动土地资源的可持续利用和合理管理。

其实施旨在保护土地资源、维护农民权益、促进农村发展和城乡一体化建设，为推动国家经济社会发展发挥了重要作用。

The Land Management Law is an important component of China's national legal system, aiming to comprehensively promote the sustainable utilization and rational management of land resources. Its implementation is intended to protect land resources, safeguard the rights and interests of farmers, promote rural development, and facilitate the integrated development of urban and rural areas, playing a significant role in promoting the country's economic and social development.关键原则Key Principles《土地管理法》坚持以公有制为主体，多种所有制经济共同发展的基本经济制度。

同时重视生态环境保护和可持续发展，在土地利用中强调节约、保护和合理利用土地资源。

土地流转_外文文献__中英文对照

本科毕业论文外文文献及译文文献、资料题目：The impact of land transfer on peasant stratification --An analysis based on a survey of Jingshan country, Hubei province文献、资料来源：网络文献、资料发表（出版）日期：2000.8院（部）：土地资源与城乡规划学院专业：土地资源管理班级：姓名：学号：指导教师：外文文献The impact of land transfer on peasant stratification--An analysis based on a survey of Jingshan country, Hubei province CHEN BaifengSchool of Law, Zhongnan University of Economics and Law; Research Center for Rural China Governance, Huazhong University of Science and TechnologyAbstract:Peasants’ motivation and purpose for transferring land vary from time to time. Based on a survey of 10 villages in Jingshan county, Hunan province, this article finds that the specificforms of rural land transfer include active long-term transfer, passive long-term transfer and short-term transfer. Land transfer has an important impact on the stratification of the peasantry. Present institutional arrangements for land ignore the legitimate interests of migrant families and poor and weak villagers and therefore they hold different attitudes toward land tenure institutions than middle peasants do. Based on the conclusions of an empirical analysis, this article puts forward a series of policy recommendations aimed at protecting the land rights of poor and weak peasant households.Keywords: land transfer, stratum, peasant stratification, land tenure arrangement Land transfer is the focus of current debates on the institutional change of land. Many scholarshave conducted research on the forms, causes and implications of land transfer and havecome upwith measures and countermeasures to standardize the transfer of land. Special attention has beenpaid to the role of land transfer in agrarian restructuring, industrialization, moderate-scaleoperation, rural labor transfer and peasant income enhancement. However, such studies rarely involve land’s impact on changes in the hierarchical structure of current rural China. Chen Chengwen and Luo Zhongyong (2006) focus on dissecting the overall rural structure and examining the role of land transfer in reconstructing the rural social structure. Some scholars arguethat deregulating the transfer of land will lead to polarization among the peasantry (Wen Tiejun, 2008; Li Changping, 2008), but such an argument is merely a macrojudgment without factual support at the micro level. China is a huge country with uneven development in rural areas;peasant stratification is anything but a strange phenomenon. Therefore, we shall pay more attention to observing the stratification of the peasantry at the micro level.In classical Marxist theory, the institutional conditions of land are an important basis of class and stratification. In the 1930s, Chen Hansheng, et al, proceeded with an observation of the land tenure institutions and scientifically substantiated the feudal factor-driven class relations in rural China and the semi-colonial and semi-feudal nature of rural Chinese society. In times of revolution, Mao Zedong (1982, 1991) also singled out the institutional conditions of land as an important basis of class and stratification. He played a crucial role in understanding Chinese class conditions at that time and justifying the necessity of launching a land revolution. After land reform was launched in the People’s Republic of China, land no longer exerted a significant impact on rural class stratification and hence scholars discussed the rural class structure mainly based on occupational stratification (Lu Xueyi, 2002). After the agricultural tax was abolished, farming generated a handsome income for peasants and the impact of land transfer on rural social stratification and peasant stratification became increasingly pronounced. In September 2008, we 2conducted a survey of 10 villages in two township jurisdictions of Jingshan county, Hubei province. Based on the qualitative interview and quantitative statistics, this article attempts to discuss the impact of land transfer on the stratification of the peasantry.I. The complex reality of land transferAfter introducing the household contract responsibility system, the ruling Communist Party and government have enacted a series of policies aimed at permitting and encouraging the transfer of land use rights within the term of contract while stabilizing rural land contract relations. The central government has always intended to realize the transfer of land tenure rights according to law and on a voluntary and compensatory basis and to effectively protect the rights and interests of peasants. The reality is, however, very complicated. The motivation, purpose and method of rural land transfer vary from time to time. The actual conditions also vary across rural China. In Jingshan county,, land transfer has gone through three different stages:The first stage began in the 1980s. During this period, peasants transferred land before seeking jobs or doing business in cities. The transition to a market economy started early in Jingshan and as a result, land transfer took place earlier here than elsewhere in rural areas of central and westernChina.The second stage started in the late 1980s. At this stage, peasant burden became increasingly cumbersome. Many peasants were unable to bear the burden of the new levies and as a result, they had no alternative but to transfer or abandon their farmland and search for jobs in urban areas. The abandoned land was transferred under the stewardship of village collectives or committees. This was a prevalent phenomenon during the period from the 1990s until 2004, the year in which the agricultural tax was repealed.The third stage began in 2004. After abolishing the agricultural tax in 2004, the state no longer levied fees on peasants and instead offered them various subsidies. Farming gradually became lucrative and the once-abandoned land suddenly became sought-after. In addition, there were dramatic changes in the mode and state of land transfer. On one hand, peasants were less willing to transfer land, and the proportion of land transferred was in decline. On the other hand, some peasant households had to transfer their land because its size was too small to be profitable.In the face of different situations, peasants transferred their land in one of the three modes:1. Active long-term land transferActive long-term land transfer is when peasants choose to abandon contracted land in their home villages after settling down in urban areas, or actively seek to transfer the contracted land because they expect to settle down in urban areas. This form of land transfer existed from the 1980s onward and after the agricultural tax was repealed. Among the 60 villagers who transferred a large area of land in Caozhengong village, Jingshan county, 13 farmers transferred their land under this method. Six of the 13 farmers went to cities without their spouses or became non-farmers (private school teachers or temporary workers turned into full-time workers). The six villagers transferred their land in a foolproof way, and they now are living a decent life. The other seven villagers abandoned their land due to an optimistic judgment in their ability to work and live in urban areas. Six of those seven villagers are making a living in urban areas, and one of them returned to the countryside and bought a house and a plot of land in a village in an adjacent township. Among the six villagers settling down in urban areas, four villagers live an affluent life and two villagers are neither rich nor poor. Of the latter two villagers, one has bought a house with a tile roof in a town 3and makes a living by selling bean curd; the other makes a living by working in a barber shop.When a peasant household actively transfers its land for a long period of time, the transferee is naturally entitled to acquire the land for the mutually agreed-upon period of time.2. Passive long-term land transferPeasant burden became increasingly heavy from the late 1980s to 2003, when the reform of the tax and fee system was launched. Because grain prices were in decline and peasants lost money tilling the land, many of them transferred their land without little consideration. Sometimes the transferor even had to offer a subsidy of up to 300 yuan/mu to the transferee. Since taxes and fees were levied on land, abandoning land meant leaving taxes and fees up in the air, sograssroots-level governments forbade peasants from abandoning their land and forced them to pay taxes and fees even if their land was untilled. This is what Li Changping (2002) called “farmers have t o till their land against (their) will when they actually wish to abandon it.” In this situation, some peasant households transferred their houses and land together to non-native immigrants from mountainous areas; some peasant households tried every means to move their registered permanent residence elsewhere and even ended up becoming unregistered residents. Still more peasant households preferred to just leave their land behind and go work and do business elsewhere. Consequently, a vast expanse of land was abandoned in rural areas. Some villagers asked their neighbors to care for the land, but the land changed hands soon after or was abandoned anyway. When villagers abandoned their land and went to work elsewhere, the township and village governments could not expect to collect taxes and fees, and as a result had to transfer the abandoned land by every means.The modes of land transfer conceived at township and village levels include “one land plot per household” contract, low-price contract and change of l and use. “One land plot per household”contract means that in order to resolve land cultivation and irrigation issues, the village collective or committee reallocated land and concentrated the land contracted to each peasant household in one single plot of land to facilitate construction of small water conservancy facilities (He Xuefeng et al, 2003), thus making it more attractive for peasants to take over the contracted land. Low price contract occurred when the village collective or committee transferred the abandoned land at a price lower than the regular tax and fee burden. In this situation, village cadres often hold an attitude of “collecting a penny of tax and fee is better than collecting nothing.” Change of land use means changing the farmland use to attract villagers to contract it. For instance, hillside land canbe contracted to grow hybrid poplars; low-lying wetland can be used to dig a pond and raise fish. Under the orchestration of village collectives and with every endeavor of village cadres, the peasants who abandoned their land are able to transfer the land to those who are willing to acquire it.When the first-round land contract expired in 1997, the central government required each province to conduct a second round of land contracting. Peasants were not enthusiastic about thesecond-round contract because the farm tax and fee burden was too heavy and consequently, the cadres of many local areas, including those of Jingshan county, had no alternative but to make the second-round contract a mere formality. After the agricultural tax was repealed in 2004, farming became lucrative and many villagers returned home and asked for land, thereby unleashing a series of disagreements with the villagers who stayed in the farmland. The peasants who returned home were lawfully entitled to the farmland contracting rights, whereas the peasant households who stayed in the farmland had entered into contracts with village committees. The two parties4struggled in disagreement against each other, and the township and village cadres could not think of an effective way to overcome the impasse. In this situation, Hubei province issued Opinions on Improving the Second Round of Rural Land Contracting in November 2004 to “reconfirm land rights” in rural areas. This po licy document made it possible to solve land disputes through compromise by adopting flexible measures under the condition of preserving the current status of land tenure without breaking the law.In practice, Jingshan county government handled land disputes by confirming land rights based on the existing land tenure institutions but requiring large farm households to give up a small piece of land (2 mu) to peasant households who had abandoned their land before the agricultural tax was abolished. Disputes were very acute at that time, and township cadres stayed in villages to handle the land issues. Even so, there were still 29 groups of Cao township villagers lodging petitions in 2005. Today some villagers who have received confirmation of land rights from the government are still unable to get their land. In consequence, the villagers who did not promptly return home and ask for land in 2005 are forced to relinquish all of their land for a long period of time; those who promptly returned home and asked for land are also forced to relinquish a large proportion of land for a long period of time (2 mu of land per person or 10 mu per household in Jingshancounty). Among the 60 households in Gongcun village that transferred their land, 47 households fall under th is category. Now 24 of the 47 households have become “landless peasants” innon-suburban areas and three have become permanently “landless peasants” because they sold their house and land together to non-native immigrants, thus losing eligibility for confirmation of land rights. The other 23 households have received 2 mu of subsistence land. By contrast, the peasants who acquired land through land transfer are unexpectedly entitled to long-term land contracting rights due to policy and circumstance change.3. Short-term land transferThis is a prevalent land transfer method adopted by peasant households due to their expectation on long-term land possession and a sense of insecurity for other methods of making a living. In the rural areas of Jingshan, short-term land transfer is currently adopted by most peasant households that acquired 2 mu of subsistence land through the confirmation of land rights in 2005. In Production Team 1 of Gongcun village, there are 18 peasant households with contracted land at the present time: Only 10 households till the land at home, while the other eight households have only 2 mu of farmland each. These families transferred their land for a short period of time and moved elsewhere to find employment. In Production Team 3 of the village, there are 25 peasant households, of which 12 households moved their families elsewhere. Now five of the 12 households have transferred their subsistence land under the short-term scheme, but the other seven households are without any subsistence land. Most of the peasant households that moved elsewhere had left their home villages before the agricultural tax was repealed and transferred land in a passive way. Now a large proportion of them have stronger demand for land and choose not to transfer it for a long period of time because they are likely to return home to the land in the future. By contrast, the peasants who acquired land through short-term land transfer are thus entitled to short-term land contracting rights.II. Land tenure status and peasant stratificationThe foregoing analysis has revealed the existence of a number of different land transfer methods. This phenomenon is related to the policies concerning agriculture, rural areas and farmers in5different periods, and to the different conditions of peasants in different periods. In different periods and circumstances, peasants have adopted different land transfer methods. At present, landtransfer has a significant impact on the well-being of peasants. In Jingshan, the villages are under greater exposure or openness. Some leave home from time to time as a result of urbanization. Non-native villagers can settle down in the villages by acquiring land through land transfer. In this article, we will also analyze the stratification of the peasantry at the village level based on the detailed data about the economic and employment conditions of registered permanent residents in three villages. Roughly Jingshan peasants can be aggregated into five strata: migrant businessman stratum, peasant worker stratum, part-time peasant worker stratum, migrant family stratum and poor villager stratum, as shown in the table below:1. The migrant businessman stratumThis stratum refers to the upper stratum of peasants who have long been doing business elsewhere 6with almost no present dependence on rural land. They are completely dissociated with the villages in which they are registered as permanent residents. In the three villages, 10.4% of households fall under this stratum. On average, a migrant businessman earns an annual income of over RMB 30,000 and has a bank deposit of at least RMB 100,000. In Gongcun village, the two wealthiest businessmen should each have a bank deposit of RMB 1 million. Among the 15 migrantbusinessmen, 13 of them have houses in urban areas, six of them have bought or built houses in townships, and seven of them have bought houses in county towns or cities. In addition, some of them also keep houses in the village that are now solely the residence of elderly family members. Even though migrant businessmen are classified in the upper stratum of villagers, the vast majority of them have become “urbanized,” and the most successful businessmen can move to large cities. However, there are also a small number of businessmen who have met obstacles in the urbanization process and have returned to their home villages. Deng Deyi, a farmer in Gongcun village, went to Wuhan, capital of Hubei province, to sell rice in the 1990s but returned home in the face of tough business conditions. Returnees’ econ omic well-being is still in good condition because of money they earned and saved while working in urban areas. After the agricultural tax was abolished, the land interest structure has become more rigid, thus making it impossible for migrant businessmen to return to their home villages. Deng, 60, moved to a town to do business in the 1990s and cancelled his registered permanent residence in the village but failed to qualify forpermanent resident status in the town. At the time of “confirmation of land rights,” he failed to acquire any contracted land due to his lack of registered permanent residence. Now he earns a meager income and wishes to return to his home village but cannot because he has no land there. Generally speaking, most of the migrant businessmen in this stratum earn high income and do not care about land at all.2. The peasant worker stratumThe peasant worker derives the name from his/her dual identity of working partly as a peasant and partly as a worker. This stratum refers to the affluent stratum of villagers who till the land at home in farming seasons and work elsewhere in non-farming seasons. Peasant workers still have some dependence on rural land. In the three villages, 23.1% of peasant households fall under this stratum. On average, a peasant worker has 10-plus mu of land and earns an annual income of about RMB 30,000, including RMB 10,000 earned as a farmer and RMB 20,000 earned as a worker. The peasant worker status has been realized under the “incomplete family model”concocted by Lu Dewen (2008). Under the steady state of this model, young couples go together to work in urban areas, while the elderly stay home to care for children and continue to till the land. In Jingshan county, it is common for people over 70 years of age to till the land or help their children till the land. In a migrant working economy, working in cities is more important than tilling the land in the countryside. The gender-based division of labor characterized by “male breadwinner, female housewife” has now be come the inter-generation division of labor and relay characterized by “young breadwinner, elderly housewifery.” In fact, this has evolved into a new pattern of supplementing migrant work with farming activity. “Peasant workers give precedence tothe worke r side of the equation” because farming income is something that has long been taken for granted.3. The part-time peasant worker stratumThe part-time peasant worker stratum refers to the stratum of “middle peasants” who supplement farming income with income earned by working part-time in county seats and townships. Middle 7peasants are heavily dependent on rural land. Middle peasant is a benchmark on which villagers compete cosmetically with one another and try to “keep up with the Joneses,” and it also is a goalpursued by poor and weak peasant households. In the three villages, 46.4% of peasant households fall under this stratum. In Jingshan, a part-time peasant worker has 10-plus mu of land and earns an annual income of about RMB 20,000-30,000, including over RMB 10,000 earned as a farmer and RMB 10,000-20,000 earned as a worker. Those who fall under this stratum migrate frequently between urban and rural areas. Working in urban areas will not change their basic way of living but serves only as a means to making more money. Unlike peasant workers focusing on the migrant working economy, part-time peasant workers would rather concentrate on agricultural production and they are psychologically conservative. In their minds, they hope to expand land operation; in action, they shrink with cowardice. They intend to acquire short-term land tenure through short-term land transfer, but it is very difficult for them to acquire long-term land tenure through active long-term land transfer. During our survey interview, the part-time peasant workers were overtly envious of landlords who own 10-plus mu of land in adjacent villages and hoped to have more land themselves. Theoratically if they wished, they could become landlords by buying the houses and land of peasants who have moved to cities. In 2008, the total price of a two-story four-bedroom brick and concrete mixed structure house plus 9 mu of land was only RMB 21,000. Although the part-time peasant workers are financially able to buy the houses and land, few take concrete action to make their landlord dream come true. The houses and land of peasants who have moved to cities are often bought by non-native peasant households from mountainous areas. Part-time peasant workers are more inclined to acquire a small area of land (say, 1 or 2 mu) from a migrant family through short-term land transfer.4. The migrant family stratumThis migrant family stratum refers to the stratum of rural households that are mainly engaged in migrant employment and not dependent on rural land. They are like nomads, roaming outside of their home villages and returning once a year during Spring Festival. Some migrant families have even chosen to buy houses in urban areas; as a result, they are completely disengaged from the countryside and agriculture except for the fact they are still registered as permanent residents in their home villages. In the three villages, 10.8% of the peasant households fall under this stratum. In Jingshan, a migrant family usually has 2 mu of subsistence land acquired through confirmation of land rights in 2005, but some families are even deprived of subsistence land, making it neither realistic nor economy to till the land at home. More often than not, they choose to transfer the landand move their families elsewhere to find employment. On average, a migrant family earns an annual income of about RMB 20,000 by working in urban areas. Some peasant households may also choose to move their families elsewhere even though they have 10 mu of farmland. This happens when a better opportunity arises that allows them to earn an annual income of over RMB 20,000. Migrant families have special demand for land in the sense that they hope to reallocate and reacquire land through confirmation of land rights, then transfer it and continue to work in urban areas. Migrant families are usually peasant households that had abandoned the land before the agricultural tax was repealed. At that time, they passively transferred the land under thelong-term transfer scheme and became the “landless peasants” in non-suburban areas. They are full of anxiety over the future because no matter how much money they earn, they still lack a sense of security. They are deeply worried about the loss of the ability to work and make a living when they get old or ill. They are an underprivileged group in the villages. As they have been8working away from home year in and year out, it is very difficult for them to effectively express their interests in and opinions of land. When the “confirmation of land rights” was conducted in 2005, they rushed back to their home villages to claim land title but ended up being easily defeated one by one and eventually acquired only 2 mu of subsistence land.5. The poor villager stratumThe poor and weak peasant stratum is the bottom stratum in the village. This stratum is subdivided into two subclasses: 1) peasant households that become impoverished due to illness; 2) peasant households that have a small piece of land but cannot work away from home. These two subclasses are the poorest peasant households in the villages. Poor and weak peasants are mainly engaged in agricultural production and heavily dependent on farmland. They cannot work away from home due to a shortage of hands. Poor and weak peasants fall under the “poor peasant”stratum in the villages. The part-time peasant worker stratum serves as a yardstick of comparison and a goal of pursuit for poor and weak peasants. In the three villages, 8.8% of the peasant households fall under this stratum. A peasant who becomes impoverished due to illness can still earn an annual income of up to RMB 10,000 if he has 10-plus mu of land, and he will not be the poorest person in the village. If he does not have a large piece of farmland, however, he likely will become the poorest person in the village. Peasant households with 2 mu of subsistence land willbecome poor if they are unable to work away from home due to conditional constraints or to earn extra income by doing sideline business. Conditional constraints arise when there are children who need to be cared for or when the elderly are in poor health or deceased, thus making it impossible to maintain the peasant worker structure or part-time peasant worker structure under the “incomplete family” model. Gong Erping of Gongcun village fi ts neatly into this description. His wife died of cancer last year, and now he cultivates 5 mu of land while raising a child who is studying in a senior high school. During his interview, he said he is deeply worried about his poverty status but feels utterly hopeless as to how to escape poverty.Peasant strata may change as circumstances change. The economic pattern of the peasant worker stratum needs to be supported by the incomplete family model. In the absence of such support (say,the peasant’s parents lost land-tilling capacity), they would be no longer eligible for the part-time peasant worker stratum and may fall into the migrant family stratum. In the event of failing to maintain the peasant worker’s production method, the vast majority of the peasa nts will choose to move their families elsewhere, transfer their land and give up agricultural income except in special cases where there are children who need cared for.In the rural areas of Jingshan, the land tenure conditions have more important impacts on the stratification of the peasantry. While some peasants can enter urban areas through their own efforts,other peasants may fall into the poor villager stratum due to illness or other reasons. Generally speaking, land tenure conditions are closely related to the stratification of the peasantry. Some peasant households may willingly relinquish their land titles after making a rational consideration. However, the current land tenure conditions are caused by policy factors such as the imposition of agricultural tax and fee burden, the abolition of the agricultural tax and the confirmation of land rights. The land tenure condition has to a large extent determined the stratum under which peasants fall. A peasant household that occupies more land can easily qualify for the peasant worker stratum or part-time peasant worker stratum and enter the middle stratum in the villages; a peasant household that occupies less land can only enter the migrant family stratum in thebest-case scenario and may even fall into the poor villager stratum in the worst-case scenario.9。

土地资源管理专业英语

agrarian structure 土地结构as long as 如果只要buffer zones 缓冲带comprehensive land consolidation 综合土地整理entry point 切入点fragmented holdings 破碎化的土地gender inclusion 性别包含individual consolidation initiative 个别土地整理倡议irrigation and drainage infrastructure 灌排设施land bank 土地银行land consolidation 土地整理land leveling 土地平整land reserves土地储备net income 净收益noble landlords 贵族地主participatory approaches 参与途径recreational sites娱乐用地rural development农村发展simplified consolidation 简化土地整理voluntary group consolidation 自愿组织的土地整理worse off 情况不佳allowable use 许可利用Bureau of Land Management （BLM）土地管理局decision Ares 决定区域desired outcome 预期成果exotic invasive species 有害入侵物种FLPMA联邦土地政策和管理法案management action 管理行为NEPA国家环境政策法planning area 规划区域provided that 倘若，假使split estate 可分割不动产temporal scales 时间尺度utility corridors 公共通道APR实际年利率Benefit-to-Cost ratio 成本收益率discount rate 还原利率，贴现利率discounted cash flow analysis 贴现现金流分析economic analysis 经济分析financial analysis 财务分析gross margin 毛利率internal rate of return 内部收益率market-oriented concept 微观经济概念Net Present V alue（NPV）净现值nominal interest rates 名义利率per-accounting-period 每个会计年度physical constraints 自然限制性条件religious dietary prohibition 宗教中的饮食禁令return to labor 劳动力报酬return to land 土地报酬the ALES 自动土地评价系统the least common multiple 最小公倍数nd consolidation is sometimes incorrectly interpreted to be only the simple reallocation of parcels to remove effects of frag mentation. 土地整理有时被错误的理解成为了克服土地破碎化的影响仅对土地进行的简单再配置。

大学毕业设计土地整理之外文翻译免费范文精选

大学本科毕业设计全套土地资源管理资源环境与城乡规划管理土地管理土地利用土地复垦专业毕业设计全套。

开题报告毕业论文正文读书报告外文翻译任务书阶段总结工作总结工作鉴定表高等级的土地和发展之间的权衡：在奥克兰的宝贵的土地资源recentand未来的压力作者： Fiona Curran-Cournane，Melanie Vaughan，Ali Memon，raig Fredrickson关键词：精英和肥沃的土地土壤的自然资本生态系统服务摘要：可持续的土地管理是必不可少的应对全球挑战的土壤和水资源保护，可以支持越来越多的人。

在奥克兰，新西兰最大的城市，人口增长预测从1.5增加到2500000，2040，将该地区的土壤资源的巨大压力。

本研究的目的是量化的高超地土地数量（土地使用功能类1–3）已被转换，和什么是可能发生的，对城市发展在奥克兰使用长期趋势记录和未来经济增长的预测。

空间分析表明，在不同的生成的数据集10399公顷（或8.3%奥克兰的高级）的土地已通过增量城市扩展转换为城市的发展，手术/批准的绿地和建筑许可。

这样，10080公顷的高级土地转化为发展年之间，1975和2012。

城市扩展到高级土地加速自率1996。

此外，分配给城市扩展自1996以来已一流的土地大部分。

展望未来，提出/未来发展绿地等同于6010公顷有发展潜力（或4.8%）的电流的高级土地。

未来增长的压力表明，这种权衡将继续。

有分析经济效益和长期可持续发展的未来发展对当前和未来的生产要求高级土地保护的实际需要。

为进一步的研究提供真实的损失成本帐户，不仅调节和文化土壤生态系统服务确保这些值的认可而且城市规划者和决策者也都认可。

大学本科毕业设计全套土地资源管理资源环境与城乡规划管理土地管理土地利用土地复垦专业毕业设计全套。

开题报告毕业论文正文读书报告外文翻译任务书阶段总结工作总结工作鉴定表简介确保充足的粮食供应不断增长的全球人口，是个新兴的国际挑战，健康的土壤和水生态系统是确保这些需求是实现根本性（busscher，2012）。

关于土地保护的英文文献

Land trusts and conservation defense A.R.Rissman&V.ButsicTrust Alliance2009).Thus far,no quantitative analysis of land trust legal challenges,costs,and outcomes has been undertaken.To provide a more systematic understanding of land trust legal challenges and their implications for land con-servation and devolved environmental governance,this article reports the types,costs,and outcomes of legal chal-lenges from a national survey of local and regional land trusts.We expected toﬁnd an increase in legal challenges over time(Jay1999).Scholars have predicted a“troubled future”for conservation easements in particular as land trusts transition from voluntary acquisition to monitoring and enforcement(Cheever1995).We also expected legal challenges to be more frequent and expensive for conser-vation easements than fully owned properties,and where landowners were not the original parties to the conserva-tion easement(Cheever1995;Parker2004).Organiza-tional capacity is a critical issue of concern for local non-proﬁt organizations(Fredericksen&London2000).Land trusts with greater organizational capacity per property were expected to report more frequent and expensive le-gal challenges and violations,due to greater potential for monitoring and enforcement.We therefore expected legal challenges to be greater for natural areas than mixed-use property types.Finally,we conducted in-depth interviews to reveal land trust decision processes and the administrative,social,and political context for enforcement of property rights.This work provides the ﬁrst quantitative national measures of land trust le-gal challenges and contextualizes theseﬁndings through qualitative analysis of property conﬂicts.MethodsA random sample of311Land Trust Alliance member land trusts was selected and205responded to the survey, a66%response rate.The national survey was conducted by the Land Trust Alliance and the University of Wiscon-sin Survey Center in Summer2008using a computer-assisted telephone interviewing system(CASES4.3.7). Land trusts were asked if they had ever experienced a legal challenge or violation.Detailed information was collected on the major legal challenges and violations that cost each organization more than$5,000in nonstaff expenses.A two sample t-test and a two sample Kolmogorov–Smirnov(KS)test examined differences between the un-derlying covariates of respondents and nonrespondents (hectares owned,hectares in conservation easements,an-nual budget,and number of employees).The t-test com-pared means assuming a constant variance,while the KS test compared the distribution of covariates nonparamet-rically.In each case,we failed to reject the null hypoth-esis that the two groups are equal(P<0.05)with the exception of the KS test for the size of the budget.Thus, we are conﬁdent that we can generalize statements about the respondents to the population of Land Trust Alliance member land trusts.To compare the cost of legal challenges involving con-servation easements and fully owned properties,we used a median test assuming unequal variances(n=43le-gal challenges).A logit model tested whether measures of land trust capacity(stewardship endowment dollars per property and annual budget per property)predicted which land trusts were hindered byﬁnancial constraints in pursuing legal challenges.Number of staff and annual budget were correlated;capacity measures are reported for annual budget but not number of staff.We employed a two-step Heckman model(Heckman1979),which cor-rects for the presence of sample section bias,to deter-mine how land trust capacity inﬂuenced the cost and frequency of major legal challenges(over$5,000).The Heckman modelﬁrst uses a probit model to uncover if ca-pacity inﬂuences the occurrence of major legal challenges (n=205),and second,if a legal challenge occurs,deter-mines how the cost and frequency of total land trust legal challenges relate to land trust capacity(n=23).We also examined whether budget and endowment per property inﬂuenced the cost of individual major legal challenges (n=43).Finally,we tested the relationship between cost of major legal issues and the primary conservation pur-pose of the property,with analysis of variance(ANOVA). To contextualize survey results,we conducted follow-up semi-structured phone interviews in2009with land trusts that reported major legal challenges or violations over$5,000.Phone interviews were conducted with14 of23land trusts regarding25of43reported legal issues. Phone interviews ranged from30minutes to3hours. ResultsSurvey resultsNearly half of surveyed land trusts(47%,97of205)re-ported at least one legal challenge or violation of any size or signiﬁcance.Of these97land trusts,17prevailed in court at least once and15recovered expenses in negoti-ation out of court.Notably,one-quarter(27%,26of97) of the land trusts that ever experienced a legal challenge or violation would have considered pursuing legal ac-tion if greater funding had been available,in at least one instance.The number of major legal challenges or violations with over$5,000in legal or other nonstaff expenses has increased over time(Figure1).Only11%of landA.R.Rissman &V.Butsic Land trusts and conservationdefenseFigure 1Major legal challenges have increased over time (n =43).trusts (23of 205)reported major legal challenges or vi-olations.In total 43major challenges and violations were reported,with a total cost to land trusts of $1.6mil-lion (Figure 2).Major legal challenges or violations oc-curred in natural areas (20);working farms or ranches (14);scenic,open space,and recreation areas (8);and historic preservation sites (1).For issues over $5,000,the average legal or nonstaff cost incurred by land trusts was $37,700,but one dispute cost over $400,000and two were between $100,000and $300,000.These costs are underestimates since they do not include staff time or pro-bono legal work.Nonstaff costs included outside at-torney fees (37%),other legal costs (38%),and other costs (25%,includes restoration,boundary surveys,and third-party monitoring).There was an average of 7years between when properties were ﬁrst conserved and when the land trust ﬁrst became aware of major legal challenges or violations.Of resolved cases,most (53%)were re-solved within 2years,while 15%lasted 5years or more.While conservation easements were 58%of the ma-jor disputes,they were responsible for only 25%of re-ported costs.Median costs were higher for legal chal-lenges on fully owned land ($25,300)than conservation easements ($14,500)(Median test,Z =2.57,P =0.01).The majority (16of 25)of conservation easementlegalFigure 2Legal costs and other nonstaff costs of major legal challenges ($5,000and over,n =43).challenges involved second-generation landowners who were not original parties to the conservation easement.Major legal challenges were reported on one per 174land trust-owned properties (24ha average owned property size),compared with one per 279conservation easements (54ha average size).Land trusts faced a wide variety of legal challenges that threatened properties’conservation purposes (Figure 3).Land trust staff reported that they won 14disputes,set-tled 21,lost 1,and that 11were unresolved.Some legal challenges posed threats to the existence or boundaries of the conserved area.Others involved incompatible land uses such as development,timber harvest,and mining.A few threatened public recreation access or historic build-ing preservation.Land trust capacity varied greatly,with a median an-nual budget of $60,000(range from $0to $10,000,000),median of 1.5staff (37%were entirely volunteer-run),and mean stewardship endowment of $155,560(64%had no endowment).There was no difference in land trust capacity (budget or endowment per property)be-tween land trusts who might have pursued additional legal challenges if funding had been available and land trusts who experienced any legal challenge and were not hindered by ﬁnancial barriers (logit model,χ2=0.93,P =0.63,r 2=0.008,n =99).Capacity did not pre-dict the likelihood of experiencing a major legal chal-lenge,and when trusts faced a legal challenge,capacity also did not predict the total cost or frequency of these challenges (Table 1reports cost analysis;frequency re-sults were very similar and also nonsigniﬁcant).How-ever,the cost of individual legal challenges was positively correlated with the size of the stewardship endowment (Table 2).We found no signiﬁcant relationship between conservation purpose and log cost of legal challenges (ANOVA,F ratio =1.72,P =0.18,adjusted r 2=0.05,n =43).InterviewsIn-depth interviews revealed the administrative,social,and political context of property rights defense.Dili-gent documentation and monitoring were consistently described as necessary for enforcing conservation agree-ments and pursuing legal nd trusts rec-ommended timely communication through a graduated dispute resolution process.Watchful neighbors and local and state governments were often involved in monitor-ing,detecting violations,and pursuing legal challenges (King &Fairfax 2006).Land trust staff provided nu-merous rationales for pursuing defense and enforcement including upholding the organization’s mission,setting precedent to avoid future challenges,and earning theA.R.Rissman&V.Butsic Land trusts and conservation defenseTable2Multiple linear regression of the relationship between capacity measures and log cost of individual legal challenges and violations(n=43)Coefﬁcient Standard error t-statistic P-valueEndowment/property 3.57×10−05 1.22×10−05 2.920.006 Budget/property−9.8×10−05 2.63×10−4−0.370.71 Intercept 4.110.0851.72<0.001sold the ranch to a“conservation buyer”approved by all parties including funders.A few years later,this second-generation landowner proposed a new road providing ac-cess to an adjacent parcel for subdivision development. The land trust denied this request on the basis of in-consistency with the easement and impermissible private beneﬁt,estimated at millions of dollars.The landowner then attempted to persuade board members individually. When this failed,he sold the property.Several years later, a nearby yet unrelated conservation easement with a “deep-pocket”second-generation landowner was in the initial stages of being defended by the land trust from re-quests resulting in signiﬁcant impermissible private bene-ﬁts.This easement was ultimately transferred to another organization perceived by the landowner as more le-nient with easement interpretation.After learning of this, the third-generation landowner of the initial2,000-acre ranch approached the land trust with a similar request to signiﬁcantly expand a residence,resulting in imper-missible private beneﬁt estimated at over$1million.The landowner was furious when this amendment—and sub-sequent request to transfer the easement—was denied.A year later,the landowner returned with a proposal for a smaller residence that appeared to be consistent with the easement.The local land trust expended$15,000on legal and staff expenses on one property in evaluating and responding to amendment requests and dealing with the pressures on staff and board members,including a board training session with a psychologist to understand landowners’motivations,manipulations,and aggressive behavior.The land trust director concluded,“just because you say no doesn’t mean the conversation stops.”Third-party trespassHere,a third-party surface mining case illustrates the importance of diligent monitoring,watchful neighbors, and ready access to legal counsel.A land trust received a donation of2,000forested acres without the subsur-face mineral rights,severed long before.At the time of the donation,the land trust was informed that coal and other valuable minerals had already been removed.How-ever,in the mid-2000s companies began buying the min-eral rights to harvest subsurface rocks and boulders for residential dimensional stone without obtaining surface owner approval.The land trust stewardship coordina-tor conducted weekly monitoring visits on Thursdays to watch for trespass and maintain community connections. One Friday,he was informed by a friend that someone had applied for a culvert permit near a land trust prop-erty and workers were out moving rocks.The land trust’s attorneyﬁled an injunction the same day.In court the judge sided with the land trust,ﬁnding that part of the rock removal was a trespass into an area where the min-ing company did not hold the mineral rights.In the area where the company did hold the mineral rights,a differ-ent appeals court,in a separate case to which the land trust was a party,ruled that rocks were not grouped with other minerals and had to be speciﬁcally mentioned in the subsurface mineral deed,which they were not in this case.In a settlement,the land trust allowed for10acres of rock harvest in exchange for700acres of mineral rights and restoration of the10harvested acres.The land trust selected the10-acre site to avoid impacts to a rare plant. DiscussionLand trust legal defense and enforcement challenges are common,varied,and increasing.Legal challenges have signiﬁcant implications for protected area effective-ness.Expensive legal challenges and the need for greater funding to address these challenges were experienced throughout the land trust movement nationwide,inde-pendent of land trust capacity.Conservation easement amendment requests and vi-olations were the most common legal challenges,while challenges to fully owned properties had a higher median cost.Costs reported in this survey are underestimates since they do not include ongoing monitoring,nonlegal staff time,or pro-bono work.The majority of easement legal challenges involved landowners who were not the original parties to the agreement,portending greater con-ﬂict as ownership changes.As the case studies highlight, acquisition decisions for purchased and donated proper-ties should account for projected monitoring and enforce-ment costs.The conservation easement case emphasizes the importance of consistent land trust policies for con-servation easement modiﬁcation.The third-party trespass case highlights the importance of watchful neighbors and access to legal counsel.Land trusts and conservation defense A.R.Rissman&V.ButsicStatistically,we found only weak indicators that mea-sures of land trust capacity such as budget and steward-ship endowment predicted the pursuit,cost,or occur-rence of legal challenges.We offer three explanations for this result.First,land trusts with large budgets,staff, and endowments may have more capacity to pursue le-gal challenges,while also having the resources to pre-vent legal challenges from taking place through clear and consistent communication,documentation,and monitor-ing.Thus,capacity may have a mixed effect on the num-ber and cost of legal challenges consistent with our null result.Second,expensive legal challenges may be rare, somewhat random events that can occur regardless of land trust capacity.Third,interviews indicated that land trust capacity was important but extends beyond sim-ple measures of budgets,staff,and endowment to in-clude a clear mission and vision,informed board of direc-tors,consistent policies and procedures,ﬁnancial support, trained staff and ofﬁcers,and ability to access reliable and affordable legal assistance.Programs for increasing organizational capacity include the Land Trust Accreditation Commission,an indepen-dent program of the Land Trust Alliance,and a proposed conservation defense insurance program for land trust le-gal expenses(Land Trust Alliance2008,Land Trust Al-liance2009).Under this insurance program,land trusts would pay a premium of about$60per easement or par-cel for coverage of legal fees up to$500,000.To provide additional accountability,governments can seek third-party enforcement powers to provide legal defense assis-tance to land trusts or enforce agreements if land trusts choose not to enforce them(Lippmann2004).Funders and government agencies could require that land trusts be accredited to receive funding or tax deductions,and governments could propose a mandatory oversight sys-tem(Pidot2005).These efforts can improve land trust capacity and beneﬁt the land trust movement as a whole since individual land trust actions have larger ripple ef-fects in setting legal precedent and inﬂuencing public per-ceptions of land trust trustworthiness.Legal challenges and violations reported in this study reﬂect the legal issues land trusts have chosen to pur-sue at signiﬁcant expense.Financial,administrative,le-gal,and political barriers can diminish land trust conser-vation nd trusts are keenly aware that their missions may be politically challenging.Some donors and communities support strong enforcement actions;how-ever,enforcement may also compromise land trusts’abil-ity to broker new agreements with willing landowners. In these cases,greater transparency may provide a coun-tervailing pressure to encourage enforcement.Future re-search should examine the frequency and signiﬁcance of violations or legal challenges land trusts did not pursue.Land trust transactions have been described as a vol-untary,nonconfrontational approach to conservation (Brewer2003).While this characterization may describe the initial acquisition from a willing seller,ongoing con-servation defense evokes a different relationship and re-veals the complex dynamic between collaborative and regulatory approaches(Nie2008).For both land owner-ship and conservation easements,property rights are de-fended against the actions of heirs,neighbors,and other parties with alternate claims to lands or natural resources (Jacoby2001).For conservation easements,land trusts also monitor and enforce land use restrictions on pri-vate property and must respond to increasing calls for easement reinterpretation,amendment,termination,and transfer to allow for expanded land use.The power re-lations among landowners,neighbors,land trusts,and communities will shape the social and ecological impacts of protected areas(West et al.2006).Our analysis reveals the need for a broader rethinking of conservation property relations.Social conﬂict is in-herent in property rights since“property is persuasion”(Rose1994;Jacobs1998).Land trust enforcement is de-pendent on the political will and sufﬁcient resources to enforce.The rise of land trusts since the1980s is part of a shift toward devolved environmental governance and a greater role for nonproﬁt organizations(Milward &Provan2000).This is not a privatized vision of con-servation but a context of interwoven public and private spheres(Freyfogle2006).Land trust staff who pursued le-gal challenges felt a particular responsibility to their mis-sion,donors,members,and the public at large to defend their conservation lands.Donors,agency funders,and the public should support and demand the kind of thought-ful,contextually appropriate,and powerful enforcement actions necessary to ensure conservation objectives over the long term.The existence of institutions with the ca-pacity,political will,and community support for moni-toring and enforcing conservation agreements is critical to the success of conservation initiatives. AcknowledgmentsWe thank the Land Trust Alliance for funding the land trust survey and sharing the UW Survey Center data. Leslie Ratley-Beach,Conservation Defense Director for the Land Trust Alliance,deserves particular recognition for committing her time and attention to the research ef-fort.Many thanks to all the land trust staff who provided us with their insights on land trust legal challenges.The opinions expressed in this article are solely those of the authors.This research was partially funded by the Uni-versity of Wisconsin-Madison.A.R.Rissman&V.Butsic Land trusts and conservation defenseReferencesArmsworth,P.R.,Sanchirico J.N.(2008)The effectiveness of buying easements as a conservation strategy.Conserv Lett1, 182–189.Brewer,R.(2003)Conservancy:the land trust movement in America.University Press of New England,Lebanon,NH. Cheever,F.(1995)Public good and private magic in the law of land trusts and conservation easements:a happy present and a troubled future.Denver Univ Law Rev73,1077–1102.Chhatre,A.,Agrawal A.(2008)Forest commons and local enforcement.Proc Natl Acad Sci105,13286–13291. Daniels,T.,Lapping M.(2005)Land preservation:an essential ingredient in smart growth.J Plann Lit19,316–329. Fredericksen,P.,London R.(2000)Disconnect in the hollow state:the pivotal role of organizational capacity incommunity-based development organizations.Public Adm Rev60,230–239.Freyfogle,E.T.(2006)Goodbye to the public-private divide.Environ Law36,7–24.Gibson,C.C.,McKean M.A.,Ostrom E.(2000)People and forests:communities,institutions,and governance.TheMIT Press,Cambridge,MA.Heckman,J.J.(1979)Sample selection bias as a speciﬁcation error.Econometrica47,153–161.Hilborn,R.,Arcese P.,Borner M.et al.(2006)Effective enforcement in a conservation area.Science314,1266. Hockings,M.(2003)Systems for assessing the effectiveness of management in protected areas.Bioscience53,823–832.Jacobs,H.M.(1998)Who owns America?Social conﬂict over property rights.University of Wisconsin Press,Madison, WI.Jacoby,K.(2001)Crimes against nature:squatters,poachers, thieves,and the hidden history of American conservation.University of California Press,Berkeley and Los Angeles, CA.Jay,J.E.(1999)Land trust risk management of legal defense and enforcement of conservation easements:potentialsolutions.Environ Lawyer6,441–501.King,M.A.,Fairfax S.K.(2006)Public accountability and conservation easements:learning from the UniformConservation Easement Act debates.Nat Resour J46,65–130.Land Trust Alliance.(2006)2005land trust nd Trust Alliance,Washington,DC.Land Trust Alliance.(2008)Land trust accreditationcommission annual nd Trust Alliance,Washington,DC.Land Trust Alliance.(2009)Exploring conservation defense insurance:considerations for board nd Trust Alliance,Washington,DC.Lippmann,J.O.(2004)Exacted conservation easements:the hard case of endangered species protection.J Environ Law Litigation19,293–355.McLaughlin,N.A.(2001)The role of land trusts in biodiversity conservation on private land.Idaho Law Rev 38,453–472.McLaughlin,N.A.(2007)Conservation easements:perpetuity and beyond.Ecol Law Q34,673–712.Merenlender,A.M.,Huntsinger L.,Guthey G.,Fairfax S.K.(2004)Land trusts and conservation easements:who is conserving what for whom?Conserv Biol18,65–76.Milward,H.B.,Provan K.G.(2000)Governing the hollow state.J Public Adm Res Theory10,359–379.Naughton-Treves L.,Holland M.B.,Brandon K.(2005)The role of protected areas in conserving biodiversity andsustaining local livelihoods.Annu Rev Environ Resour30,219–252.Nie,M.(2008)The underappreciated role of regulatory enforcement in natural resource conservation.Policy Sci 41,139–164.Parker,D.P.(2004)Land trusts and the choice to conserve land with full ownership or conservation easements.Nat Resour J44,483–518.Pidot,J.(2005)Reinventing conservation easements:a critical examination and ideas for reform.Lincoln Institute of Land Policy,Cambridge,MA.Press,D.(2002)Saving open space:the politics of local preservation in California.University of California Press, Berkeley and Los Angeles,CA.Pressey,R.L.,Humphries C.J.,Margules C.R.,Vane-Wright R.I.,Williams P.H.(1993)Beyond opportunism:keyprinciples for systematic reserve selection.Trends Ecol Evol 8,124–128.Rose,C.M.(1994)Property and persuasion:essays on the history,theory,and rhetoric of ownership.Westview Press, Boulder,CO.West,P.,Igoe J.,Brockington D.(2006)Parks and peoples: the social impact of protected areas.Annu Rev Anthropol35, 251–277.Wilson,K.A.,McBride M.F.,Bode M.,Possingham H.P.(2006)Prioritizing global conservation efforts.Nature440, 337–340.。

土地资源管理专业英语词汇

土地资源管理专业英语词汇LandLand is a delineable [di?nieit] area of the earth's terrestrial [ti ? restri ? l] surface, encompassing all attributes of the biosphere immediately above or below this surface including those of the near-surface climate the soil and terrain forms, the surface hydrology (including shallow lakes, rivers, marshes, and swamps [sw?mp]), the near-surface sedimentary/?sed??ient?ri/ (沉淀性的)layers and associated groundwater reserve, the plant and animal populations, the human settlement pattern and physical results of past and present human activity (terrac ing, water storage or drain age structures, roads, buildings, etc. [et@et?r?] (=et cetera)). (UN, 1994)Land useLand use is the human modification of natural environment or wilderness into built environment such as fields, pastures, and settlements. The major effect of land use on land cover since 1750has been deforestation of temperate regi ons. More rece nt sig nifica nt effects of land use include urban sprawl, soil erosi on, soil degradati on, sali ni zati on [ s?li ni'zei ? ? n], and desertification. L and-use change,together with use of fossil fuels, are the major an thropoge nic sources of carb on dioxide, a dominant greenhouse gas. It has also been defi ned as "the total of arran geme nts, activities, and in puts that people un dertake in a certa in land cover type".From Wikipedia, the free en cyclopediaLand coverLand cover corresp onds to a (bio) physical description of the earth's surface. It is that which overlays or currently covers the ground. This description enables various biophysical categories to be distinguished - basically, areas of vegetation (trees, bushes, fields and lawn), bare soil, hard surfaces (rocks, buildings) and wet areas and bodies of water (watercourses 水流(河床),wetlands). There are two primary methods for capturing information on land cover: field survey and thorough analysis of remotely sensed imagery. The nature of land cover is discussed in Comber et al. (2005). A Comber, P Fisher, R Wadsworth. What is land cover? Environment and Planning B: Planning and Desig n, 2005Differe neeLand use corresp onds to the socio-ec on omic description (functional dimension) of areas: areas used for reside ntial, in dustrial orcommercial purposes, for farming or forestry, for recreational or conservation purposes, etc. Links with land cover are possible; it may be possible to infer land use from land cover and con versely. But situati ons are ofte n complicated and the link is not so evide nt. Con trary to land cover, land use is difficult to 'observe'. For example, it is often difficult to decide if grasslands are used or not for agricultural purposes. Distinctions between land use and iand cover and their defi niti on have impacts on the development of classification systems, data collection and information systems in general. (UNEP)Land cover is distinet from land use despite the two terms ofte n being used in tercha ngeably. Land use is a description of how people utilize the land and socio-ec on omic activity - urba n and agricultural land uses are two of the most comm only recog ni sed high-level classes of use. At any one point or place, there may be multiple and alternate land uses, the specification of which may have a political dime nsion.Land man ageme ntLand man ageme nt can be defi ned as the process of managing the use and development (in both urba n and suburba n sett in gs) of land resources in a susta in able way. Land resources are used for a variety of purposes which in teract and may compete with one another; therefore, it is desirable to pla n and man age all uses in an in tegrated manner.Land adm ini strati onThe concepts of land administration are the reflecti on of views on land properties. In China, scholars hold ideas that land admi ni strati on is the process of orga ni zati on, coordi nati on, supervisi on and man ageme nt on land resources, land use, la nd property rights and land profit with political instruments for sake of whole society. Other studies on land administration, cadastral [k?'d?str? I] titles and land market, urban land admi nistratio n, and land susta in able con servati on, altogether make these factors-la nd resources management, land assets supervision and land political gover nance for susta in ability con stitute foun dati on of land adm ini strati on. Differe neeThere are many factors according to which adm ini strati on can be dist in guished from man ageme nt. From the n ature of work, adm ini strati on is concerned about the determ in ati on of objectives and major policies of an orga ni zati on; man ageme nt puts into acti on the policies and plans laid down by the administration. From the nature of status,admi nistratio n con sists of owners who in vest capital in and receive profits from an enterprise; man ageme nt is a group of man agerial pers onnel who use their specialized kno wledge to fulfill the objectives of an enterprise. From Main functions adm ini strati on in volves in pla nning and organizing functions; management involves in motivati ng and con trolli ng fun cti ons.Land use pla nningLand use pla nning is the term used for a branch of public policy which en compasses [in *?mp?s] various disciplines which seek to order and regulate the use of land in an efficient and ethical /?e (k?l/ way. Despite confusing nomenclature n?u?menkl ?t??术语，命名系统, the essential function of land use planning remai ns the same whatever term is applied. TheCan adia n In stitute of Pla nners offers adefinition that: "Land use planning means the scientific, aesthetic [i:s?B etik], and orderly disposition of land, resources, facilities andservices with a view to securing the physical,economic and social efficiency, health and well-bei ng of urba n and rural comm un ities" From Wikipedia, the free en cyclopediaThere is bound to be con flict over land use. The dema nds for arable land, graz ing, forestry, wildlife, tourism and urban development are greater tha n the land resources available. In the develop ing coun tries, these dema nds become more pressing every year. The population dependent on the land for food, fuel and employme nt will double within the n ext 25 to 50 years. Even where land is still plentiful, many people may have in adequate access to land or to the ben efits from its use. I n the face of scarcity, the degradation of farmland, forest or water resources may be clear for all to see but in dividual land users lack the incen tive or resources to stop it.Land-use planning is the systematic assessment of land and water pote ntial, alter natives for land use and econ omic and social con diti ons in order to select and adopt the best Ian d-use opti on s. Its purpose is to select and put into practice those land uses that will best meet the needs of the people while safeguarding resources for the future. The driving force in planning is the need for cha nge, the n eed for improved man ageme nt or the n eed for a quite differe nt patter n of land use dictated by cha nging circumsta nces.All kinds of rural land use are involved: agriculture, pastoralism 田园风味,forestry, wildlife conservation and tourism. Planning also provides guidanee in cases of conflict between rural land use and urba nor in dustrialexpa nsion, by in dicat ing which areas of land are most valuable un der rural use.VocabularyMi nistry of Land and Resources 国土资源咅B Muni cipal Bureau of Land and Resources 市国土资源管理局Muni cipal Bureau of Land Resourcesand Hous ing Man ageme nt 市国土资源和房屋管理局Bureau of State Land Supervision 国家土地监察局land utilizati on (use) exte nsive land use inten sive land use susta in able land use 土地利用土地粗放利用土地集约利用土地可持续利用land man ageme nt land adm ini strati on land use pla nning gen eral pla n of Ian d-use land allocati on land evaluati on/appraisal land policy land econo mics land market 土地技术管理土地行政管理土地利用规划土地利用总体规划土地配置土地评价土地政策土地经济土地市场land expropriation/requisition 土地征收/征用land registrati on 土地登记land tran sacti onland bankingland supply/dema nd land gra nt or tran sfer 土地交易土地储备土地供应/需求土地出让或转让land n egotiati on /agreeme nt 土地协议land aucti on land public biddi ng 土地拍卖土地公开招标land value land rent land reve nue land use fee land use term land levelli ng 土地平整land developme nt 土地开发land rehabilitati on/reclamati on 土地复垦 land con solidatio n/readjustme nt 土地整理 land retireme nt 土壤退化land subside nee 地面沉降land polluti on 土地污染slope treatme nt for erosi on con trol 坡面治理工程grain to gree n 退耕还林land in formati on land use in terpretati on land use survey land use monitoring land use map land use mapp ing land use classificati onland use zoning land use con trol land use patter n land use type land use adjustme nt land use capability land pote ntial productivity land suitability land efficie ncy 土地价值地租土地收益土地使用费土地使用期土地信息土地利用判读土地利用调查土地利用监测土地利用图土地利用制图土地利用分类土地用途分区土地用途管制土地利用模式土地利用类型土地利用调整土地利用潜力土地生产潜力土地适宜性土地效益land structure land useinten sity multiple crop in dex 土地结构土地利用密度复种指数prime cropla nd preservati on 基本农田保护区pla nning approval 规划许可耕地总量动态平衡compe nsati on in stituti on of cropla nd occupati on占用耕地补偿制度limitation of land use 土地利用限制因素land reform land usecertificate land tenure Ian d-ow nership Ian d-use right state-ow ned land 土地改革土地使用证地权土地所有权土地使用权国有土地household-based land con tract system 土地家庭承包制。

公共管理中英文对照外文翻译文献

公共管理中英文对照外文翻译文献(文档含英文原文和中文翻译)中英文资料外文翻译The New Public Management SituationNo doubt, many countries in the world, and both developed countries and developing countries, in the late 1980s and early 1990s began a continuous public sector management reform movement. The reform movement is still in many aspects government continue to the organization and management of the influence. People in these reforms view repudiating them. Critics especially in Britain and the United States, critics say the new mode of various problems exist, but also does not have the international prevailing reform of public management, could not be called paradigm. Criticism from almost every aspect of the change. Most of the academic criticismbelong to the mouth. Different schools of thought in detail discussion, The academic journal articles and abstraction, from reality. At the same time, in the practice of public management and implementation of the reform and the change. As I in other articles in the thought, in most countries, the traditional public administrative mode for public management mode has been replaced. The reform of public department responded to the realities of several interrelated problems, including: the function of public sector provide public services of low efficiency, Economic theory of change, Private sector related changes impact of globalization, especially as a kind of economic power, Technology changes made decentralization and better control globally becomes possible. The administrative management can be divided into three stages: the development of distinct phases,and public administration before traditional pattern and public management reform stage. Each stage has its own management mode. From a stage of transition to the next stage is not easy, from the traditional public administration to public administration has not yet completed the transition. But it was only a matter of time. Because the new mode of theoretical basis is very strong. The new public management movement ", "although this name, but it is not only a debate in the booming, and in most developed countries have taken the best management mode of expression. The traditional administrative mode than it's age is a great reform, but that time has passed.A traditional patternObviously, in the late 19th century bureaucracy system theory, not sound already exists some form of administrative management. Public administration has a long history, and it is the concept of a government and the rise of civilization as history. As the case Glad2den Osama bin laden (point), a model of administrative since the government appears has existed. First is endowed with founder or leader, then is the social or administrative person to organizers of eternity. Administration management or business is all in social activities, although not among factors, but the glow of social sustainable development is of vital importance. Recognized administrative system in ancient Egypt is already exists, its jurisdiction from the Nile flooding caused by the year to build the pyramids irrigation affairs. China is adopted in the han dynasty, Confucian norms that government should be elected, not according to the background, but according to the character and ability, the government's main goal is to seek the welfare of the people. In Europe, various empire - Greek, Roman, and the holy Roman, Spain'sadministrative empire, they first by the central through various rules and procedures. Weber's thought, "modern" medieval countries develop simultaneously with "bureaucratic management structure development". Although these countries in different ways, but they have common features, it can be called before modern. Namely, the administrative system of early essence is the personification of, or the establishment in Max Weber's "nepotism" basis, i.e. to loyal to the king or minister certain human foundation, not is personified, With allegiance to the organization or individual basis rather than for the foundation. Although there are such a viewpoint that administration itself not only praise from traditional mode, the characteristic of early but often leads to seek personal interests corruption or abuse of power. In the early administrative system, we now feel very strange approach has the functions of government administration is generally behavior. All those who walk official tend to rely on friends or relatives for work or buy officer, which means the money to buy the first officer or tax officials, and then out to the customer to money, which is the first to buy officer recovery investment cost, and can make a fortune. America in the 19th century FenFei system of "political parties" means in the ruling changed at the same time, the government of all administrative position is changed. Modern bureaucracy is before "personal, traditional, diffusion and similar and special", and according to the argument, modern Weber bureaucracy is "impersonal, rational, concrete, achievement orientation and common". Personalized government is often inefficient: nepotism means incompetent not capable person was arranged to positions of leadership, FenFei political corruption, in addition to making often still exist serious low efficiency. The enormoussuccess of traditional administrative pattern that early practice looks strange. Specialization and not politicized administrative in our opinion is so difficult to imagine that trace, there exist other system. Western administrative system even simple selection of officials to pass theexam, until 1854, Britain and north G..M. Trevelyan report after Northcote - began to establish in China, although the system has long passage.The traditional public administrative patternIn the late 19th century, additionally one kind of pattern on the world popular, this is the so-called traditional administrative pattern. Its main theoretical basis from several countries, namely, the American scholars and Germany Woodrow Wilson of Max Weber's, people put their associated with bureaucracy model, Frederick Tyler systematically elaborated the scientific management theory, the theory of the private sector from America, for public administration method was provided. And the other theorists, Taylor without focusing on public sector, but his theory was influential in this field. The three traditional public administration mode is theorist of main effect. In other countries, plus G..M. Trevelyan and North America, the state administration of administrative system, especially the Wilson has produced important influence. In the 19th century, the north G..M. Trevelyan and put forward through the examination and character, and appointed officials put forward bias and administrative neutral point of view. The traditional administrative pattern has the following features:1. The bureaucracy. The government shall, according to the principle of bureaucratic rank and organization. The German sociologist Max Weber bureaucracy system of a classic, andanalysis. Although the bureaucracy in business organizations and other tissues, but it is in the public sector got better and longer.2. The best way of working and procedures are in full manual detail codes, for administrative personnel to follow. Strictly abide by these principles will run for the organization provides the best way.3. Bureaucratic service. Once the government policy areas in, it will be through the bureaucracy to provide public products and service providers.4. In political and administrative two relations, political and administrative managers generally think of administrative affairs can be separated. Administration is the implement instruction, and any matter policy or strategic affairs shall be decided by the political leaders, which can ensure that the democratic system.5. Public interests are assumed to individual civil servants, the only motive for public service is selfless paying.6. Professional bureaucracy. Public administration is viewed as a kind of special activities, thus requirements, obscure, civil servants neutral equal employment and lifelong service to any political leaders.7. The administrative task is to carry out the meaning of the written instructions and not others assume the personal responsibility.Through the comparison of the early administrative pattern, we can better understand the main advantages and Webber system differences. Webber system and it is the most important mode of various before the difference: the rule-based impersonal system replaced the personification of administrative management system. An organization and its rules than any of the people are important organization. Bureaucracy is itsoperation and how to respond to customer must is personified. As Weber has demonstrated that the modern office management ", will be incorporated into various regulations deeply touched it. The modern public administration by law theory, to command certain affairs authority has been awarded the legitimate public authority. This does not grant an institution specific cases through some instructions. It only matters is abstractly control some issues. In contrast, through personal privileges and give concession regulation of all affairs. The latter is completely dominated by the hereditary system, at least these affairs is not the traditional infringement is this situation."It is very important. Early administration based on personal relationships, be loyal to relatives, protect, leaders or political, rather than on the system. Sometimes, the early administration is politically sensitive, because of the administrative organs of the staff is appointed, they also politicians arms or mainstream class. However, it is often autocratic, autocratic administration may be unfair, especially for those who can't or unwilling to input personal and political game. One of the basic principles for with weber impersonal system to completely eliminate autocratic - at least in ideal condition is so. File exists, the reference principle of parallel and legal basis in the same environment means will always make the same decision. Below this kind ofcircumstance is not only more efficient, and the citizen and bureaucratic hierarchy know myself.Other differences were associated with this. In various regulations and impersonal basis, will naturally formed strict hierarchy. Personal rating system and its provisions in the left unchanged. Although Webber emphasizes the entire system, but he also noticed the bureaucracy of the organization andindividual term.The traditional administrative mode won great success, it is widely adopted by governments around the world. Theoretically or in practice, it shows the advantage. And before the corruption flourished, it is more efficient than system, and the thought of individual professionalization civil servants and amateur service has a great progress. However, this model is also exposed the problems that shows that the model can even said outdated, also can say is outdated.The theory of public administration has been difficult to describe the pillar. Political control theory has problems. Administrative means follow instructions, so people demand a well-ordered transceiver method. Instruction between implementers and has a clear division. But this is not the reality, and with the public service domain expands the scale and more impossible. The traditional mode of another theoretical pillar - bureaucracy theory is no longer considered particularly effective form of organization. Formal bureaucracy could have its advantages, but people think it often training to routineer and innovators, Encourage executives rather than risk aversion risk-taking, encourage them to waste instead of effective use of scarce resources. Webb was the bureaucracy is regarded as an ideal type ", "but now this ideal type is inert, cultivate the progressive, leads to low efficiency, these mediocrity and is believed to be the public sector of the special disease. It is also criticized. Actually, the word "bureaucracy in today's more likely as low efficiency of synonyms.The new public management modeIn the 1980s, the public sector is a traditional administrative pattern of new management methods of defects. This methodcan alleviate some of the problems of traditional pattern, also means that the public sector operation aspects has changed significantly. The new management method has many names: management of "individualism", "the new public administration", based on the market of public administration ", after the bureaucracy model "or" entrepreneurial government ". To the late 1990s, people tend to use "and the concept of new public administration". Although the new public management, but for many of the names of public management of department of actual changes happened, people still have a consensus. First, no matter what, it is called mode with traditional represents a significant change of public administration, different more attention and managers of the individual responsibility. Second, it is clear to get rid of the classical bureaucracy, thereby organization, personnel, term and conditions more flexible. Third, it stipulates the organization and personnel, and it can target according to the performance indicators measuring task completion. Also, to plan the assessment system for more than ever before, and also can be more strictly determine whether the government plans to achieve its objectives. Fourth, the senior executives are more likely to color with political government work, rather than independent or neutral. Fifth, the more likely the inspection by the market, buyers of public service provider and distinguish "helmsman, with the rower to distinguish". Government intervention is not always refers to the government by means of bureaucracy. Sixth, appeared through privatization and market means such as inspection, contract of government function reduce trend. In some cases, it is fundamental. Once happened during the transformation from the important changes to all connected with this, the continuity of the steps arenecessary.Holmes and Shand as a useful characteristics of generalization. They put the new public management paradigm, the good as management method has the following features: (1) it is a more strategic or structure of decision-making method (around the efficiency, quality and service). (2) decentralization type management environment replaced concentration level structure. The resource allocation and service delivery closer to supply, we can get more itself from the customers and related information and other interest groups. (3) can be more flexible to replace the method of public products supply directly, so as to provide cost savings of the policy. (4) concernedwith the responsibility, authority as the key link of improving performance, including emphasize clear performance contract mechanism. (5) in the public sector, and between internal to create a competitive environment. (6) strengthen the strategic decision-making ability, which can quickly, flexible and low cost to manage multiple interests outside change and the response.(7) by request relevant results and comprehensive cost reports to improve transparency and responsibility. (8) general service budget and management system to support and encourage the change.The new public management and realize a result that no one in the best way. Managers in endowed with responsibility and without being told to get results. Decision is a management job duties, if not for achieving goals, managers should assume responsibility.ConclusionThe government management over the past 150 years experienced three modes. First is the personification of modernadministrative mode, or when the pattern of its defects and increasingly exposed to improve efficiency, it is the second mode of traditional bureaucracy model is replaced. Similarly, when the traditional administrative mode problems, it is the third model is the new public management, from the government to alternative market. Since 1980s, the dominance of the market as the 1920s to 1960s dominant bureaucracy. In any kind of government, market and bureaucratic system are coexisting, just a form at some stage dominant, and in another stage of another kind of form, the dominant. The new public management is increasingly weakened and bureaucracy in the public administration field market dominant period.In reality, the market and bureaucracy, mutual complement each other. The new public management may not be completely replace the bureaucracy, as in 1989, the eastern Europe before bureaucracy could not instead of the market. But the new public management movement is early traditional bureaucracy, many functions can be and often by market now. In a bureaucracy system for organizational principle is weakened environment, market solutions will be launched. Of course not all market prescription can succeed, but this is not the issue. The government of new public management will be a toolbox dowsed solutions. If the scheme of the ineffective, the government will from the same source for other solutions. The theory behind the government management has already happened, we can use the term "paradigm" to describe it. In public administration academia, many of the new public management denial of critics. But their criticism of the government reform quickly. In the new public management mode, another a kind of new mode, but certainly not returned tothe traditional administrative pattern.新公共管理的现状毫无疑问,世界上许多国家,无论是发达国家还是发展中国家,在20世纪80年代后期和90年代初期都开始了一场持续的公共部门管理变革运动。

土地资源管理专业英语

土地资源管理专业英语全

第一篇nd consolidation is sometimes incorrectly interpreted tobe only the simple reallocation of parcels to remove effectsof fragmentation. 土地整理有时被错误的理解成为了克服土地破碎化的影响仅对土地进行的简单再配置。

2.In reality land consolidation has been associated with broader social and economic reforms from the time of its earliest applications in western Europe.现实中土地整理已与更广泛的社会和经济改革想结合，最初应用在西欧。

nd consolidation has always been regarded as an instrument or entry point for rural development. 土地整理一直被视为一种工具或切入点，在农村发展问题上。

4.Early concepts of rural development were virtually the same as agricultural development because of the predominant role of agriculture in rural areas at the time.早期概念的农村发展几乎一样的农业发展,因为农业主导作用在农村地区的时间。

5.Improving the agrarian structure was viewed as beingidentical to maintaining the social viability in rural areas; what was good for the farmers was good for areas.改善农业用地结构被认为与维持乡村地区的社会生存发展能力具有相同的含义，对农民有益的事物也对乡村地区的发展有益。

土地资源管理中英文对照外文翻译文献

中英文翻译外文文献：RURAL AND URBAN LAND DEVELOPMENT AND LAND TENURE SYSTEMS: A COMPARISON BETWEEN SOUTH AFRICAAND BOTSWANASusan BouillonLegal Advisor: City Council of PretoriaINTRODUCTIONFranklin D. Roosevelt once said that …Every person who invests in land near a growing city, adopts the surest and safest method of becoming independent, for land is the basis of wealth.’The purpose of this paper is to discuss the rural and urban land development and land tenure systems of South Africa and Botswana, and to explain their contributions to urban sustainability.DEVELOPMENT PLANNING IN BOTSWANABotswana is located at the centre of the South African plateau, and is bordered by South Africa on the south and southeast, Zimbabwe on the northeast and Namibia on the west and northwest. Approximately 23% of the population is in urban areas and 77% in rural areas. Botswana has a rich tribal culture, and therefore it is not surprising that the Botswana legal system consists of local tribal courts, which adjudicate traditional matters and Tribal Land Boards, which rule on land use matters in tribal lands and traditional villages. Town Councils rule on land use matters in urban areas.The government of Botswana has adopted a system of development planning which has coped relatively well compared with other African countries. Development planning involves the preparation of land use plans for both urban and rural areas. The practice in Botswana is that the public is made aware of the implications of land use plans before land is zoned for various uses. Public awareness and participation is ensured by giving land users an opportunity to select preferred land use options from a range of options determined through the evaluation of physical and economic suitability of land resources (bottom-up approach).PROPERTY RIGHTS AND LAND TENURE IN BOTSWANA It is the policy of the Government that all citizens should have easy and equal access to land. In order to realize this, three land tenure systems have been put in place. Tribal land covers 71% of the total land area of the country. It is allocated to citizens free of charge for all types of uses. State land is owned by the state and comprises 23% of the total area. Most of this land is used as National Parks, or Forest and Game Reserves within which no settlements are permitted. However, a small percentage of this land is allocated for residential purposes, particularly in urban centers. Freehold land comprises only 6% of the total area and is privately owned. Most of the government policies to date are therefore directed at tribal land.RURAL LANDPrior to independence, Botswana had established traditional ways of allocating and managing tribal land and its resources through chiefs and communities. Soon after independence, the authority to allocate tribal land was shifted from the chiefs to the Tribal Land Boards which were established by the Tribal Land Act,but the management of the resources remains the responsibility of the users and their communities. According to this act, almost 71% of the available land is administered as tribal land according to an integrated system of customary land tenure. Although the tenurial rules for tribal land have been changed considerably by this act, it is considered a very innovative way to combine individual land tenure security with tribal land-use.The Land Boards were established for a specified tribal territory, and took over the administrative functions from chiefs and other tribal authorities. Title of the land vested in the Land Boards. The Land Boards were initially entitled to make customary and common law grants, for residential, grazing or cultivation purposes, to members of the different tribes living in thespecified territories only, but since 1993 any citizen of Botswana is entitled to apply for these rights. Land Boards maintain their own record or registration system and rights are not registered in the central deeds registration system of Botswana, apparently to keep them more affordable. The Land Boards are entitled to issue certificates of customary grants or certificates of occupation. Provision has been made for the conversion of these certificates into titles registrable in the deeds registry once demand arises to deal with these certificates in the commercial lending market. Any change in right-holder must be reported to the land board in order to maintain the accuracy of the record system of the land board. Shelter provision in rural areas has been on individuals initiatives. The most important prerequisite for housing development, which is access to land, has not really been a disturbing issue due to the fact that all male and female citizens are allocated tribal land for free, but in an effort to facilitate shelter provision in rural areas, the government intends to introduce a rural housing programme.Land use planning is not a new phenomenon in Botswana. Past experiences and records indicate that the traditional chiefs who had authority on land have always done some form of land use planning. Formal land use planning in Botswana started with the implementation of the Tribal Grazing Land Policy in 1975, when some areas were zoned for wildlife use, others became reserved areas, while other areas continued to be for communal use. This policy enabled individuals or groups to have exclusive use of land in areas zoned for such use. These rights are permanent, exclusionary and inheritable. They may only be revoked by the land board in circumstances where the right-holder fails to utilize the land on terms specified by the land board, or fails to develop the land according to the specified purposes within five years or where the land was not distributed fairly. In these instances, the land does not revert to the government but is reallocated by the land board to other applicants. This policy was therefore a major programme through which rural development was to be achieved.The districts up to now continue to prepare and update their respective integrated land use plans. In the preparation of such plans the communities have major inputs with regard to the various land uses. This is in realization of the fact that to have an implementable and sustainable land use plan, the communities should be the ones who decide the uses on a particular type of land. It should be noted, however, that not all districts have such plans.URBAN LANDAn urban centre in Botswana is defined as All settlements on state land and settlements on tribal land with a population of 5000 or more persons with at least 75% of the labor force in non-agricultural occupations. Generally, an urban centre should be seen to provide its population with infra-structural and environmental services similar to that which exists in a modern city. Rural-urban migration has played an important role in the growth of urban areas. Several urban development policies have been evolved over the years to guide the growth and development of the urban areas. Due to the fact that a large part of the people of Botswana are living in rural areas, most of the development is aimed at the rural areas, but a few programmes were introduced in order to better the circumstances of those living in urban areas. The Self Help Housing Programme was introduced to assist the low income urban households to develop their own houses. Under this scheme, the Government provides basic services such as roads, water stand pipes, and a pit-latrine to each plot. Plot holders were given tenurial security through a Certificate of Rights. This programme has also been used in upgrading the squatter settlements which existed prior to its inception.Shortage of serviced land has been identified as one of the major constraints to urban housing development. Therefore a major land servicing programme, the Accelerated Land Servicing Programme, was introduced. The objective of the programme was to service land for all uses, such as residential, commercial and industrial, in all urban areas. A Housing Department has been established, which is charged with the responsibility of promoting housing development and improvement through policy initiatives that create an enabling environment for shelter provision.The Town and Country Planning Act, which is the main legislation guiding physical planning in Botswana, makes provisions for an orderly and progressive development and control of land in both urban and rural areas. The Urban Development Standards and the Development Control Code also facilitate the orderly planning of settlements. Sustainable urban development depends on the availability of clean water supply and provision of infrastructure for sanitation and waste management. An integrated approach in the provision of environmentally sound infrastructures in human settlements is seen as an investment that fosters sustainable developmentand that can improve the quality of life, increase productivity, improve health, and reduce poverty.Although the concept of sustainable development gained prominence on the international scene only a few years back, it has been one of the objectives of development planning in Botswana since independence in 1966. The term has appeared as an objective in all the subsequent development plans, but its meaning has been expanded to reflect the changing development realities over the years.LAND DEVELOPMENT IN SOUTH AFRICAThe shape and form of the cities in South Africa are the result of conscious apartheid planning in the past. When South Africa‟s first democratically elected government came into power in 1994, it inherited the fragmented, unequal and incoherent planning systems which developed under apartheid. During apartheid, land development planning in the then four provinces, ten homelands and the …group area‟ racial zones, fell under many different laws, ordinances, procedures and regulations. There was a lack of coordination, an unequal distribution of resources and a lot of …red tape‟ which slowed down development projects.A National Development and Planning Commission were appointed to advise the Minister of Land Affairs and the Minister of Housing on planning and development. Among other things, the Commission was requested to prepare a Green Paper on planning which would review and recommend changes to the apartheid legislation and process of land development in South Africa. The Commission decided to focus on the spatial planning system for urban and rural development.A land development policy, the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP), a comprehensive and sectorally-based socio-economic policy framework that established the developmental foundations for the removal of apartheid and the building of a democratic, non-racial and non-sexist future, was adopted. This policy is based upon integrated development planning, a process which aims to maximize the impact of scarce resources and limited capacity. The prime purpose of this policy was to establish procedures to facilitate the release of appropriate public land for affordable housing, public services and productive as well as recreational purposes. In settlements which have been established in remote locations, without formal planning, land development involves upgrading services and infrastructure in situ.Planning in South Africa in the past and at present is done according to the Town Planning Ordinances of the various provinces. Although mechanisms for forward planning have long existed, the town planning scheme, which was established in terms of the Ordinances, is at the heart of the town planning system. While this system was strictly enforced in most white, Indian and colored areas, only simplified versions were later introduced to urban townships, further complicating the land administration system. As a result hereof South African settlements in both urban and rural areas were generally inefficient, fragmented and inconvenient. In large part, this is the result of the interplay between historical spatial planning policies and practices and the implementation of the ideology of apartheid. Despite this, there are few signs that significant and wide reaching improvements have been set in place since 1994. The Constitution of South Africa has a bearing on the planning system in those new constitutional requirements such as cooperative governance, procedural and participatory rights to ensure accountability for decision-making, the promotion of social and economic rights and the protection of the environment create imperatives that profoundly affect planning. In the planning sphere, legislation has shifted, with the passing of the Development Facilitation Act, which was the first national planning legislation promulgated after the first democratic elections in 1994, from being control-orientated towards being normatively-based. It was passed to begin the process of transforming planning to meet the needs of the new democracy.The Development Facilitation Act introduces the concept of land development objectives. These are plans approved by political decision-makers that set their objectives and targets for development of an area. The land development objectives‟ intentions are to create a clear spatial framework for the area and to create a proactive rather than a reactive planning system. In terms of the Local Government Transition Second Amendment Act municipal authorities are required to create integrated development plans. An integrated development plan is a plan aimed at the integrated development and management of the area of jurisdiction of the municipality concerned, and which has been compiled having regard to the general principles contained in the Development Facilitation Act. A common intention of both integrated development plans and land development objectives is to tie public agency plans to budgets. In drawing up both land development objectives and integrated development plans, local authorities are required to try toachieve the intentions of the Development Facilitation Act principles. A land development application may not be approved if such application is inconsistent with any land development objective or integrated development plan, although land owners and developers may make proposals to change land use if they can motivate that the change would be consistent with both integrated development plans and land development objectives and the Development Facilitation Act principles. The onus of responsibility to demonstrate this is on the developer.PROPERTY RIGHTS AND LAND TENURE IN SOUTH AFRICA Land tenure in post-apartheid South Africa is a contentious issue and has long been a source of conflict. As is the case in many transitional political situations, there are also differences of opinion regarding the role and definition of ownership and other rights in property. The Constitution of South Africa provides in section 25(1) for the acknowledgement of different rights in property. It is clear that not only ownership, but also other rights in immovable property are recognized and protected. In terms of section 25(6) the state has the obligation to secure by means of legislation, other forms of land tenure which are insecure as a result of the apartheid legislation and policies.In order to rectify the injustices of the past, the Department of Land Affairs started with a programme of land reform by means of restitution, redistribution and tenure reform. This programme resulted in the following acts being promulgated: the Restitution of Land Rights Act (regarding the restitution of land to persons dispossessed of land after 1913 as a result of racially discriminatory legislation), the Development Facilitation Act (regarding quicker and cheaper planning and development methods), the Land Reform (Labor Tenants) Act(regarding the security of housing, grazing and cultivating rights of labor tenants), the Communal Property Associations Act(regarding the creation of associations to own, control and deal with communal/common property), the Interim Protection of Informal Land Rights Act (regarding the interim protection of the rights of people in rural areas), the Extension of Security of Tenure Act (regarding the protection of laborers other than labor tenants in rural areas) and the Prevention of Illegal Eviction from and Unlawful Occupation of Land Act (regarding the measures to protect vulnerable occupiers and evict squatters).The vision and strategy for South Africa's land policy, a policy that is just, buildsreconciliation and stability and contributes to economic growth, is set out in the White Paper on South African Land Policy. The government's land reform programme is made up of land restitution(which involves returning land lost since 1913 because of racially discriminatory laws, or compensating victims for loss of land due to racially discriminatory laws), land redistribution (makes it possible for poor and disadvantaged people to buy land with the help of a Settlement/Land Acquisition Grant) and land tenure reform (it aims to bring all people occupying land under a unitary, legally validated system of landholding.) This programme will devise secure forms of land tenure, help resolve tenure disputes and provide alternatives for people who are displaced in the process. In the long run, as part of the land tenure reform programme, government is committed to the transfer of the land, which is in the nominal ownership of the state, to its real owners. The White Paper emphasizes the importance of local participation in decision-making, gender equity, economic viability, and environmental sustainability in the implementation of the land reform programmes. This White Paper is not only focusing on the urban areas but also on the rural areas.The deeds registration system in South Africa differs from the Botswana system. It has only one deeds registration system, and this system does not provide for the registration of all the different land tenure rights that are statutorily recognized. A large part of the population, notably people in informal settlements and in rural areas where a system of communal property still prevails, is excluded from the deeds registration system. In the White Paper on South African Land Policy a part of the land policy has been set aside for development of the registration system to make the registration of informal land rights in urban and rural areas possible.Whilst existing government policy provides a great range of inputs for planning and development, the White Paper on Local Government is critical as it places municipalities at the centre of planning for better human settlements. The new municipal planning system is founded on the concept of “developmental local government”. It emphasizes integrated development planning as a tool for realizing the vision of developmental local government. The Urban Development Framework published by the Department of Housing, examines the current dilemmas and realities facing South Africa‟s urban areas, whilst the Rural Development Framework describes how government aims to achieve a rapid and sustainable reduction inabsolute rural poverty.CONCLUSIONPhysical planners use the term land development to describe the process of identifying, acquiring and releasing land and resources for development. The aim of development is to attempt to overcome the problems in our cities. Planning aims to change our cities from being separate and sprawling into integrated, compact cities.Since the time of ancient civilizations, cities have been the powerhouses of economic growth and the centres of technological and scientific advancement. Cities have always acted as magnets attracting people in search of a better life. Rapid urbanization is, however, threatening the environment, human health and the productive capacity of cities. The most pressing problems facing cities and towns, mainly in the developing world is unemployment, crime, the health impact of inadequate services, pollution, inadequate shelter and overcrowding. As is the case in other countries, the cities in South Africa and Botswana are unsustainable in terms of the massive consumption of resources and the requirement of large quantities of water, food, energy and raw materials.As seen above, most of the land in Botswana is used as tribal land, resulting in a small percentage of land directed for urban usage. In contrast with Botswana, a very large part of the land in South Africa is being used for urban purposes. Tribal land does not play the same role in South Africa as it does in Botswana. Although the South African Constitution gives some recognition to the role of traditional leadership, the lack of accuracy about the nature and scale of its involvement remains a problem. This has led to significant uncertainty, confusion and even contest over the decision-making powers of these authorities in development processes. Leaders in traditional and tribal areas have had powers to allocate resources in rural and informal communities, and have also played an administration role in respect of land use matters. The new legislation in South Africa, however did not make provision for the traditional and tribal leaders in development planning. The recently published Municipal Structures Act recognizes that traditional leaders have a role to play in municipal governance and provides for their participation in local government affairs.The land development and tenure system in Botswana differs from the development systemin South Africa in that South Africa‟s development planning system is aimed at the rectification of the injustices of the past, while Botswana‟s system is aimed at the allocation of tribal land to the inhabitants. Nonetheless, Botswana is constrained by under developed human resources. There is a shortage of skilled and productive manpower to quickly absorb and diffuse new technology that comes from foreign direct investments.Public participation only recently became part of planning law in South Africa, while the same practice was implemented in Botswana decades ago. The practice in South Africa includes the notification of all affected parties of an application for land development or land use change by means of a letter distributed to the affected person(s), advertisements in the Government Gazette and two local newspapers as well as an advertisement on the application property. This ensures that there is adequate public participation in the decision-making process. The South African context requires a particularly thoughtful and thorough type of public participation in land development decision-making. Illiteracy is widespread; many people are unfamiliar with the workings of a land development management system and the administrative processes in general. This is particularly, although not exclusively, true in rural areas. Thus, special care has to be taken to ensure that all affected parties are fully informed of the implications of a proposed development or land use change, as well as informed of their rights in the adjudication process. The development of an area should not just meet the needs of today‟s users, but also the needs of future generations. This means that resources must be used wisely so that they last, because our land is a precious resource. We build our homes on it; it feeds us; it sustains animal and plant life and stores our water. It contains our mineral wealth and is an essential resource for investment in our country's economy. Land does not only form the basis of our wealth, but also our security, pride and history.中文译文：农村及城市土地开发和土地所有权制度在南非和博茨瓦纳的比较介绍弗兰克林·d·罗斯福曾说过,“每一个在正崛起的城市附近土地上投资的人都是在采用最可靠和最安全的方法使自己变得独立,因为土地是财富的基础。

房地产管理中英文对照外文翻译文献

房地产管理中英文对照外文翻译文献(文档含英文原文和中文翻译)译文：竞争力因素:中国房地产竞争力研究竞争力研究竞争力的研究在学术界非常受管理学家的欢迎，近年来研究人员普遍认为映射一个组织的竞争环境有利于形成企业战略发展的良好基础(Feurer and Chaharbaghi, 1994)。

正如Waheeduzzaman和Ryans(1996)所提出的，竞争力的研究涉及多维概念和学科。

弗拉纳根等(2007) 关于企业的竞争力提供了一个关键性的结论和有价值的见解，并确定了三个主要流派理论：(1)竞争优势和竞争战略模型(例如波特，1990)；(2)基于资源视图(思路)和核心竞争力的方法。

（如Wernerfelt，普拉哈拉德和哈默，1984；巴尼，1991年)；(3)战略管理的方法(例如Wheelen和hungery,2002)。

总的来说，波特的企业竞争力理论的特点是竞争优势的产业组织视图。

波特(1990)开发了一个钻石框架，给出了四个获得和维持公司的竞争优势的因素：因素条件，需求条件，相关和支持产业，还有企业战略和竞争环境；按照波特的观点，存在两个外生因素，政府和机会对可控性(管理各种资源的能力)的影响；相对性(相对于其他公司)和活力(参与动态过程产生的结果)。

竞争力研究的基本思路关注的是公司特有的内部资源。

一般来说，基本思路假设竞争优势并不取决于市场和产业结构，而取决于一个企业的资源。

要想开发公司的核心竞争力，必须找到并加强这些企业特定资源。

该方法的基本理论是指通过特定资源和有效利用这些资源来实现竞争优势。

企业竞争力理论的第三个学派侧重于战略管理方法，如惠伦和hungery(2002)的定义，战略管理涉及到一系列管理决策和行动以确定公司的长期性能。

最近的战略管理理论的发展基于波特的理论和基本思路(例如，Wheelen 和hungery，2002)。

弗拉纳根等得出结论：这三个学派的理论在用自己的方式为公司实现竞争优势时非常有用，并且他们没有人可以解释其原因。

土地资源管理专业英语术语

土地资源管理专业英语术语Company number：【WTUT-WT88Y-W8BBGB-BWYTT-19998】土地资源管理（专业英语）术语1.土地管理 land administration2.土地政策 land policy3.土地管理体制 land administration system4.土地管理学 science of land administration5.土地权属管理 land tenure administration6.地权确认 adjudication of land tenure7.土地权属证明 certification of land rights8.土地权属审核 certification of land title9.土地权属审核公告 declaration of land adjudication10.地权流转管理 administration of land transaction11.税收地籍 fiscal cadastre12.产权地籍 juridical cadastre13.多用途地籍 multipurpose cadastre14.地籍管理 cadastre administration15.土地登记 land registration16.初始土地登记 initial land registration17.变更土地登记 alterant land registration18.注销土地登记 nullification of land registration19.更正登记 rectification of initial registration20.土地登记通告 land registration announcement21.土地登记申请人 land registration petitioner22.无主土地 land in open access23.土地登记申请书 land registration application form24.土地登记申请代理 agency application of land registration25.土地登记批准 approval of land title26.登记注册 land registering27.土地登记卡 registration sheet28.土地登记簿 land register29.土地归户卡 registration of sheet by household30.土地归户册 register by household31.土地证书 land title32.土地登记公开查询 public inquiring of land register33.土地统计 land statistics34.基层土地统计 base statistics of land35.国家土地统计 state statistics of land36.初始土地统计 initial land statistics37.经常土地统计 regular land statistics38.土地台帐 land account book39.土地统计簿 land statistics book40.土地统计分析 land statistics analysis41.地籍档案管理 cadastral archives management42.地籍档案 cadastral archives43.土地利用管理 land use administration44.土地利用控制 land use control45.土地利用计划管理 planned administration of land use46.土地用途管制 land use regulation47.土地用途管制制度 land use regulation system48.土地利用规划 land use planning49.土地利用总体规划 integrated land use planning50.土地利用专项规划 special –purpose land use planning51.土地开发规划 land development planning52.土地整理规划 land readjustment planning ；land consolidation planning53.土地复垦规划 land reclamation planning54.土地改良规划 land improvement planning55.土地调查 land survey56.土地测量 earth survey ；land survey57.土地资源调查 land resource survey58.地籍调查 cadastral survey59.土地监测 land monitoring60.土地[资源组成]要素调查 land components survey61.土地条件调查 natural condition survey62.土地类型调查 land type survey63.土地覆被调查 land cover survey64.土地利用调查 land use survey65.宜农荒地调查 agricultural land reserves survey66.耕地后备资源调查 cultivated land reserves survey67.土地普查 land inventory68.路线调查 traverse survey69.样地调查 sample area survey70.综合方法调查 integrated land survey71.勘察性调查 reconnaissance survey72.概略调查 semi-detailed survey73.详细调查 detailed survey74.外业调绘 field investigation and plotting75.作业面积 working area76.直接解译 direct interpretation77.间接解译 indirect interpretation78.内业工作 indoor work79.航[空像]片转绘 conversion of aerial photograph80.专题成图 thematic mapping81.[土地]面积量算 area measurement82.初始地籍调查 initial cadastral survey83.变更地籍调查 conversion cadastral survey84.土地产权调查 adjudication investigation85.宗地 cadastral parcel权属界址线所封闭86.混合宗地 co-ownership parcel87.破宗地 separate parcel图斑单一地类地块或有行政界线权属界址线火线撞地类地物分割的单一. 制图最小单元分子表示图斑分母地类.容积率总建筑面积比土地面积..88.邻宗地 adjoining parcel89.飞地 non-continuous parcel独立于其行政区域外90.插花地 mosaic parcel没有明确归属91.宗地合并 amalgamation of cadastral parcel92.宗地分割 subdivision of cadastral parcel93.宗地编号 title number94.宗地位置 location of cadastral parcel95.界址点 boundary point宗地权属界址线的转折点96.界址线 boundary line宗地四周的权属界线97.四至 relative location of adjoining parcels每宗地四邻的名称98.指界 demarkation of cadastral parcel通过相邻双方权利人和地籍调查员对权属界址状况进行实地调查，并予以确认的过程99.地籍测量 cadastral survey100.图解地籍测量 graphic method of cadastral survey101.数值地籍测量 coordinative method of cadastral survey102.地籍控制测量 cadastral control survey103.地籍平面控制测量 horizontal control of cadastral surveying104.地籍高程控制测量 vertical control of cadastral surveying105.地籍细部测量 detailed cadastral surveying106.地籍图根控制测量 supplementary control of cadastral survey107.平面控制点 horizontal control point具有平面坐标值的控制点控制点以一定精度测定其位置的固定点108.图根控制点 supplementary boundary point109.地籍补测 renewal cadastral surveying 修测补测全测110.土地复丈 recertification of initial adjudication111.土地征用定位测量 site survey for land condemnation112.地籍图 cadastral map113.地籍要素 cadastral attributes114.基本地籍图 basic cadastral map115.基本地籍图更新 renewal of basic cadastral map116.宗地图 parcel map117.土地信息 land information118.土地信息系统 land information system119.基础数据库 basic database120.空间数据库 spatial database121.矢量格式空间数据 vector format spatial data122.网格格式空间数据 grid format spatial data123.属性数据库 attribute database124.[土地]数据处理 data processing[of land]125.土地信息应用模型 land information application model126.土地信息应用模型库 mode base of land information application127.规划目标 goal；objectives128.规划指标 targets129.规划区 planning area130.规划期限 planning period131.规划任务书 terms of reference132.土地利用问题 land use problems133.土地利用方针 land use strategy134.土地利用配置 land use allocation135.土地利用规划协调 negotiation of land-use options136.土地利用总体规划方案 integrated land-use plan137.土地利用总体规划公告 proclamation of overall land use plan 138.土地利用总体规划实施 implementation of integrated land use plan 139.公众参与 public participation140.土地利用平衡表 balance table of land allocation141.土地利用总体规划图 master map of integrated land use plan 142.土地利用总体规划文本 main report of integrated land use plan 143.土地利用总体规划说明 specification of integrated land use plan 144.土地管制分区 land use zoning145.土地利用分区 land use regionalization146.土地用途管制规则 zoning regulations147.土地利用计划 land use plan148.土地利用年度计划 annual land use plan149.土地利用中期规划 medium-term land use plan150.建设用地管理 building land regulations151.建设用地预审制度 pre-examination system for building land 152.建设用地审批制度 permission system for building land153.建设用地备案制度 recordation system for building land154.建设用地审批权限 limits of authority for building land examination 155.建设供地目录 catalogue for building land supply156.建设用地定额 quota for building land supply157.土地市场管理 land market administration ;land market control 158.土地估价师制度 land valuer registration system159.地价公告制度 land price proclamation system160.地价申报制度 land price declaration system161.最低、最高限价制度 land price ceilings system162.优先购买权制度 preemptive right system163.土地信息管理 land information management164.数据标准化 data standardization165.编码标准化 code standardization166.网络协议 network protocol167.土地执法 law enforcement on land168.土地监察 land supervision169.土地违法行为 illegal act against civil laws170.民事违法行为 illegal act against civil laws171.犯罪 criminal act172.土地行政处理 conduct by land administrative order173.土地行政处罚 administrative punishment for illegal act on land174.土地行政强制执行 compulsory enforcement to land administrative order 175.土地行政诉讼 litigation for land administrative order176.土地行政复议 judicial review of land administrative order。

土地管理术语—英汉对照

土地资源管理术语1．土地管理land administration2．土地政策land policy3．土地管理体制land administration system4．土地管理学science of land administration5．土地权属管理land tenure administration6．土地确认adjudication of land tenure7．土地权属证明certification of land right8．土地权属审核certification of land title9．土地权属审核公告declaration of land adjudication 10．地权流转管理administration of land transaction 11．税收地籍fiscal cadastre12．产权地籍juridical cadastre13．多用途地籍multipurpose cadastre14．地籍管理cadastre administration15．土地登记land registration16．初始土地登记initial land registration17．变更土地登记alterant land registration18．注销土地登记nullification of land registration 19．更正登记rectification of initial registration 20．土地登记通告land registration announcement 21．土地登记申请人land registration petitioner22．无主土地land in open access23．土地登记申请书land registration application form 24．土地登记申请代理agency application of land registration 25．土地登记批准approval of land title26．登记注册land registering27．土地登记卡registration sheet28．土地登记簿land register29．土地归户卡registration of sheet by household30．土地归户册register by household31．土地证书land title32．土地登记公开查询public inquiring of land register 33．土地统计land statistics34．基层土地统计base statistics of land35．国家土地统计state statistics of land36．初始土地统计initial land statistics37．经常土地统计regular land statistics38．土地台账land account book38．土地统计簿land statistics book40．土地统计分析land statistics analysis41．地籍档案管理cadastral archives management42．地籍档案cadastral archives43．土地利用管理land use administration44．土地利用控制land use control45．土地利用计划管理planned administration of land use46．土地用途管制land use regulation47．土地用途管制制度land use regulation system48．土地利用规划land use planning49．土地利用总体规划integrated land use planning50．土地利用专项规划special-purpose land use planning51．土地开发规划land development planning52．土地整理规划land readjustment planning；land consolidation planning53．土地复垦规划land reclamation planning54．土地改良规划land improvement planning55．土地调查land survey56．土地测量earth survey；land survey57．土地资源调查land recourse survey58．地籍调查cadastral survey59．土地监测land monitoring60．土地[资源组成]要素调查land components survey61．土地条件调查natural condition survey62．土地类型调查land type survey63．土地覆被调查land covey survey64．土地利用调查land use survey65．宜农荒地调查agricultural land reserves survey 66．耕地后备资源调查cultivated land reserves survey 67．土地普查land inventory68．路线调查traverse survey69．样地调查sample area survey70．综合方法调查integrated land survey71．勘察性调查reconnaissance survey72．概略调查semi-detailed survey73．详细调查detailed survey74．外业调绘field investigation and plotting75．作业面积working area76．直接解译direct interpretation77．间接解译indirect interpretation78．内业工作indoor work79．航[空像]片传绘conversion of aerial photograph 80．专题成图thematic mapping81．[土地]面积量算area measurement82．初始地籍调查initial cadastral survey83．变更地籍调查conversion cadastral survey 84．土地产权调查adjudication investigation84．宗地cadastral parcel86．混合宗地co-ownership parcel87．破宗地separate parcel88．邻宗地adjoining parcel89．飞地non-continuous parcel90．插花地mosaic parcel91．宗地合并amalgamation of cadastral parcel92．宗地分割subdivision of cadastral93．宗地编号title number94．宗地位置location of cadastral parcel95．界址点boundary point96．界址线boundary line97．四至relative location of adjoining parcels98．指界demarkation of cadastral parcel99．地籍测量cadastral survey100．图解地籍测量graphic method of cadastral parcel101．数值地籍测量coordinative method of cadastral survey 102．地籍控制测量cadastral control survey103．地籍平面控制测量horizontal control of cadastral survey 104．地籍高程控制测量vertical control of cadastral survey 105．地籍细部测量detailed cadastral survey106．地籍图根控制测量supplementary control of cadastral survey 107．平面控制点horizontal control point108．图根控制点supplementary boundary point109．地籍补测renewal cadastral survey110．土地复丈recertification of initial adjudication111．土地征用定位测量site survey for land condemnation 112．地籍图cadastral map113．地籍要素cadastral attributes114．基本地籍图basic cadastral map115．基本地籍图更新renewal of basic cadastral map116．宗地图parcel map117．土地信息land information118．土地信息系统land information system119．基础数据库basic database120．空间数据库spatial database121．矢量格式空间数据vector format spatial data122．网格格式空间数据grid format spatial data123．属性数据库attribute database124．[土地]数据处理data processing[of land]125．土地信息应用模型land information application model 126．土地信息应用模型库mode base of land information application127．规划目标goal；Objective128．规划指标targets129．规划区planning area130．规划期限planning period131．规划任务书terms of reference132．土地利用问题land use problems133．土地利用方针land use strategy134．土地利用配置land use allocation135．土地利用规划协调negotiation of land-use options136．土地利用规划方案integrated land-use plan137．土地利用总体规划公告proclamation of overall land use plan 138．土地利用总体规划实施implementation of integrated land use plan139．公众参与public participation140．土地利用平衡表balance table of land allocation141．土地利用总体规划图master map of integrated land use plan 142．土地利用总体规划文本main report of integrated land use plan 143．土地利用总体规划说明specification of integrated land use plan144．土地管制分区land use zoning145．土地利用分区land use regionalization146．土地用途管制规则zoning regulations147．土地利用规划land use plan148．土地利用年度计划annual land use plan149．土地利用中期规划medium-term land use plan150．建设用地管理building land regulations151．建设用地预审制度pre-examination system for building land 152．建设用地审批制度permission system for building land 153．建设用地备案制度recordation system for building land 154．建设用地审批权限limits of authority for building land examination155．建设供地目录catalogue for building land supply156．建设用地定额quota for building land supply157．土地市场管理land market administration；land market control 158．土地估价师制度land valuer registration system159．地价公告制度land price proclamation system。

房地产市场监管中英文对照外文翻译文献

房地产市场监管中英文对照外文翻译文献房地产市场监管中英文对照外文翻译文献(文档含英文原文和中文翻译)China's real estate market regulators need to studyAbstract: real estate has become an important pillar industry, real estate Development and closely related to the national economy. This paper theoretically discusses the real estate market monopoly, externalities, public goods characteristics and information asymmetry, and from our real estate Development process and the specificity of the perspective of the real estate market analysis studies, and thus fully proved right China's real estate market, the need for regulation.Keywords: real estate; market; regulation1. the real estate market failure determines the need for government regulationRegulatory Economics research amply demonstrated that market failure is a market economy, an important reason why government regulation, resulting in market failure is due mainly to a monopoly, externalities, public goods and asymmetric information, the real estate market also exists market failure.(A) the real estate market there is no monopolyMonopoly of real estate is determined by the real estate properties, real estate is the location of the main features of the non-mobility, a housing Once the location of other buildings on the irreplaceable, but also because there are floors, towards the various other factors, determine a house in each house are independent, so the property in the rental and sale, with regional and monopoly, and thus the formation of monopoly prices. As the largest real estate investment, long payback period, which can enter the real estate market can only be a few enterprises coupled with the limited supply of land and real estate Development and operation of the scale of requirements, it is easy to form partial or regional monopolies the land market by a government monopoly, affordable housing and low-rent housing provided by the Government. In order to stabilize housing prices, protecting the interests of consumers, the real estate market must be Government regulation.(B) the existence of external effects of the real estate marketReal estate includes both the concept of external economic activities in the real estate subject to the impact of other economic subjects, which also covers a number of other economic entities of the impact of economic entities on the property, the external effects of external economic and policy-makingfunctions of the main embodiment is different: externalities imposed by a party to only consider their own profit maximization problem, a matter of personal reason rather than social rationality.The external nature of the real estate according to different standards can be for a variety of categories according to their scope resulting from the effects of externalities can be divided into macro-and micro-externality. Macroeconomic externalities is a kind of real estate behavior of economic agents impose on others outside of the main benefits as a result of real estate investment and Development activities to improve the investment environment in the entire region, which for the industrial and commercial economic activity, cost savings and extended Industry profitability space. This real estate imposed on the beneficial effects on other industries is a macro-external economic phenomena. Urban industrial and commercial prosperity, not only enhances the economic vitality of the entire city, but also makes the relevant areas raise the level premium location, which is imposed on other sectors of the external economic effects of the real estate industry. Micro real estate outside the real estate industry refers to the various economic agents within or between the different economic activities in the real estate that exists between external effects. For example, the commercial and industrial real estate development activities on residential real estate development, distribution and consumption of both the existence of external influences.According to the nature and role of external influences the direction of the real estate be divided into external economies and external diseconomies. Any economic activity because the real estate benefit from external influences known as the real estate outside the economy. Because of real estate development made the city belongs to the real estate landscape greatly improved external economic. Any economic activity because the real estatedamaged by external influences known as the real estate external diseconomies. Urban land development and construction result in over-crowded housing, public green space reduction, and environmental pollution it is possible to reduce the value of the land affected, including many industries, including real estate development, which belongs to the real estate external diseconomies.(C) to provide the real estate market public goods (public goods)Consumption of goods that people can be divided into private goods (private goods) and public goods. Real estate economy, there are many public goods or 'quasi-public goods'. Such as urban infrastructure, flood control projects, earthquake engineering, public facilities. These projects due to large amount of investment, the investment recovery period is long, also difficult to exclude those who pay for the use, by the market to provide often leads to insufficient supply can only be provided by the Government. But the government is not necessarily the direct production by the Government, the Government may delegate or contracted out to independent companies to produce, the Government is only responsible for fund-raising and management.(D) The real estate transaction there is asymmetric informationInformation asymmetry is the imbalance distribution of the information in the trading parties. The consumers and operators, both in terms of the contract, the operator has on commodities, information superiority, enabling consumers to easily deceived, known as the information is not complete. Consumers of information on all aspects of consumer product knowledge is usually limited, they often do not know if commodity prices and the differences in how the quality of goods. Market information is not complete mainly as follows: 1. Information about the quality of goods is not complete, consumers have only the limited quality information. 2. The informationrelating to commodity prices is not complete, consumers have only the limited price information. Information asymmetry may occur in another situation, the part of consumers to grasp the message in its entirety, and the other some consumers have only the limited quality information. Competition on both sides to win in the competition, sources of information through the containment methods such as the expense of other information about each other, thereby beating the competition.With both the real estate product usability, but also has investment properties. Shops and offices are mainly dominated by investment buyers to purchase housing in part, investors, consumers and investors are very sensitive information, such as: When the Government announced a location to build the subway, or a place to build a large-scale shopping malls, then, as long as the information on a release, the surrounding homes will be price increases, indicating the real estate product already has the information on product features. The performance of the real estate market information asymmetry as follows: As the real estate development investment in large, extended period of time, can enter the real estate market vendors is relatively small, developed the product quality situation, the price situation, sales to consumers to said that, there is bias. The heterogeneity of real estate commodities, price changes and trading expertise and complexity of information asymmetry can lead to both buyers and sellers. Asymmetric information will increase transaction costs, reduce market efficiency, but also may lead to moral hazard and adverse selection.To ensure the validity of the real estate market information, there are two solutions, a market solution, that is, market participants through their own efforts to search for information, and to use their own knowledge and skills in information selection, analysis and so on. As the market participants are rational in itself, and it made such a search for information on the cost oftheir decision-making must be based on its own cost-benefit comparison, only the information that the cost of paying less than the gains for this purpose, he would to pay such efforts. However, this approach due to the following constraints, making this totally market-based solutions can not be implemented.First, the information search itself, there is a cost. Because of the uncertainty of trading partners, in order to accurately grasp the needs of all potential trading partners, as its trading direction, quantity and price, it is very difficult to do. Second, market participants and the differences inherent qualities, and some do not have the ability to identify the minimum of information, while others are unable to complete the information search and analysis. Third, due to market imperfections and information asymmetries, making moral hazard and opportunism prevail, resulting in information Ershi fraud losses are sustained by some market participants, this part of the people's interests can not be market compensationCan be seen, it is the particularity of the real estate market, making the real estate market information costs, or said to be totally market-oriented solutions for the transaction costs are so high, resulting in an average consumer can ill afford to pay for housing information on the sale of the marginal cost, so increases the investment risk, so that adverse selection and moral hazard problem can hardly be resolved, thereby reducing the operational efficiency of the market, distort the allocation of social resources. Therefore, in order to overcome the real estate market with incomplete information and non-symmetry of information arising from market issues, we need a detached role of the real estate market participants to intervene in the real estate market, monitor the operation of the real estate market for all investors the creation of equal opportunities, all kinds of information on actual market environment for the real estate market, open, fair, just andprovide a guarantee to reduce the purely market-based solutions to problems arising from high transaction costs. Thus, created a demand for the real estate market supervision requirements.Second, the particularity of China's real estate industry determines the need for regulation(1) China's real estate industry in the development of special course The real estate industry in China is an ancient and emerging industries, in over 2,000 years of feudal period and semifeudal and semicolonial period, although the change of dynasty, but the land and housing leasing, trading activities have not been interrupted, Ming and Qing Dynasties, it appears of professional real estate agent.From 1949 to 1990, China's real estate development can be divided into three stages: First, in 1949 and 1978 China's restrictions on the premises of the industry's consolidation phase. After the founding of the People's Republic, bureaucratic capitalists, real estate was confiscated, making it the state-owned assets allocated to the state organs, enterprises and units. From 1956 onwards, in various cities to carry out the socialist transformation of the real estate industry. To 1964, essentially eliminated the rental of the self-employment, at this time of urban land has in fact attributable to the State and to implement free, indefinite use of the system does not allow the sale of the transfer. 2 in 1979 ~ 1987 years of the initiation stage of China's real estate. In December 1978 established the Party's Third Plenum of the Eleventh taking economic construction as the center, China entered a new historical period of reform and opening up. In 1984 the State Planning Commission and the Urban-Rural Construction jointly issued a document, allowing for real estate development activities since then, China's real estate industry in China, started the regeneration of the earth. Third, in 1987 ~ 1990 Chinese real estate market is established. October 1987 Party CongressReport 13 for the first time that the socialist market system should include the real estate market. December 1, 1987, Shenzhen City to auction to sell the first piece of land. April 1988 'constitution' and 'Land Management Law' changes, the provisions of land use rights can be transferred and transfer in accordance with law. In May 1990, the State Council promulgated the 'The People's Republic of China urban state-owned land use right transfer and the transfer of the Provisional Regulations'. For the development of the land market provides a legal support, in order to lay the foundation for the establishment of the real estate market. Since 1990, China's real estate industry has entered a rapid development period. At the same time, we should note China's real estate market development is not smooth sailing, and from 1992 to 1993 of the housing boom have caused volatility in the real estate market has left a deep lesson.July 3, 1998 the State Council issued 'on further deepening the urban housing system reform to speed up housing construction notice', marks a new phase in the housing reform. That is parked housing distribution in kind, and gradually implement monetization of housing distribution, establish and perfect the affordable housing based multi-level urban housing supply system, development of housing finance, foster and standardize the housing market. Thus, the starting point of China's real estate market and the reality of the environment and the developed capitalist countries of Western and modern real estate market is different from one of China's real estate market from the land use system reform and the housing system reform began in the western developed countries from the beginning of privatization of land. The second is from the mid-20th century, 50 years to the late 80s, our country's history there had been nearly three decades of the real estate market becomes vacant, the Western developed countries in this period is the period of rapid development of the real estate market. Third, so far, China's real estatemarket is still there are still a large number of primary morphological characteristics, such as market mechanism is not perfect, the real estate market information should be functional, incentive function and balance function has not been fully realized. Fourth, based on public ownership as the mainstay of China's.房地产市场监管中英文对照外文翻译文献我国房地产市场监管的必要性研究摘要:房地产业已成为我国重要的支柱产业，房地产业的发展与国民经济紧密相关。

场地管理文件英文版范文

场地管理文件英文版范文The management of venues is an important aspect of any event planning process. In order to ensure the smooth and successful execution of an event, it is essential to have clear and comprehensive venue management guidelines in place.The first step in effective venue management is to establish clear communication channels with the venue owners or managers. This includes obtaining all necessary permissions and licenses, as well as understanding the rules and regulations that govern the use of the venue. It is important to clarify all logistical details such as access points, parking arrangements, and loading/unloading areas.Furthermore, a thorough assessment of the venue's facilities and amenities should be conducted to ensure that they meet the requirements of the event. This may include evaluating the capacity of the venue, the availability oftechnical equipment, and the provision of basic amenitiessuch as restrooms and catering facilities.Once the logistical aspects have been addressed, it is crucial to create a detailed schedule for the event,outlining the specific layout of the venue, the allocation of space for different activities, and the timeline for set-up, rehearsal, and dismantling. Effective venue management also involves coordinating with external vendors and service providers to ensure that all necessary arrangements are in place.In addition, it is important to establish a clear system for monitoring and enforcing venue regulations during the event. This may include appointing dedicated staff orsecurity personnel to oversee crowd control, safety protocols, and the adherence to the venue's rules.Overall, effective venue management is essential for the success of any event. By establishing clear communication,conducting thorough evaluations, and implementing a comprehensive plan, event planners can ensure that the venue provides a safe, secure, and conducive environment for guests and participants.。

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中英文翻译1 外文文献译文香港公屋内部流动的影响1 简要介绍公共房屋是对房屋的成本相当大的补贴，但必须严格竞争用户之间的配给。

当配给时，资源可能不被分配到他们最有价值的用途，因为人们无法有效地传达他们的偏好强度。

例如，考虑两个完全相同的住房单位，另外有两个准住户分配。

在单位A的附近比单位B的附近位置较为理想，所以两个准租户愿意支付的保费为单位A的租金。

假设第一人也正好工作在同一街区的单位A的位置，他愿意支付更高的溢价A座给第二个准租户。

在一个开放的市场，将分配一个扁平的人，谁更值，即第一个准租户。

当租金补贴的水平和盖板固定在非市场手段进行分配,不过,这两个人都将会如实地揭示潜在租户他们更喜欢单位A而不是单位B。

没有行政手段来确定这两个哪个是更高价值为较理想的用户单位。

在实践中，住房补贴的分配，常常是补贴住房分配偏好的基础上辅以一些彩票陈述或排队机制。

本文的目的是研究香港在提供公共房屋的分配使用非价格方法所引起的低效率根据分配的非价格的方法吸引了来自资源配置不当，在经济大和行之有效的文献（例如Cheung, 1974; Weitzman,1977; Suen, 1989; Glaeser and Luttmer, 2003）。

当一个人是低于市场价格的分配，销售商须有良好的生产激励不足。

由此产生的不足，供应的补贴导致了良好的无谓损失。

公认的事实是，对于一般竞争价格补贴导致的价值损耗。

巴泽尔（1974）展示了如何通过社会平衡，可通过浪费分配给公共住房方面取得的，准租户可以答应他们的劳动供给决策，以免他们的收入超过了资格门槛，而现任租户可以选择留在自己的单位效率低下根据不断变化的情况，以免他们失去了宝贵的补贴。

然而，一个效率低下的第三个来源是，当个人无法表达自己的意愿通过自己的喜好来支付力度，分配非价格方法一般不分配稀缺资源，价值最高的用户。

如果一个单位价值港币10,000元，每月租金正在为港币2000元租来的，任何准租户的单位，其价值超过港币2000元将在其投标兴趣。

不同的分配方法所采纳，平可能最终在它的人的，其价值远低于港币10,000元的手中。

Deacon和Sonstelie（1989，1991）和Suen（1989）分析的福利费用从资源配给时被等候的是这样分配不当所引起。

在最近的研究中，Glaeser和Luttmer（2003）研究纽约市房屋租金管制下的分配不当。

他们发现，对他们的住房单位的特点住户的特征匹配是根据租金管制单位的扭曲。

由于租金管制也代表了住房补贴给现有租户，Glaeser和Luttmer的（2003）的见解同样适用于政府资助房屋分析。

在香港，公共房屋影响到很大一部分人口。

2009年，29％的家庭在政府提供的公屋居住，另外18％股权通过居屋住房补贴和（香港房屋委员会，2010）有关的计划。

公共房屋政策的批评往往集中于这些巨额补贴的财政负担强加。

但较少人研究是由配给补贴居住。

尽管这些费用可能低于成本的直接财政资源配置效率低下引起的有形成本，他们可以对人们的日常生活更直接的影响。

在本论文中，我们侧重于对公共房屋的区位选择的扭曲所致。

公共房屋福利往往牵制居民的当前位置，在公屋居民预计将不太可能转向更方便的地点或多个合适的单位，即使他们的生活情况发生了变化。

这一假设是有关工作锁定在对工作流动性效应（例如，马德里安，1994; Gilleskie和Lutz，2002;亚当斯，2004年; Bansak 和拉斐尔，2008）。

文学考察了雇主提供的工作流动性健康保险业的影响，这一假设是，工人都不愿意跳槽，唯恐失去他们的保险。

同样，我们研究的假设，即公共房屋福利阻止内部的流动性，因为住客不想失去大量住房补贴。

城市研究在文献中，有大量的工作记录身体内部迁移的实证模式（例如，格林伍德，1985;埃利奥特，1997年;画家，1997年）。

博伊尔和沈（1997）研究公众（理事会）房屋内部迁徙的影响，发现英国的公屋住户迁移的可能性较小以外的地方最近的报告中。

（2005）表明，运输相关的属性，对居住区位的选择和个人更喜欢一个有重大影响的通勤时间较短的组合，降低运输成本，较低的密度和较高的办学质量的位置。

在美国，公共住宅区往往集中在与贫困的高浓度（奎格利，2000年）中央城市的位置。

许多人相信，在这样的社区生活限制之一的经济机会（威尔逊，1996）。

为了减少经济种族隔离的公共房屋供应projectbased诱导，住房和城市发展部已经尝试过租户的租金补贴，鼓励他们从高贫困转移到低贫困地区（如为机程序移动）。

约翰逊等人。

（2002）报告说，家庭谁利用这些方案的优势，转移到低贫困地区社会福利的依赖经验，减少和健康状况的改善。

还有证据表明，这些措施可以提高儿童的学校教育成果和减少问题行为（见Feins和谢罗德，2005;路德维希等，2005;。

罗森鲍姆和Harris，2001）。

除了内部的流动性不足，另外在公共房屋的区位选择的扭曲所致体现，是与居住和工作地方不匹配。

租赁市场有竞争力的有效分配问题解决了房屋的单位去来的最高值的用户（库普曼斯和贝克曼，1957）。

价格systemfails到performthis功能，当公屋单位的租金是固定的，对单位超额需求的配置是由非价格来确定。

此外，即使在没有与居住和工作，人们的地方初步情况的变化不匹配。

当情况（例如，更改到一个新的工作）订明移动到另一个领域，流动性对公营房屋住户缺乏可能会阻碍资源的优化调配。

住宅及工作地点的决定是在充分研究城市经济学中的主题（例如，维克曼，1984年;西格尔，1975;辛普森，1987年;侃，2002年;侃，2003）。

我们目前的一些工作的意义也就是在'' ''的空间错位假说凯因（1968）文献。

凯恩的工作最初是涉及到如何影响住宅隔离的黑人在美国的就业机会（见也Holtzer（1991））。

虽然种族居住隔离是不是香港的公共屋往往距离远的经济活动中心之间可能有居住和工作的地方不匹配的影响其实主要问题。

此外，住房使用权也发挥了在确定住宅的流动性和就业的重要角色（例如，Ioannides 及Jean，1996;Kan，2000;Dohmen，2005）。

2008年的研究个人的工作和在英国的失业持续时间的住房使用权的影响。

他们认为，自置居所，租住公屋就业和失业施加更多的限制，分别为。

蒙克等。

（2008）认为，自置居所对失业风险和对工资产生积极的影响负面影响。

黄登（2006）表明，住房使用权的流动性一致，但对不同的效果比在中国的时间。

（2004）认为，有一个拥有住房的居住迁移上给出了在荷兰的住房拥有率迅速上升的影响减少。

蒙克等。

2006年表明，住房拥有率的倾向阻碍移动作业寻找原因，而是提高了当地就业的机会。

作为在香港资助出售单位提供更比私人部门的限制性，众家面临着位置的选择比私人同行更高的失真。

这可能也有之间的居住和工作的地方之间的业主不匹配的影响。

在本论文中，我们使用香港政府取样检验由配给住房补贴和如何分配不当影响这些住户的行为有关的内部流动和旅行到工作的资源配置效率低下引起的。

实证结果显示，公屋住户更不动，而且不太可能在同一地区工作或居住地的同行比他们的私人楼宇地区。

此外，有条件的移动，公屋住户更比私人楼宇的同行可能要移出原区或住处。

那些地区也不太可能在同一个地方工作，他们的生活。

我们的结论是基于流动性和交通行为的回归公共入住地区。

我们尝试对这类行为的其他因素控制，包括对控制变量的回归在一套广泛。

我们的回归模型估计很多使用数百个变量。

但是，我们不能排除这种可能性，有一些团体在入住影响。

今年的实证结果，本文提出应考虑到这一点需要注意的解释其余未观察到的差异。

2 简要回顾公共住房分配制度在香港大约有两百万人(约30%的香港人口)住在700,000公屋单位提供的住房部门(香港房屋委员会、2010b)。

公有住房申请人或者其家属不得直接或间接地拥有的或者境内的财产。

此外,申请者都受到收入及总净资产值范围所定下的住房的权威。

房委会维持公屋轮候册申请人。

从这个名单，合资格的申请人提供的公屋居所。

当申请人的轮到，申请人将获得三个提供公共租住房屋（每提供一个选项）在他的选择。

这个地区最多可申请取消，如果申请人不能提供可以接受的理由拒绝全部三个配屋建议（香港房屋委员会，2010）。

公共租住屋分为四大区，即市区，扩展市区，新界和离岛。

由于没有足够的公众在市区内，可分配给所有申请人的租住公屋单位，申请人只能选择一个由三间非市区为他们未来的住房分配一带地区。

截至2010年7月，有超过13万的公屋轮候册（香港房屋委员会，2010b）的申请人。

房屋委员会设置一个维持平均轮候时间在三年的目标。

在这一过程中,应用程序的公有住房分配处理按照严格的应用序号和申请者的抉择的地区。

然而,那些满足资格标准的明确的平的分配方案可能会有机会被分配早些时候租住公屋单位。

也有独立的标准和配置方案为受灾人员擅自占用者间隙和公共住房开发价值。

根据现有的公共房屋政策，居民可申请，如增加家庭人口，特殊医疗或社会的理由，或重大改进，或由房屋委员会（香港房屋委员会，2010）实施重建计划。

根据不同情况调迁每当可能，合资格的住户会被转移到合适的单位在同一个村。

住户也可以申请专项转移到另一个村。

由于长期租住公屋单位不足，即使租户调迁的资格，轮候时间可以很长，也不能保证，新的单位将匹配租户的喜好。

除了为租住公屋单位申请，符合条件的家庭也可申请购买经屋计划（居屋）资助单位在订定居屋价格，房委会遵循三条指导原则：（一）抵押贷款到收入的比例不得超过40％;（二）50％的单位应负担的目标群体;及（三）单位应在市场提供的价值30％的折扣。

从今年开始第三次入住，可出售居屋单位业主缴付补价后，向房委会在公开市场单位。

保险费基本上等于当时的市场价值由于购买力。

例如，时间乘以所有人享有折扣，如果一个居屋单位市值为港币2000美元和单位是在所提供的折扣在购买30％的时间，那么保费等于600000港元。

居屋单位业主也可以出售其单位对现有公屋租户。

在这种情况下，原来的居屋业主将不会被要求支付该单位销售前的地价给房委会，但买家将继承的法律责任支付他或她试图在公开市场出售单位以后。

有了这些限制，居屋单位的二手市场相当活跃。

3 实证框架该数据集，我们在这项研究中使用的是随机子的香港人口普查样本。

从人口普查档案资料为依托，我们比较了内部流动公营房屋和私人房屋住户的模式。

的公营房屋，在香港（黄，刘，1988）的研究采用了类似的方法，但该项研究的重点在住房消费水平失真。

黄（1998）阐述了这个问题和其他扭曲性的公共住房，并提出了私有化的情况。

通过引入另一个层面的分配不当的问题（即，流动性和区位选择），我们的研究增加了有关辩论诸如私有化或私人市场的租金补贴不同的政策选择。

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