美国的国父：乔治·华盛顿 (George Washington) 的就职演讲词
华盛顿第一次就职演说
乔治华盛顿：第一任就职演讲历史学系许尧 13326050 根据确立的行政部门的条款，总统有责任推荐“将他认为必要而有利的措施”。
但今天我与大家见面的这个场合不允许我深入这个问题，而要涉及到伟大的宪法，它使你们会于一地，规定了你们的权力，并指定了你们必需注意之处。
与此种情景更相一致的，更切合的驱使着我的内心激情的是不提出详细的措施，而是赞颂想出和采取这些措施的当选者的才能、操行和爱国心。
我从这些可敬的品质中看到了最可靠的保证，一方面来说，没有地域歧视或地方情绪，也没有任何观念分歧或党派仇恨，能够误导我们偏离全局观点和公平观点，即必须维护这个由不同团体和利益所组成的大集合体；因此从另一方面来说，我们国家政策将会以纯洁的不可变的个人道德原则为基础，自由政府的优越性将会被其能获得其公民喜爱和全世界尊重的所有特质所例证。
在那激烈的的爱国情怀的激励之下，我满怀喜悦凝思展望这前途，因为在自然界的构成和秩序中，存在美德和幸福，责任和利益，诚实宽厚的政策的实行和社会繁荣幸福之间的一个不可分割的整体，没有其他比这个整体存在时间更长；因为我们数次被说服，上帝不会眷顾一个无视它亲自制定的规则秩序的国家；因为维护自由的火种和共和政府的命运的重任被认为是深刻的、最后做赌注般委托于美国人民手上的实验上。
除了提请你们关注的普通关注点外，还仍然需要请你们判断力来决定，在面对质疑共和政体的反对，或是由其产生的不安焦虑的关键时刻，行使宪法第五条提出的权宜之计会产生多大的益处。
我将不会在此问题上提出任何特别建议，因为我没有从机遇中得到任何的启发，因而我会再一次将我全部的信任交给你们对公共利益的洞察力和追求；因为我自信当你们小心地避免任何会威胁到一个团结高效的政府的改变，或者应该等待未来考验才能做出的改变之时，你们对于自由公民权利的尊重和对社会和谐的关注会有效地影响你们关于如何绝不改变地维护前者和安全有效地加强后者的问题的意见。
除了上述的观点以外，我还有一条要补充，其将得到众议院最恰当的解决。
华盛顿演讲
对部队的演说美国人能成为自由人，还是沦为奴隶；能否享有可以称之为自己所有的财产；能否使自己的住宅和农庄免遭洗劫毁坏；能否使自己免于陷入非人力所能拯救的悲惨境地——决定这一切的时刻已迫在眉睫。
苍天之下，千百万尚未出生的人的命运取决于我们这支军队的勇敢和战斗。
敌人残酷无情，我们别无他路，要么奋起反击，要么屈膝投降。
因此，我们必须下定决心，若不克敌制胜，就是捐躯疆场。
祖国的尊严，我们的尊严，都要求我们进行英勇顽强的奋斗，如果我们做不到这一点，我们将感到羞愧，并将为全世界所不齿。
所以，让我们凭借我们事业的正义性和上帝的恩助——胜利掌握在他手中——鼓励和鞭策我们去创造伟大而崇高的业绩。
全国同胞都注视着我们，如果我们有幸为他们效劳，将他们从企图强加于他们的暴政中解救出来，我们将受到他们的祝福和赞颂。
让我们互相激励、互相鞭策，并向全世界昭示：在自己的国土直为自由而斗争的自由民胜过世上任何受人驱使的雇佣兵。
自由、财产、生命和荣誉都在危急存亡之中，我们正在流血，受辱的祖国寄希望于我们的勇敢和战斗，我们的妻儿父老指望我们去保护。
他们有充分理由相信，上苍一定会保佑如此正义的事业获得胜利。
敌人将炫耀武力，竭力恫吓，但是，别忘了，在许多场合，他们已被数不清的勇敢的美国人所击败。
他们的事业是邪恶的——他们的士兵也意识到了这一点，如果我们在他们开始进攻时，就沉着坚定地予以反击，凭着我们有利的工事和熟悉的地形，胜利必将属于我们。
每一位优秀的士兵都将枕戈待旦——整装待命，一旦出击，必歼顽敌。
【说明】乔治·华盛顿（1732-1799）：美利坚合众国创建者之一，美国第一任总统（1789--1797）华盛顿生于弗吉尼亚洲的威斯特摩兰，曾在英国殖民军中服役。
1759--1774年当选为州议员，1774年和1775年为第一、二两届大陆会议代表。
北美独立战争爆发时，华盛顿被大陆会议任命为大陆军总司令。
任职期间，他表现出了高超的组织能力和统帅天才，最终打败了英军，取得了独立战争的胜利。
乔治_华盛顿第 一次就职演讲.First Inaugural Address of George Washington
First Inaugural Address of George WashingtonTHE CITY OF NEW YORKTHURSDAY, APRIL 30, 1789 Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:Among the vicissitudes incident to life no eventcould have filled me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was transmitted by your order,and received on the 14th day of the present month. On the one hand, I was summoned by my Country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fondestpredilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylum of my declining years--a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me by the additionof habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time. On the other hand, the magnitude and difficultyof the trust to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence one who (inheriting inferiorendowments from nature and unpracticed in the duties of civil administration) ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies. In this conflict of emotions all I dare aver is that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected. All Idare hope is that if, in executing this task, I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of myfellow-citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me, my error will be palliated by the motives which mislead me, and itsconsequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality in which they originated. Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to thepresent station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whoseprovidential aids can supply every human defect, that His benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States a Government instituted by themselves for theseessential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with 乔治·华盛顿第一次就职演讲 纽约 星期四,1789年4月30日参议院和众议院的同胞们： 在我的人生际遇中，没有任何一件事能比本月14日收到根据你们的命令所送达的通知更使我焦虑不安，一方面，在我偏爱的向往中，最是息影林下，我决意在早已为自己选择好的退隐之地度过晚年。
美国开国总统华盛顿的离职演说（中英文节选）送给诸位抽脸用的
美国开国总统华盛顿的离职演说（中英⽂节选）送给诸位抽脸⽤的33 So likewise, a passionate attachment of one Nation for another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite Nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest, in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or justification. It leads also to concessions to the favorite Nation of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the Nation making the concessions; by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained; and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a disposition to retaliate, in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld. And it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens, (who devote themselves to the favorite nation,) facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country, without odium, sometimes even with popularity; gilding, with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation.34 As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent Patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practise the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the Public Councils! Such an attachment of a small or weak, towards a great and powerful nation, dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter.35 Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens,) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake; since history and experience prove, that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of Republican Government. But that jealousy, to be useful, must be impartial; else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defence against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation, and excessive dislike of another, cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots, who may resist the intrigues of the favorite, are liable to become suspected and odious; while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their interests.⼀国对他国怀着热烈的喜爱，也⼀样能产⽣种种弊端。
乔治·华盛顿离职演说（中英文）
乔治·华盛顿离职演说（中英文）乔治·华盛顿是美国独立战争时期的武装部队总司令，并任一七八七年制宪会议主席，经一致推选，出任新国家第一任总统，并于一七九二年再度当选连任。
毫无疑问，华盛顿本来可以终身担任总统，因为没有别人比他更受人民敬仰与尊重了。
但是，他认为担任两届总统已经足够，他从第二任总统职位退休时，准备了这篇告别辞，于一七九六年九月十七日向美国人民发布。
告别辞对党争与派系倾轧的警告；对外国影响或卷入国外纠纷的警告；在公共事务方面对道德与忠诚精神的呼吁，都是忠告与诫言，对美国历史影响深远，实非华盛顿自己始料所及。
各位朋友和同胞：我们重新选举一位公民来主持美国政府的行政工作，已为期不远。
此时此刻，大家必须运用思想来考虑这一重任付托给谁。
因此，我觉得我现在应当向大家声明，尤其因为这样做有助于使公众意见获得更为明确的表达，那就是我已下定决心，谢绝将我列为候选人。
关于我最初负起这个艰巨职责时的感想，我已经在适当的场合说过了。
现在辞掉这一职责时，我要说的仅仅是，我已诚心诚意地为这个政府的组织和行政，贡献了我这个判断力不足的人的最大力量。
就任之初，我并非不知我的能力薄弱，而且我自己的经历更使我缺乏自信，这在别人看来，恐怕更是如此。
年事日增，使我越来越认为，退休是必要的，而且是会受欢迎的。
我确信，如果有任何情况促使我的服务具有特别价值，那种情况也只是暂时的；所以我相信，按照我的选择并经慎重考虑，我应当退出政坛，而且，爱国心也容许我这样做，这是我引以为慰的。
讲到这里，我似乎应当结束讲话。
但我对你们幸福的关切，虽于九泉之下也难以割舍。
由于关切，自然对威胁你们幸福的危险忧心忡忡。
这种心情，促使我在今天这样的场合，提出一些看法供你们严肃思考，并建议你们经常重温。
这是我深思熟虑和仔细观察的结论，而且在我看来，对整个民族的永久幸福有着十分重要的意义。
你们的心弦与自由息息相扣，因此用不着我来增强或坚定你们对自由的热爱。
华盛顿总统就职演说华盛顿就职演说稿
华盛顿总统就职演说华盛顿就职演说稿尊敬的各位贵宾，亲爱的国民们：今天，我站在这里，庄严宣誓就任美利坚合众国第一任总统，我感到无比的荣幸和责任重大。
我们这个国家的诞生是来自于自由的渴望和人权的追求。
我们的祖先为了追求自由与公正而奋斗，为了给我们创造一个更好的未来而付出了巨大的努力。
今天，我们应该怀念他们的付出和牺牲，同时也肩负起继承传统和开创未来的重任。
在我执掌国家大权的这一刻，我郑重宣告，我们将坚定不移地捍卫我国人民的自由和尊严。
我们将以毫不动摇的信念迎接各种挑战，为了实现我们国家的理想而努力奋斗。
我相信，我们的国家的成功取决于每一个国民的努力和承担责任的精神。
我们必须团结一致，克服种族、宗教和阶级的分歧，共同推动我们国家的繁荣和进步。
我们面临许多重大问题，包括经济发展、社会不平等、环境保护等等。
我会全力以赴，与我的团队和国民们一起，寻找解决问题的切实有效的方法。
我们需要鼓励创新和创造力，推动科技进步和经济增长，为我们的国民创造更多的机会和福利。
同时，我们也不能忽视我们作为一个国家的国际责任。
我们必须积极参与全球事务，尊重国际法和国际关系准则，与其他国家共同应对全球挑战，构建和平、安全、繁荣的世界。
作为总统，我承诺为人民的利益和福祉工作，维护法律和宪法的尊严，为国家的繁荣和发展作出贡献。
我期待与各位联合起来，共同为我们的国家创造辉煌的未来。
最后，我想向全国人民发出呼吁，我们需要团结起来，放下分歧和纷争，共同迈向一个更加美好的未来。
让我们牢记我们国家的价值观和理想，为实现一个繁荣、公正、自由的美利坚合众国而努力。
感谢大家！愿上帝保佑美利坚合众国！。
美国历届总统就职演讲稿
美国历届总统就职演讲稿美国历届总统就职演讲稿美国是世界上最强大的国家之一，每当一个新总统上任时，他都需要在国会大厦的就职典礼上发表演讲，宣誓就职并介绍他的政治愿景。
这些就职演讲稿是美国历史上一些最重要的政治讲话之一，它们描绘了该国的未来方向，同时向全世界展示该国的价值和道德标准。
现在，让我们回顾一下一些重要而难忘的美国历届总统就职演讲稿。
华盛顿的就职演讲(1789)乔治·华盛顿成为美国第一任总统时，他在1789年4月30日在联邦大厦前宣誓就职。
在他的演讲中，华盛顿强调了联邦政府的重要性，并试图消除各个州之间的分歧，奠定了美国政府的基础。
林肯第二次就职演讲(1865)林肯第二次就职演讲是美国历史上最有名的就职演讲之一。
在恢复国家的艰难时期，林肯在典礼上提出了“和平、团结、正义”的口号，他的讲话也被认为是对奴隶制度废除的胜利在道义上的肯定。
罗斯福第一次就职演讲(1933)富兰克林·罗斯福在他的第一次就职演讲中，承诺通过“新政”政策扭转大萧条的局面。
他提出了“唯有恐惧本身才是我们所应害怕的”这一名言，鼓舞了美国人的信心，促进了国家的复苏。
肯尼迪就职演讲(1961)约翰·肯尼迪的就职演讲被誉为美国历史上最具启发性和激情澎湃的演讲之一。
他在演讲中提出了“不要问国家为你们能做些什么，而要问你们可以为国家做些什么”的名言，这真正地激励了所有的美国人为自己的国家做出贡献。
尼克松第一次就职演讲(1969)理查德·尼克松在他的第一次就职演讲中，承诺结束越南战争，并带领美国人民消除一切分裂。
他表示，他的首要任务是在极其分裂的美国社会中建立和谐。
这一演讲推动了美国的社会改革，缩小了美国社会的分裂。
奥巴马第一次就职演讲(2009)巴拉克·奥巴马成为第一个非白人美国总统，并在他的第一次就职典礼典礼上表达了自己对2008年大选的胜利兴奋以及对美国人民的期望。
他的演讲中，奥巴马渲染了美国困境，特别是经济上的困境，并谈到了一个更加团结的美国。
美国总统克林顿首任就职演说_就职演讲稿_
美国总统克林顿首任就职演说当乔治华盛顿第一次发出我刚才宣誓信守的誓言时，消息缓慢地通过骑马传遍大陆和乘船漂洋过海。
而今，这个仪式的情景和声音可以立即向全世界数十亿人广播。
以下是小编给大家整理的美国总统克林顿首任就职演说，希望能帮到你!美国总统克林顿首任就职Today we celebrate the mystery of American renewal.This ceremony is held in the depth of winter. But, by the words we speak and the faces we show the world, we force the spring.A spring reborn in the world's oldest democracy, that brings forth the vision and courage to reinvent America.When our founders boldly declared America's independence to the world and our purposes to the Almighty, they knew that America, to endure, would have to change.Not change for change's sake, but change to preserve America's ideals—life, liberty, the pursuit of happiness. Though we march to the music of our time, our mission is timeless.Each generation of Americans must define what it means to be an American.On behalf of our nation, I salute my predecessor, President Bush, for his half-century of service to America.And I thank the millions of men and women whose steadfastness and sacrifice triumphed over Depression, fascism and Communism.Today, a generation raised in the shadows of the Cold War assumes new responsibilities in a world warmed by the sunshine of freedom but threatened still by ancient hatreds and new plagues.Raised in unrivaled prosperity, we inherit an economy that is still the world's strongest, but is weakened by business failures, stagnant wages, increasing inequality, and deep divisions among our people.When George Washington first took the oath I have just sworn to uphold, news traveled slowly across the land by horseback and across the ocean by boat. Now, the sights and sounds of this ceremony are broadcast instantaneously to billions around the world.Communications and commerce are global; investment is mobile; technology is almost magical; and ambition for a better life is now universal. We earn our livelihood in peaceful competition with people all across the earth.Profound and powerful forces are shaking and remaking our world, and the urgent question of our time is whether we can make change our friend and not our enemy.This new world has already enriched the lives of millions of Americans who are able to compete and win in it. But when most people are working harder for less; when others cannot work at all; when the cost of health care devastates families and threatens to bankrupt many of our enterprises, great and small; when fear of crime robs law-abiding citizens of their freedom; and when millions of poor children cannot even imagine the lives we are calling them to lead—we have not made change our friend.We know we have to face hard truths and take strong steps. But we have not done so. Instead, we have drifted, and that drifting has eroded our resources, fractured our economy, and shaken our confidence.Though our challenges are fearsome, so are our strengths. And Americans have ever been a restless, questing, hopefulpeople. We must bring to our task today the vision and will of those who came before us.From our revolution, the Civil War, to the Great Depression to the civil rights movement, our people have always mustered the determination to construct from these crises the pillars of our history.Thomas Jefferson believed that to preserve the very foundations of our nation, we would need dramatic change from time to time. Well, my fellow citizens, this is our time. Let us embrace it.Our democracy must be not only the envy of the world but the engine of our own renewal. There is nothing wrong with America that cannot be cured by what is right with America.And so today, we pledge an end to the era of deadlock and drift—a new season of American renewal has begun.To renew America, we must be bold.We must do what no generation has had to do before. We must invest more in our own people, in their jobs, in their future, and at the same time cut our massive debt. And we must do so in a world in which we must compete for every opportunity.It will not be easy; it will require sacrifice. But it can be done, and done fairly, not choosing sacrifice for its own sake, but for our own sake. We must provide for our nation the way a family provides for its children.Our Founders saw themselves in the light of posterity. We can do no less. Anyone who has ever watched a child's eyes wander into sleep knows what posterity is. Posterity is the world to come—the world for whom we hold our ideals, from whom we have borrowed our planet, and to whom we bear sacred responsibility.We must do what America does best: offer more opportunity to all and demand responsibility from all.It is time to break the bad habit of expecting something for nothing, from our government or from each other. Let us all take more responsibility, not only for ourselves and our families but for our communities and our country.To renew America, we must revitalize our democracy.。
我的热情驱使我这样做华盛顿原文
我的热情驱使我这样做华盛顿原文美国人民的实验——首任就职演说演讲者：华盛顿（1732—1799）演讲时间：1789年4月30日演讲地点：纽约演讲者身份：美国首任总统，被尊为美国国父历史背景这篇是华盛顿首次就任总统时的演说，作为美国第一任总统，华盛顿的这篇演说开美国总统就职演说之先河。
原文欣赏参议院和众议院的同胞们，本月14日收到根据两院指示送达给我的通知。
阅悉之余，深感惶恐。
我一生饱经忧患，唯过去所经历的任何焦灼均不如今日之甚。
一方面，因祖国的召唤，要我再度出山，对祖国的号令，我不能不肃然景从。
然而，退居林下，系我一心向往并喜爱之处，已经习惯；看到自己的健康，因长期操劳，随着时光的流逝而日益衰退之时，对之更感需要和亲切。
另一方面，祖国委我以重托，其艰难与繁巨，即使国内最有才智和最有阅历的人士，亦将自感难以胜任，何况我资质鲁钝，又从未担任过政府行政职务，更感德薄能鲜，难当重任，处于此种思想矛盾中，但我一直认真致力于正确估量可能影响我执行任务的每一种情况，以确定我的职责，这是我所敢断言的。
我执行任务时，如因往事留有良好的记忆而使我深受其影响，或因我的当选使我深感同胞对我高度信任，并为此种情感所左右，以致对自己从未担负过的重任过少考虑自己能力的微薄及缺乏兴趣，我希望，我的动机将减轻我的错误，国人在判断错误的后果时，也会适当考虑所以产生此种偏颇的根源。
既然这就是我在响应公众召唤就任现职时所抱有的想法，在此举行就职仪式之时，如不虔诚地祈求上帝的帮助则极欠允当，因为上帝统治着全宇宙，神助能弥补凡人的任何缺陷。
愿上帝赐福，保佑美国民众的自由与幸福，及为此目的而组成的政府，并保佑他们的政府在行政管理中顺利完成其应尽的职责，在向公众和个人幸福的伟大缔造者谢恩之际，我确信我所表述之意愿同样是诸位及全国同胞的意愿。
美国民众尤应向冥冥之中掌管人间一切的神力感恩和致敬。
美国民众在取得独立国家地位的过程中，每前进一步，似乎都有天佑的征象。
美国参考资料的国父：乔治·华盛顿 (George Washington) 的就职演讲词
美国第一任总统乔治-华盛顿就职演讲乔治-华盛顿第一次就职演讲纽约星期四,1789年4月30日参议院和众议院的同胞们：在人生沉浮中，没有一件事能比本月14日收到根据你们的命令送达的通知更使我焦虑不安，一方面，国家召唤我出任此职，对于她的召唤，我永远只能肃然敬从；而隐退是我以挚爱心憎、满腔希望和坚定的决心选择的暮年归宿，由于爱好和习惯，且时光流逝，健康渐衰，时感体力不济，愈觉隐退之必要和可贵。
另一方面，国家召唤我担负的责任如此重大和艰巨，足以使国内最有才智和经验的人度德量力，而我天资愚钝，又无民政管理的实践，理应倍觉自己能力之不足，因而必然感到难以肩此重任。
怀着这种矛盾心情，我唯一敢断言的是，通过正确估计可能产生影响的各种情况来克尽厥职，乃是我忠贞不渝的努力目标。
我唯一敢祈望的是，如果我在执行这项任务时因陶醉于往事，或因由衷感激公民们对我的高度信赖，因而受到过多影响，以致在处理从未经历过的大事时，忽视了自己的无能和消极，我的错误将会由于使我误人歧途的各种动机而减轻，而大家在评判错误的后果时；也会适当包涵产生这些动机的偏见。
既然这就是我在遵奉公众召唤就任现职时的感想，那么，在此宣誓就职之际，如不热忱地祈求全能的上帝就极其失当，因为上帝统治着宇宙，主宰着各国政府，它的神助能弥补人类的任何不足，愿上帝赐福，侃佑一个为美国人民的自由和幸福而组成的政府，保佑它为这些基本目的而作出奉献，保佑政府的各项行政措施在我负责之下都能成功地发挥作用。
我相信，在向公众利益和私人利益的伟大缔造者献上这份崇敬时，这些话也同样表达了各位和广大公民的心意。
没有人能比美国人更坚定不移地承认和崇拜掌管人间事务的上帝。
他们在迈向独立国家的进程中，似乎每走一步都有某种天佑的迹象；他们在刚刚完成的联邦政府体制的重大改革中，如果不是因虔诚的感恩而得到某种回报，如果不是谦卑地期待着过去有所预示的赐福的到来，那么，通过众多截然不同的集团的平静思考和自愿赞同来完成改革，这种方式是不能与大多数政府的组建方式同日而语的。
(完整word版)华盛顿(GeorgeWashington)就职演说中英对照版
(完整word版)华盛顿(GeorgeWashington)就职演说中英对照版乔治·华盛顿（George Washington）就职演说中英对照Fellow Citizens:同胞们：I am again called upon by the voice of my country to execute the functions of its Chief Magistrate。
我再次被我的祖国召唤来履行首席执行官的职责。
When the occasion proper for it shall arrive，当将来适当机会来临时，I shall endeavor to express the high sense I entertain of this distinguished honor，我将努力表达我对这非凡荣耀的高尚情感，and of the confidence which has been reposed in me by the people of united America.和统一的美国民众寄于我的信心.Previous to the execution of any official act of the President the Constitution requires an oath of office.在总统行使任何官方职责之前,宪法要求就职宣誓.This oath I am now about to take,and in your presence：在你们面前,这就是我要承诺的誓言：That if it shall be found during my administration of the Government ，在我的政府行使职务期间，I have in any instance violated willingly or knowingly the injunctions thereof，如有任何明知故犯地违反已有的禁令，I may(besides incurring constitutional punishment）be subject to the upbraidings of all who are now witnesses of the present solemn ceremony.我不但将遭受宪法的处罚，而且还将受到出席这庄严仪式的诸位的谴责。
美利坚首任总统演讲稿
美利坚首任总统演讲稿美国首任总统乔治·华盛顿于1789年4月30日就职时发表了一份演讲稿。
这份演讲稿表达了华盛顿对国家建设的信念和对新一轮美国革命的期望。
下面，让我们一起来看看这份演讲稿，并对其中的主要内容进行深入分析。
首先，华盛顿在演讲稿中强调了宪法的重要性和必要性。
他指出，这项法律文件是美国存在和繁荣的基础，宪法所规定的法律框架赋予了每个公民平等和自由的权利。
此外，华盛顿还强调了人民的问题，他说：“这个计划的最终目标是为我们的公民提供尽可能多的幸福和安全。
”这表明华盛顿对人民福利的关注，他认为政府的目标是为了人民的利益而存在。
其次，华盛顿在演讲中提到了这个国家目前面临的挑战和危机。
作为刚刚获得独立的新国家，美国在经济、政治和军事方面都面临巨大的困难。
在这种情况下，华盛顿呼吁人们互相宽容、尊重差异和团结一致。
他说：“我们不能忽视我们民族内部的差异，但我们必须保持团结。
”这再次强调了他对国家团结的强烈信念。
第三，华盛顿在演讲中提出了他对外交政策的愿景。
他警告说，我们应该避免与外国势力的过度接触，而应该尽可能保持中立和和平。
他说：“我们必须保持对所有国家的公正和坚定，除非与我们的国家和家庭的固有权利有关，否则不应介入任何外国事务。
”这表明华盛顿坚信美国的独立和中立是世界和平的关键所在。
总之，华盛顿的这份演讲稿表达了他对美国建立和发展的信念和愿景。
他呼吁人们团结一致，关注人民福利，避免过度接触外国势力，并推动宪法的实施。
这份演讲稿被视为美国历史上最重要的演讲之一，它不仅奠定了新国家的基础，还推动了美国革命的新一轮发展。
乔治·华盛顿总统离职演说
The period for a new election of a citizen， to administer the executive government of the United States， being not far distant， and the time actually arrived， when your thoughts must be employed designating the person， who is to be clothed with that important trust， it appears to me proper， especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice， that I should now apprize you of the resolution I have formed， to decline being considered among the number of those out of whom a choice is to be made. I beg you at the same time to do me the justice to be assured that this resolution has not been taken without a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country； and that in withdrawing the tender of service， which silence in my situation might imply， I am influenced by no diminution of zeal for your future interest， no deficiency of grateful respect for your past kindness， but am supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both. The acceptance of， and continuance hitherto in， the office to which your suffrages have twice called me， have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty， and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. I constantly hoped， that it would have been much earlier in my power， consistently with motives， which I was not at liberty to disregard， to return to that retirement， from which I had been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclination to do this，previous to the last election， had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you； but mature reflection on the then perplexed and critical posture of our affairs with foreign nations， and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence impelled me to abandon the idea. I rejoice， that the state of your concerns， external as well as internal， no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the sentiment of duty， or propriety； and am persuaded， whatever partiality may be retained for my services， that， in the present circumstances of our country， you will not disapprove my determination to retire. The impressions， with which I first undertook the arduous trust， were explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust， I will only say， that I have， with good intentions， contributed towards the organization and administration of the government the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. Not unconscious， in the outset， of the inferiority of my qualifications， experience in my own eyes， perhaps still more in the eyes of others， has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself； and every day the increasing weight of years admonishes me more and more， that the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied， that， if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my services， they were temporary， I have the consolation to believe， that， while choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene， patriotism does not forbid it. In looking forward to the moment， which is intended to terminate the career of my public life， my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude， which I owe to my beloved country for the many honors it has conferred upon me； still more for the steadfast confidence with which it has supported me； and for the opportunities I have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment， by services faithful and persevering， though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our country from these services， let it always be remembered to your praise， and as an instructive example in our annals， that under circumstances in which the passions， agitated in every direction， were liable to mislead， amidst appearances sometimes dubious， vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging，in situations in which not unfrequently want of success has countenanced the spirit of criticism， the constancy of your support was the essential prop of the efforts， and a guarantee of the plans by which they were effected. Profoundly penetrated with this idea， I shall carry it with me to my grave， as a strong incitement to unceasing vows that Heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence； that your union and brotherly affection may be perpetual； that the free constitution， which is the work of your hands， may be sacredly maintained； that its administration in every department may be stamped with wisdom and virtue； than， in fine， the happiness of the people of these States， under the auspices of liberty， may be made complete， by so careful a preservation and so prudent a use of this blessing， as will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the applause， the affection， and adoption of every nation， which is yet a stranger to it. Here， perhaps I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your welfare which cannot end but with my life， and the apprehension of danger， natural to that solicitude， urge me， on an occasion like the present， to offer to your solemn contemplation， and to recommend to your frequent review， some sentiments which are the result of much reflection， of no inconsiderable observation， and which appear to me all-important to the permanency of your felicity as a people. These will be offered to you with the more freedom， as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend，who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget， as an encouragement to it， your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion. Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts， no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment. The unity of Government， which constitutes you one people， is also now dear to you. It is justly so； for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence， the support of your tranquillity at home， your peace abroad； of yoursafety； of your prosperity； of that very Liberty， which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee， that， from different causes and from different quarters， much pains will be taken， many artifices employed， to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth； as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively （though often covertly and insidiously） directed， it is of infinite moment，that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national Union to your collective and individual happiness；that you should cherish a cordial， habitual， and immovable attachment to it； accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the Palladium of your political safety and prosperity； watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety；discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion， that it can in any event be abandoned； and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest， or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts. For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens， by birth or choice， of a common country， that country has a right to concentrate your affections. The name of american， which belongs to you， in your national capacity， must always exalt the just pride of Patriotism， more than any appellation derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of difference， you have the same religion， manners， habits， and political principles. You have in a common cause fought and triumphed together； the Independence and Liberty you possess are the work of joint counsels，and joint efforts， of common dangers， sufferings， and successes. But these considerations， however powerfully they address themselves to your sensibility， are greatly outweighed by those， which apply more immediately to your interest. Here every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the Union of the whole. The North， in an unrestrained intercourse with the South， protected by the equal laws of a common government，finds， in the productions of the latter， great additional resources of maritime and commercial enterprise and precious materials of manufacturing industry. The South， in the same intercourse， benefiting by the agency of the North， sees its agriculture grow and its commerce expand. Turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the North， it finds its particular navigation invigorated； and， while it contributes， in different ways， to nourish and increase the general mass of the national navigation， it looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength， to which itself is unequally adapted. The East， in a like intercourse with the West， already finds， and in the progressive improvement of interior communications by land and water， will more and more find， a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad， or manufactures at home. The West derives from the East supplies requisite to its growth and comfort， and， what is perhaps of still greater consequence， it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own productions to the weight， influence， and the future maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the Union， directed by an indissoluble community of interest as one nation. Any other tenure by which the West can hold this essential advantage，whether derived from its own separate strength， or from an apostate and unnatural connexion with any foreign power，must be intrinsically precarious. While， then， every part of our country thus feels an immediate and particular interest in Union， all the parts combined cannot fail to find in the united mass of means and efforts greater strength， greater resource， proportionably greater security from external danger， a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations； and， what is of inestimable value， they must derive from Union an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves， which so frequently afflict neighbouring countries not tied together by the same governments， which their own rivalships alone would be sufficient to produce， but which opposite foreign alliances， attachments， and intrigues would stimulate and embitter. Hence， likewise， they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown military establishments， which， under any form of government， are inauspicious to liberty， and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to Republican Liberty. In this sense it is， that your Union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty， and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the preservation of the other. These considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflecting and virtuous mind， and exhibit the continuance of the union as a primary object of Patriotic desire. Is there a doubt， whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere？ Let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation in such a case were criminal. We are authorized to hope，that a proper organization of the whole， with the auxiliary agency of governments for the respective subdivisions， will afford a happy issue to the experiment. It is well worth a fair and full experiment. With such powerful and obvious motives to Union， affecting all parts of our country， while experience shall not have demonstrated its impracticability， there will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those， who in any quarter may endeavour to weaken its bands.。
乔治·华盛顿第一次就职演说
乔治·华盛顿第一次就职演说文章导读：它是由总统的义务”推荐给您的考虑等措施,他要按公正审判必要和有益的。
”在某些情况下,我现在见到你会赦免我从进入这个题目来指远比大宪章在宪法所聚集,在定义你的力量,选定对象,你的注意力是给你们。
它将会是更一致的情况下,而且更加与感情,驱动和志趣相投的人,我来代替一个替补,具体措施的建议,进贡,是由于天赋、正直、爱国主义点缀的人物设计、选择收养他们参议院的国民和众议院:在任何情况下沧桑事件生活可以充满我,以更大的忧虑的是通过通知贵公司的定单,已收到的礼物14th天月。
一方面,我被召唤我的国家,我从来没听过他的声音,但尊敬和爱,我所拣选的撤退,最可爱的偏好、,而且我希望,一个不可奉承的选择,因为我的年华的庇护——就是每天撤退提供更多的必要以及更为亲切增加的习惯和频繁的倾向,打断我的健康逐渐浪费时间。
在它承诺另一方面,大小和困难的信任,我的国家的声音呼唤我,充分唤醒在最聪明的和最有经验的公民资格审查进他不信任,不禁使人与抑郁(继承劣质禀赋来自大自然和unpracticed民政部门的责任)应当特殊的意识到自己的不足之处。
在这场冲突中所有我敢断言的情绪是它被我忠实的研究收集我的职责只是欣赏从每一个情况下它可能会受到影响。
我希望,如果敢在执行这个任务,我已经太多的受感激的记忆,或由前一个深情的实例证明这种超然的敏感性,看重我的信心,那里太少无咨询以及为庞大而不关心我,我尝试之前的错误是palliated动机及其产生的后果欺哄我,从我的国家都有偏见,他们因此得名。
在这种印象,我曾经在服从公共传票、维修将车站,它将会遗漏在这个特殊的不当行为我第一次正式火热的人恳求全能规则在宇宙中,理在主战者,其providential国家艾滋病可以供应的每一个人,他的祝福缺陷,可能使到自由和幸福的美国人民政府设立的这些重要用途,自己,可以使每一个仪器应用于管理执行成功的功能分配给他的费用。
华盛顿演讲稿
华盛顿演讲稿
尊敬的各位先生、女士们，我很荣幸能够站在这里，向您们发表我的演讲。
今天，我想和大家分享一些关于自由、平等和民主的思考。
我们所处的这个国家，是一个充满机遇和挑战的国家。
我们的先辈们为了追求自由和平等，为了建立一个民主的社会，为了让每个人都有机会追求幸福，付出了巨大的努力和牺牲。
我们应该铭记历史，珍惜现在，为了我们的子孙后代，继续努力奋斗。
自由是每个人的基本权利。
我们应该尊重每个人的选择，尊重每个人的生活方式，不论他们的种族、宗教、性别或者社会地位。
我们应该努力消除一切形式的歧视和压迫，让每个人都能够享有平等的机会和权利。
民主是我们国家的根基。
我们应该积极参与社会和政治生活，为我们的国家和社会做出贡献。
我们应该尊重不同的意见，尊重民意，通过民主的方式解决社会问题，推动社会的进步和发展。
我们应该团结一致，共同面对挑战。
我们的国家面临着许多问题和困难，比如经济发展、环境保护、社会公平等。
我们不能袖手旁观，我们应该团结起来，共同努力，找到解决问题的办法，让我们的国家更加强大和美好。
最后，我希望每个人都能够为了自由、平等和民主而努力奋斗。
让我们携手并肩，共同创造一个更加美好的未来。
谢谢大家。
华盛顿。
华盛顿演讲
对部队的演说美国人能成为自由人，还是沦为奴隶；能否享有可以称之为自己所有的财产；能否使自己的住宅和农庄免遭洗劫毁坏；能否使自己免于陷入非人力所能拯救的悲惨境地——决定这一切的时刻已迫在眉睫。
苍天之下，千百万尚未出生的人的命运取决于我们这支军队的勇敢和战斗。
敌人残酷无情，我们别无他路，要么奋起反击，要么屈膝投降。
因此，我们必须下定决心，若不克敌制胜，就是捐躯疆场。
祖国的尊严，我们的尊严，都要求我们进行英勇顽强的奋斗，如果我们做不到这一点，我们将感到羞愧，并将为全世界所不齿。
所以，让我们凭借我们事业的正义性和上帝的恩助——胜利掌握在他手中——鼓励和鞭策我们去创造伟大而崇高的业绩。
全国同胞都注视着我们，如果我们有幸为他们效劳，将他们从企图强加于他们的暴政中解救出来，我们将受到他们的祝福和赞颂。
让我们互相激励、互相鞭策，并向全世界昭示：在自己的国土直为自由而斗争的自由民胜过世上任何受人驱使的雇佣兵。
自由、财产、生命和荣誉都在危急存亡之中，我们正在流血，受辱的祖国寄希望于我们的勇敢和战斗，我们的妻儿父老指望我们去保护。
他们有充分理由相信，上苍一定会保佑如此正义的事业获得胜利。
敌人将炫耀武力，竭力恫吓，但是，别忘了，在许多场合，他们已被数不清的勇敢的美国人所击败。
他们的事业是邪恶的——他们的士兵也意识到了这一点，如果我们在他们开始进攻时，就沉着坚定地予以反击，凭着我们有利的工事和熟悉的地形，胜利必将属于我们。
每一位优秀的士兵都将枕戈待旦——整装待命，一旦出击，必歼顽敌。
【说明】乔治·华盛顿（1732-1799）：美利坚合众国创建者之一，美国第一任总统（1789--1797）华盛顿生于弗吉尼亚洲的威斯特摩兰，曾在英国殖民军中服役。
1759--1774年当选为州议员，1774年和1775年为第一、二两届大陆会议代表。
北美独立战争爆发时，华盛顿被大陆会议任命为大陆军总司令。
任职期间，他表现出了高超的组织能力和统帅天才，最终打败了英军，取得了独立战争的胜利。
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美国第一任总统乔治-华盛顿就职演讲乔治-华盛顿
第一次就职演讲
纽约星期四,1789年4月30日
参议院和众议院的同胞们：
在人生沉浮中，没有一件事能比本月14日收到根据你们的命令送达的通知更使我焦虑不安，一方面，国家召唤我出任此职，对于她的召唤，我永远只能肃然敬从；而隐退是我以挚爱心憎、满腔希望和坚定的决心选择的暮年归宿，由于爱好和习惯，且时光流逝，健康渐衰，时感体力不济，愈觉隐退之必要和可贵。
另一方面，国家召唤我担负的责任如此重大和艰巨，足以使国内最有才智和经验的人度德量力，而我天资愚钝，又无民政管理的实践，理应倍觉自己能力之不足，因而必然感到难以肩此重任。
怀着这种矛盾心情，我唯一敢断言的是，通过正确估计可能产生影响的各种情况来克尽厥职，乃是我忠贞不渝的努力目标。
我唯一敢祈望的是，如果我在执行这项任务时因陶醉于往事，或因由衷感激公民们对我的高度信赖，因而受到过多影响，以致在处理从未经历过的大事时，忽视了自己的无能和消极，我的错误将会由于使我误人歧途的各种动机而减轻，而大家在评判错误的后果时；也会适当包涵产生这些动机的偏见。
既然这就是我在遵奉公众召唤就任现职时的感想，那么，在此宣誓就职之际，如不热忱地祈求全能的上帝就极其失当，因为上帝统治着宇宙，主宰着各国政府，它的神助能弥补人类的任何不足，愿上帝赐福，侃佑一个为美国人民的自由和幸福而组成的政府，保佑它为这些基本目的而作出奉献，保佑政府的各项行政措施在我负责之下都能成功地发挥作用。
我相信，在向公众利益和私人利益的伟大缔造者献上这份崇敬时，这些话也同样表达了各位和广大公民的心意。
没有人能比美国人更坚定不移地承认和崇拜掌管人间事务的上帝。
他们在迈向独立国家的进程中，似乎每走一步都有某种天佑的迹象；他们在刚刚完成的联邦政府体制的重大改革中，如果不是因虔诚的感恩而得到某种回报，如果不是谦卑地期待着过去有所预示的赐福的到来，那么，通过众多截然不同的集团的平静思考和自愿赞同
来完成改革，这种方式是不能与大多数政府的组建方式同日而语的。
在目前转折关头，我产生这些想法确实是深有所感而不能自已，我相信大家会和我怀有同感，即除了仰仗上帝的力量，一个新生的自由政府别无他法能一开始就事事顺利。
根据设立行政部门的条款，总统有责任“将他认为必要而妥善的措施提请国会审议”。
但在目前与各位见面的这个场合，恕我不进一步讨论这个问题，而只提一下伟大的宪法，它使各位今天聚集一堂，它规定了各位的权限，指出了各位应该注意的目标。
在这样的场合，更恰当、也更能反映我内心激情的做法是不提出具体措施，而是称颂将要规划和采纳这些措施的当选者的才能、正直和爱国心。
我从这些高贵品格中看到了最可靠的保证：其一，任何地方偏见或地方感情，任何意见分歧或党派敌视，都不能使我们偏离全局观点和公平观点，即必须维护这个由不同地区和利益所组成的大联合；因此，其二，我国的政策将会以纯洁而坚定的个人道德原则为基础，而自由政府将会以那赢得民心和全世界尊敬的一切特点而显示其优越性。
我对国家的一片热爱之心激励着我满怀喜悦地展望这幅远景，因为根据自然界的构成和发展趋势，在美德与幸福之间，责任与利益之间，恪守诚实宽厚的政策与获得社会繁荣幸福的硕果之间，有着密不可分的统一；因为我们应该同样相信，上帝亲自规定了水恒的秩序和权利法则，它决不可能对无视这些法则的国家慈祥地加以赞许；因为人们理所当然地、满怀深情地、也许是最后一次把维护神圣的自由之火和共和制政府的命运，系于美国人所遵命进行的实验上。
我已将有感于这一聚会场合的想法奉告各位，现在我就要向大家告辞；但在此以前，我要再一次以谦卑的心情祈求仁慈的上帝给予帮助。
因为承蒙上帝的恩赐，美国人有了深思熟虑的机会，以及为确保联邦的安全和促进幸福，用前所未有的一致意见来决定政府体制的意向；因而，同样明显的是，上帝将保佑我们扩大眼界，心平气和地进行协商，并采取明智的措施，而这些都是本届政府取得成功所必不可少的依靠。
第二次就职演讲
1793年
同胞们：
我再度得到祖国之声的召唤，作为我国最高首脑行使各项职能。
这一卓著的荣誉，以及团结一致的美国人民寄托于我的厚望，使我不禁心潮澎湃。
当合适的机会到来之际，我会设法将这种感受表达出来。
根据宪法的要求，在正式行使总统的职权之前，应当进行就职宣誓。
在此，我谨当着各位的面发表以下誓言：在我执政期间，倘若发现由任何自愿或故意违背有关总统职位的禁令的行为，我除了承当宪法所规定的惩处之外，还甘愿受今天所有亲临这一庄严仪式的人们的谴责。