经典英文演讲100篇23-A Plea for Mercy

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美国经典英文演讲100篇A_Whisper_of_AIDS

美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Whisper of AIDSText version below transcribed directly from audio.Less than three months ago at platform hearings in Salt Lake City, I asked the Republican Party to lift the shroud of silence which has been draped over the issue of HIV and AIDS. I have t I believe that in all things there is a purpose; and I stand before you and before the nation gladly. The reality of AIDS is brutally clear. Two hundred thousand Americans are dead or dying. A million more are infected. Worldwide, forty million, sixty million, or a hundred million infections will be counted in the coming few years. But despite science and research, White House meetings, and congressional hearings, despite good intentions and bold initiatives, campaign slogans, and hopeful promises, it is -- despite it all -- the epidemic which is winning tonight.In the context of an election year, I ask you, here in this great hall, or listening in the quiet of your home, to recognize that AIDS virus is not a political creature. It does not care whether you are Democrat or Republican; it does not ask whether you are black or white, male or female, gay or straight, young or old.Tonight, I represent an AIDS community whose members have been reluctantly drafted from every segment of American society. Though I am white and a mother, I am one with a black infant struggling with tubes in a Philadelphia hospital. Though I am female and contracted this disease in marriage and enjoy the warm support of my family, I am one with the lonely gay man sheltering a flickering candle from the cold wind of his family’s rejection.This is not a distant threat. It is a present danger. The rate of infection is increasing fastest among women and children. Largely unknown a decade ago, AIDS is the third leading killer of young adult Americans today. But it won’t be third for long, because unlike other diseases, this one travels. Adolescents don’t give each other cancer or heart disease because they believe they are in love, but HIV is different; and we have helped it along. We have killed each other with our ignorance, our prejudice, and our silence.We may take refuge in our stereotypes, but we cannot hide there long, because HIV asks only one thing of those it attacks. Are you human? And this is the right question. Are you human? Because people with HIV have not entered some alien state of being. They are human. They have not earned cruelty, and they do not deserve meanness. They don’t benefit from being isolated or treated as outcasts. Each of them is exactly what God made: a person; not evil, deserving of our judgment; not victims, longing for our pity -- people, ready for support and worthy of compassion.My call to you, my Party, is to take a public stand, no less compassionate than that of the President and Mrs. Bush. They have embraced me and my family in memorable ways. In the place of judgment, they have shown affection. In difficult moments, they have raised our spirits. In the darkest hours, I have seen them reaching not only to me, but also to my parents, armed with that stunning grief and special grace that comes only to parents who have themselves leaned too long over the bedside of a dying child.With the President’s leadership, much good has been done. Much of the good has gone unheralded, and as the President has insisted, much remains to be done. But we do the President’s cause no good if we praise the American family but ignore a virus that destroys it.We must be consistent if we are to be believed. We cannot love justice and ignore prejudice, love our children and fear to teach them. Whatever our role as parent or policymaker, we must act as eloquently as we speak -- else we have no integrity. My call to the nation is a plea for awareness. If you believe you are safe, you are in danger. Because I was not hemophiliac, I was not at risk. Because I was not gay, I was not at risk. Because I did not inject drugs, I was not at risk.My father has devoted much of his lifetime guarding against another holocaust. He is part of the generation who heard Pastor Nemoellor come out of the Nazi death camps to say,“They came after the Jews, and I was not a Jew, so, I did not protest. They came after the trade unionists, and I was not a trade unionist, so, I did not protest. Then they came after the Roman Catholics, and I was not a Roman Catholic, so, I did not protest. Then they came after me, and there was no one left to protest.”The -- The lesson history teaches is this: If you believe you are safe, you are at risk. If you do not see this killer stalking your children, look again. There is no family or community, no race or religion, no place left in America that is safe. Until we genuinely embrace this message, we are a nation at risk.Tonight, HIV marches resolutely toward AIDS in more than a million American homes, littering its pathway with the bodies of the young -- young men, young women, young parents, and young children. One of the families is mine. If it is true that HIV inevitably turns to AIDS, then my children will inevitably turn to orphans. My family has been a rock of support.My 84-year-old father, who has pursued the healing of the nations, will not accept the premise that he cannot heal his daughter. My mother refuses to be broken. She still calls at midnight to tell wonderful jokes that make me laugh. Sisters and friends, and my brother Phillip, whose birthday is today, all have helped carry me over the hardest places. I am blessed, richly and deeply blessed, to have such a family.But not all of you -- But not all of you have been so blessed. You are HIV positive, but dare not say it. You have lost loved ones, but you dare not whisper the word AIDS. You weep silently. You grieve alone. I have a message for you. It is not you who should feel shame. It is we -- we who tolerate ignorance and practice prejudice, we who have taught you to fear. We must lift our。

经典的英文演讲稿（精选5篇）

经典的英文演讲稿（精选5篇）经典的英文篇1my definition of successtoday i am very glad to be here to share with you my ideas of success. what is success? it is what everyone is longing for.sometimes success would be rather simple. winning a game is success; getting a high grade in the exam is success; making a new friend is success; even now i amstanding here giving my speech is somehow also success.however, as a person’s whole life is concerned, su ccess becomes verycomplicated. is fortune success? is fame success? is high social status success? no, i don’t think so. i believe success is the realization of people’s hopes and ideals.nowadays, in the modern society there are many peoplewho are regarded as the successful. and the most obvious characteristics of hem are money, high position and luxurious life. so most people believe that s success and all that they do is for this purpose. but the problem is wether it is real success. we all know there are always more money, higher position and better condition in front of us. if we keep chasing them, where is the end? what will satisfy us at last? therefore, we can see, to get the real success we must need something inside, which is the realization ofp eople’ hopes and ideals.different people have different ideas about success; cause people’s hopes and ideas vary from one another. but i am sure every success is dear to everybody, cause it is not easy to comeby, cause in the process of our striving for success, we got both our body and soul tempted, meanwhile we are enlightened by the most valuable qualities of human beings: love, patient, courage and sense of responsibility. these are the best treasures. so now i am very proud that i have this opportunity to stand here speaking to all of you. it is my success, cause i raise up to challenge my hope.what is success? everyone has his own interpretation as i do. but i am sureevery success leads to an ever-brighter future. so ladies and gentlemen, believe in our hopes, believe in ourselves, we, every one of us, can make asuccessful life!i have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed-we hold theses truths to be self-oevident, that all men are created equal. i have a dream that one day on the red hills of georgia, sons of former slaves and sons of former slave owners will be able to sit together at the table of brotherhood. i have a dream my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. i have a dream today! when we allow freedom to ring, when we let it ring from every village and hamlet, from every state and city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of god’s children-black men and white men , jews and gentiles, catholics and protestants-will be able to join hands and to sing in the words of the old negro spiritual, “free at least ,free at last . thank god almighty, we are free at last.”经典的英文演讲稿篇21.An aim in life is the only fortune worth finding.生活的目标，是唯一值得寻找的财富。

美国经典英文演讲100篇_0

美国经典英文演讲100篇各位读友大家好，此文档由网络收集而来，欢迎您下载，谢谢篇一：美国经典英文演讲100篇Black Power美国经典英文演讲100篇:”Black Power”Stokely CarmichaelBlack Powerdelivered October 1966, Berkeley, CA[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio. (2)]Thank you very much. It’s a privilege and an honor to be in the white intellectual ghetto of the West. We wanted to do a couple of things before we started. The first is that, based on the fact that SNCC, through the articulation of its program byits chairman, has been able to win elections in Georgia, Alabama, Maryland, and by ourappearance here will win an election in California, in 1968 I’m going to run for President of the United States. I just can’t make it, ‘cause I wasn’t born in the United States. That’s the only thing holding me back.We wanted to say that this is a student conference, as it should be, held on a campus, and that we’re not ever to be caught up in the intellectual masturbation of the question of Black Power. That’s a function of people who are advertisers that call themselves reporters. Oh, for my members and friends of the press, my self-appointed white critics, I was reading Mr. Bernard Shaw two days ago, and I came across a very important quote which I think is most apropos for you. He says, “All criticism is a[n] autobiography.” Digyourself. Okay. The philosophers Camus and Sartre raise the question whether or not a man can condemn himself. The black existentialist philosopher who is pragmatic, Frantz Fanon, answered the question. He said that man could not. Camus and Sartre was not. We in SNCC tend to agree with Camus and Sartre, that a man cannot condemn Were he to condemn himself, he would then have to inflict punishment upon himself. An example would be the Nazis. Any prisoner who -- any of the Nazi prisoners who admitted, after he was caught andincarcerated, that he committed crimes, that he killed all the many people that he killed, he committed suicide. The only ones who were able to stay alive were the ones who never admitted that they committed a crimes [sic] against people -- that is, the ones who rationalized that Jews were not human beings and deserved to bekilled, or that they were only following orders.On a more immediate scene, the officials and the population -- the white population -- in Neshoba County, Mississippi -- that’s where Philadelphia is -- could not -- could not condemn [Sheriff] Rainey, his deputies, and the other fourteen men that killed three human beings. They could not because they elected Mr. Rainey to do precisely what he did; and that for them to condemn him will be for them to condemn themselves.In a much larger view, SNCC says that white America cannot condemn herself. And since we are liberal, we have done it: You standcondemned. Now, a number of things that arises from that answer of how do you condemn yourselves. Seems to me that the institutions that function in this country are clearly racist, and that they’re built uponracism. And the question, then, is how can black people inside of this country move? And then how can white people who say they’re not a part of those institutions begin to move? And how then do we begin to clear away the obstacles that we have in this society, that make us live like human beings? How can we begin to build institutions that will allow people to relate with each other as human beings? This country has never done that, especially around the country of white or black.Now, several people have been upset because we’ve said thatintegration was irrelevant when initiated by blacks, and that in fact it was a subterfuge, an insidious subterfuge, for the maintenance of white supremacy. Now we maintain that in the past six years or so, this country has been feeding us a “thalidomide drug of integration,” and that some negroes have been walking down adream streettalking about sitting next to white people; and that that does not begin to solve the problem; that when we went to Mississippi we did not go to sit next to Ross Barnett2; we did not go to sit next to Jim Clark3; we went to get them out of our way; and that people ought to understand that; that we were never fighting for the right to integrate, we were fighting against white supremacy.Now, then, in order to understand white supremacy we must dismiss the fallacious notion that white people can give anybody their freedom. No man can give anybody his freedom. A man is born free. You may enslave a man after he is born free, and that is in fact what thiscountry does. It enslaves black people after they’re born, so that the only acts that white people can do is to stop denying black people their freedom; that is, theymust stop denying freedom. They never give it to anyone.Now we want to take that to its logical extension, so that we could understand, then, what its relevancy would be in terms of new civil rights bills. I maintain that every civil rights bill in this country was passed for white people, not for black people. For example, I am black.I know that. I also know that while I am black I am a human being, and therefore I have the right to go into any public place. White people didn’t know that. Every time I tried to go into a place they stopped me. So some boys had to write a bill to tell that white man, “He’s a human being; don’t stop him.” That bill was for that white man, not for me. I knew it all the time. I knew it all the time.I knew that I could vote and that that wasn’t a privilege; it was my right. Every time I tried I was shot, killed or jailed,beaten or economically deprived. So somebody had to write a bill for white people to tell them, “When a black man comes to vote, don’t bother him.” That bill, again, was for white people, not for black people; so that when you talk about open occupancy, I know I can live anyplace I want to live. It is white people across this country who are incapable of allowing me to live where I want to live. You need a civil rights bill, not me. I know I can live where I want to live.So that the failures to pass a civil rights bill isn’t because of Black Power, isn’t because of the Student Nonviolent CoordinatingCommittee; it’s not because of the rebellions that are occurring in the major cities. It is incapability of whites to deal with their own problems inside their own communities. That is the problem of the failure of the civil rights bill.And so in a larger sense we must then ask, How is it that black people move? And what do we do? But the question in a greater sense is, How can white people who are the majority -- and who are responsible for making democracy work -- make it work? They have miserably failed to this point. They have never made democracy work, be it inside the United States, Vietnam, South Africa, Philippines, South America, Puerto Rico. Wherever American has been, she has not been able to make democracy work; so that in a larger sense, we not only condemnthe country for what it’s done internally, but we must condemn it for what it does externally. We see this country trying to rule the world, and someone must stand up and start articulating that this country is not God, and cannot rule the world.Now, then, before we move on weought to develop the white supremacy attitudes that were either conscious or subconscious thought and how they run rampant through the society today. For example, the missionaries were sent to Africa. They went with the attitude that blacks were automatically inferior. As a matter of fact, the first act the missionaries did, you know, when they got to Africa was to make us cover up our bodies, because they said it got them excited. We couldn’t go bare-breasted any more because they got excited.Now when the missionaries came to civilize us because we were uncivilized, educate us because we were uneducated, and give us some -- some literate studies because we were illiterate, they charged a price. The missionaries came with the Bible, and we had the land. When they left, they had the land, and we still have the Bible. And that has been the rationalizationfor Western civilization as it moves across the world and stealing and plundering and raping everybody in its path. Their one rationalization is that the rest of the world is uncivilized and they are in fact civilized. And they are un-civil-ized.And that runs on today, you see, because what we have today is we have what we call “modern-day Peace Corps missionaries,” and they come into our ghettos and they Head Start, Upward Lift, Bootstrap, and Upward Bound us into white society, ‘cause they don’t want to face the real problem which is a man is poor for one reason and one reason only: ‘cause he does not have money -- period. If you want to get rid of poverty, you give people money -- period.And you ought not to tell me about people who don’t work, and you can’t give people money without working, ‘cause if that were true, you’d have to startstopping Rockefeller, Bobby Kennedy, Lyndon Baines Johnson, Lady Bird Johnson, the whole of Standard Oil, the Gulf Corp, all of them, including probably a large number of the Board of Trustees of this university. So the question, then, clearly, is not whether or not one can work; it’s Who has power? Who has power to make his or her acts legitimate? That is all. And that this country, that power is invested in the hands of white people, and they make their acts legitimate. It is now, therefore, for black people to make our acts legitimate.Now we are now engaged in a psychological struggle in this country, and that is whether or not black people will have the right to use the words they want to use without white people giving their sanction to it; and that we maintain, whether they like it or not, we gonna use the word “Black Power” -- and let themaddress themselves to that; but that we are not going to wait for white people to sanction Black Power. We’re tired waiting; every time black people move in this country, they’re forced to defend their position before they move. It’s time that the people who are supposed to be defending their position do that. That’s white people. They ought to start defending themselves as to why they have oppressed and exploited us.Now it is clear that when this country started to move in terms of slavery, the reason for a man being picked as a slave was one reason -- because of the color of his skin. If one was black one wasautomatically inferior, inhuman, and therefore fit for slavery; so that the question of whether or not we are individually suppressed is nonsensical, and it’s a dowight lie. We are oppressed as a group because we are black, not becausewe are lazy, not because we’re apathetic, not because we’re stupid, not because we smell, notbecause we eat watermelon and have good rhythm. We are oppressed because we are black.And in order to get out of that oppression one must wield the group power that one has, not the individual power which this country then sets the criteria under which a man may come into it. That is what is called in this country as integration: “You do what I tell you to do and then we’ll let you sit at the table with us.” And that we are saying that we have to be opposed to that. We must now set up criteria and that if there’s going to be any integration, it’s going to be a two-way thing. If you believe in integration, you can come live in Watts. You can send your children to the ghetto schools. Let’s talk about that. If you believe in integration,then we’re going to start adopting us some white people to live in our neighborhood.So it is clear that the question is not one of integration or segregation. Integration is a man’s ability to want to move in there by himself. If someone wants to live in a white neighborhood and he is black, that is his choice. It should be his rights. It is not because white people will not allow him. So vice versa: If a black man wants to live in the slums, that should be his right. Black people will let him. That is the difference. And it’s a difference on which this country makes a number of logical mistakes when they begin to try to criticize the program articulated by SNCC.篇二：美国经典英文演讲一百篇!练口语和演讲的好材料,值得收藏!!!美国经典英文演讲一百篇！练口语和演讲的好材料，值得收藏！！！梁志埠的日志? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ?????????????????·美国20世纪经典英语演讲100篇（MP3+文本）·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Farewell Address to Congress ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1984 DNC Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:WeShall Overcome ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Shuttle’’Challenger’’Disaster Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Checkers ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Pearl Harbor Address to the Nation ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:I Have a Dream ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Civil Rights Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Time to Break Silence-Beyond Vietnam ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1988 DNC Keynote Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Atoms for Peace ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Truman Doctrine ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:First Inaugural Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Great Arsenal of Democracy ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Acres of Diamonds ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Great Silent Majority ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Farewell Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Oklahoma Bombing MemorialAddress ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Crisis of Confidence ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1992 DNC Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:On Vietnam and Not Seeking Re-Election ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Cambodian Incursion Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Eulogy for Robert Francis Kennedy ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Black Power ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Chappaquiddick ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:40th Anniversary of D-Day Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Presidential Nomination Acceptance.. ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Marshall Plan ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Whisper of AIDS ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1988 DNC Address(下) ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:I’ve Been to the Mountaintop ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Statement on the Articles of Impeachment ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1984 DNC Keynote Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Houston Ministerial Association Speech ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Ballot or the Bullet ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1976 DNC Keynote Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Inaugural Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Television News Coverage? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Against Imperialism ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Four Freedoms ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:American University Commencement Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Nobel Prize Acceptance Speech ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:First Fireside Chat ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Evil Empire ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Time for Choosing ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Ich bin ein Berliner ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Duty, Honor,Country ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Remarks on the Assassination of MLKing ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Message to the Grassroots ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Address on Taking the Oath of Office ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Sproul Hall Sit-in Speech... ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1980 DNC Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Statement to the Senate Judiciary... ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Television and the Public Interest ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Presidential Nomination ... ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Religious Belief and Public Morality ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Vice-Presidential Nomination... ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Truth and Tolerance in America ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Great Society ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1988 DNC Address(上) ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Brandenburg GateAddress篇三：美国经典英文演讲100篇Sproul Hall Sit-in Speech美国经典英文演讲100篇:Sproul Hall Sit-in Speech...delivered 2 December 1964, The University of California at Berkeley[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio]You know, I just wanna say one brief thing about something the previous speaker said. I didn’t wanna spe nd too much time on that ‘cause I don’t think it’s important enough. But one thing is worth considering.He’s the -- He’s the nominal head of an organization supposedly representative of the undergraduates. Whereas in fact under the current director it derives -- its authority is delegated power from the Administration. It’s totally uepresentativeof the graduate students andBut he made the following statement (I quote): “I would ask all those who are not definitely committed to the FSM2 cause to stay away from demonstration.” Alright, now listen to this: “For all upper division students who are interested in alleviating the TA shortage problem, I would encourage you to offer your services to Department Chairmen and Advisors.” That has two things: A strike breaker and a fink. I’d like to say -- like to say one other thing about a union problem. Upstairs you may have noticed they’re ready on the 2nd floor of Sproul Hall, Locals 40 and 127 of the Painters Union are painting the inside of the 2nd floor of Sproul Hall. Now, apparently that action had been planned some time in the past. I’ve tried to contact those unions. Unfortunately -- and [it] tears my heart out -- they’re asbureaucratized as the Administration. It’s difficult to get through toanyone in authority there. Very sad. We’re still -- We’re still making an attempt. Those people up there have no desire to interfere with what we’re doing. I would ask that they be considered and that they not be heckled in any way. And I think that -- you know -- while there’s unfortunately no sense of -- no sense of solidarity at this pointbetween unions and students, there at least need be no -- you know -- excessively hard feelings between the two groups.Now, there are at least two ways in which sit-ins and civil disobedience and whatever -- least two major ways in which it can occur. One, when a law exists, is promulgated, which is totally unacceptable to people and they violate it again and again and again till it’s rescinded, appealed.Alr ight, but there’s another way. There’s another way. Sometimes, the form of the law is such as to render impossible its effective violation -- as a method to have it repealed. Sometimes, the grievances of people are more -- extend more -- to more than just the law, extend to a whole mode of arbitrary power, a whole mode of arbitrary exercise of arbitrary power.And that’s what we have here. We have an autocracy which -- which runs this university. It’s managed. We were told the following: IfPresident Kerr actually tried to get something more liberal out of the Regents in his telephone conversation, why didn’t he make somepublic statement to that effect? And the answer we received -- from a well-meaning liberal -- was the following: He said, “Wou ld you ever imagine the manager of a firm making a statementpublicly in opposition to his Board of Directors?” That’s the answer.Well I ask you to consider -- if this is a firm, and if the Board of Regents are the Board of Directors, and if President Kerr in fact is the manager, then I tell you something -- the faculty are a bunch of employees and we’re the raw material! But we’re a bunch of rawmaterials that don’t mean to be -- have any process upon us. Don’t mean to be made into any product! D on’t mean -- Don’t mean to end up being bought by some clients of the University, be they the government, be they industry, be they organized labor, be they anyone! We’re human beings!And that -- that brings me to the second mode of civil disobedience. There’s a time when the operation of the machine becomes so odious, makes you so sick at heart that you can’t take part! Youcan’t even passively take part! And you’ve got to put your bodies upon the gears and upon the wheels, upon the levers, upon all the apparatus -- and you’ve got to make it stop! And you’ve got to indicate to the peoplewho run it, to the people who own it -- that unless you’re free the machine will be prevented from working at all!!That doesn’t mean -- I know it will be interpreted to mean,unfortunately, by the bigots who run The Examiner, for example -- That doesn’t mean that you have to break anything. One thousand people sitting down some place, not letting anybody by, not [letting] anything happen, can stop any machine, including this machine! And it will stop!!We’re gonna do the following -- and the greater the number of people, the safer they’ll be and the more effective it will be. We’re going, once again, to march up tothe 2nd floor of Sproul Hall. And we’re gonna conduct our lives for awhile in the 2nd floor of Sproul Hall. We’ll show movies, for example. We tried to get -- and [they] shut them off. Unfortunately, that’s tied up in the court because of a lot of squeamish moral mothers for a moral America and other people on the outside. The same people who get all their ideas out of the San Francisco Examiner. Sad, sad. But, Mr. Landau -- Mr. Landau has gotten us some other films.Likewise, we’ll do something -- we’ll do something which hasn’toccurred at this University in a good long time! We’re going to have real classes up there! They’re gonna be freedom schools conducted up there! We’re going to have classes on [the] 1st and 14thamendments!! We’re gonna spend our time learning about the things this University is afraid that we know! We’regoing to learn about freedom up there, and we’re going to learn by doing!!Now, we’ve had some good, long rallies. [Rally organizers inform Savio that Joan Baez has arrived.] Just one moment. We’ve had som e good, long rallies. And I think I’m sicker of rallies than anyone else here. She’s not going to be long. I’d like to introduce one last person -- one last person before we enter Sproul Hall. Yeah. And the person is Joan Baez.《美国经典英文演讲100篇》各位读友大家好，此文档由网络收集而来，欢迎您下载，谢谢。

经典英文演讲100篇(I).doc

经典英文演讲100篇(I)Dwight D. Eisenhower Farewell Address delivered 17 January 1961 Good evening, my fellow Americans. First, I should like to express my gratitude to the radio and television networks for the opportunities they have given me over the years to bring reports and messages to our nation. My special thanks go to them for the opportunity of addressing you this evening. Three days from now, after a half century in the service of our country, I shall lay down the responsibilities of office as, in traditional and solemn ceremony, the authority of the Presidency is vested in my successor. This evening I come to you with a message of leave-taking and farewell, and to share a few final thoughts with you, my countrymen. Like every other citizen, I wish the new President, and all who will labor with him, Godspeed. I pray that the coming years will be blessed with peace and prosperity for all. Our people expect their President and the Congress to find essential agreement on issues of great moment, the wise resolution of which will better shape the future of the nation. My own relations with the Congress, which began on a remote and tenuous basis when, long ago, a member of the Senate appointed me to West Point, have since ranged to the intimate during the war and immediate post-warperiod, and finally to the mutually interdependent during these past eight years. In this final relationship, the Congress and the Administration have, on most vital issues, cooperated well, to serve the nation good, rather than mere partisanship, and so have assured that the business of the nation should go forward. So, my official relationship with Congress ends in a feeling -- on my part -- of gratitude that we have been able to do so much together. We now stand ten years past the midpoint of a century that has witnessed four major wars among great nations. Three of these involved our own country. Despite these holocausts, America is today the strongest, the most influential, and most productive nation in the world. Understandably proud of this pre-eminence, we yet realize that America s leadership and prestige depend, not merely upon our unmatched material progress, riches and military strength, but on how we use our power in the interests of world peace and human betterment. Throughout America s adventure in free government, our basic purposes have been to keep the peace, to foster progress in human achievement, and to enhance liberty, dignity and integrity among peoples and among nations. To strive for less would be unworthy of a free and religious people. Any failure traceable to arrogance or our lack of comprehension or readinessto sacrifice would inflict upon us grievous hurt, both at home and abroad. Progress toward these noble goals is persistently threatened by the conflict now engulfing the world. It commands our whole attention, absorbs our very beings. We face a hostile ideology global in scope, atheistic in character, ruthless in purpose, and insidious in method. Unhappily, the danger it poses promises to be of indefinite duration. To meet it successfully, there is called for, not so much the emotional and transitory sacrifices of crisis, but rather those which enable us to carry forward steadily, surely, and without complaint the burdens of a prolonged and complex struggle with liberty the stake. Only thus shall we remain, despite every provocation, on our charted course toward permanent peace and human betterment. Crises there will continue to be. In meeting them, whether foreign or domestic, great or small, there is a recurring temptation to feel that some spectacular and costly action could become the miraculous solution to all current difficulties. A huge increase in newer elements of our defenses; development of unrealistic programs to cure every ill in agriculture; a dramatic expansion in basic and applied research -- these and many other possibilities, each possibly promising in itself, may be suggested as the only way to the road we wish to travel. Buteach proposal must be weighed in the light of a broader consideration the need to maintain balance in and among national programs, balance between the private and the public economy, balance between the cost and hoped for advantages, balance between the clearly necessary and the comfortably desirable, balance between our essential requirements as a nation and the duties imposed by the nation upon the individual, balance between actions of the moment and the national welfare of the future. Good judgment seeks balance and progress. Lack of it eventually finds imbalance and frustration. The record of many decades stands as proof that our people and their Government have, in the main, understood these truths and have responded to them well, in the face of threat and stress. But threats, new in kind or degree, constantly arise. Of these, I mention two only. A vital element in keeping the peace is our military establishment. Our arms must be mighty, ready for instant action, so that no potential aggressor may be tempted to risk his own destruction. Our military organization today bears little relation to that known by any of my predecessors in peacetime, or, indeed, by the fighting men of World War II or Korea. Until the latest of our world conflicts, the United States had no armaments industry. American makers of plowsharescould, with time and as required, make swords as well. But now we can no longer risk emergency improvisation of national defense. We have been compelled to create a permanent armaments industry of vast proportions. Added to this, three and a half million men and women are directly engaged in the defense establishment. We annually spend on military security alone more than the net income of all United States corporations. Now this conjunction of an immense military establishment and a large arms industry is new in the American experience. The total influence -- economic, political, even spiritual --is felt in every city, every Statehouse, every office of the Federal government. We recognize the imperative need for this development. Yet we must not fail to comprehend its grave implications. Our toil, resources, and livelihood are all involved. So is the very structure of our society. In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military-industrial complex. The potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will persist. We must never let the weight of this combination endanger our liberties or democratic processes. We should take nothing for granted. Only an alert and knowledgeable citizenry can compel the proper meshing of thehuge industrial and military machinery of defense with our peaceful methods and goals, so that security and liberty may prosper together. Akin to, and largely responsible for the sweeping changes in our industrial-military posture, has been the technological revolution during recent decades. In this revolution, research has become central, it also becomes more formalized, complex, and costly. A steadily increasing share is conducted for, by, or at the direction of, the Federal government. Today, the solitary inventor, tinkering in his shop, has been overshadowed by task forces of scientists in laboratories and testing fields. In the same fashion, the free university, historically the fountainhead of free ideas and scientific discovery, has experienced a revolution in the conduct of research. Partly because of the huge costs involved, a government contract becomes virtually a substitute for intellectual curiosity. For every old blackboard there are now hundreds of new electronic computers. The prospect of domination of the nation s scholars by Federal employment, project allocations, and the power of money is ever present -- and is gravely to be regarded. Yet, in holding scientific research and discovery in respect, as we should, we must also be alert to the equal and opposite danger that public policy could itselfbecome the captive of a scientific-technological elite. It is the task of statesmanship to mold, to balance, and to integrate these and other forces, new and old, within the principles of our democratic system –ever aiming toward the supreme goals of our free society. Another factor in maintaining balance involves the element of time. As we peer into society s future, we -- you and I, and our government -- must avoid the impulse to live only for today, plundering for our own ease and convenience the precious resources of tomorrow. We cannot mortgage the material assets of our grandchildren without risking the loss also of their political and spiritual heritage. We want democracy to survive for all generations to come, not to become the insolvent phantom of tomorrow. During the long lane of the history yet to be written, America knows that this world of ours, ever growing smaller, must avoid becoming a community of dreadful fear and hate, and be, instead, a proud confederation of mutual trust and respect. Such a confederation must be one of equals. The weakest must come to the conference table with the same confidence as do we, protected as we are by our moral, economic, and military strength. That table, though scarred by many past frustrations, cannot be abandoned for the certain agony of the battlefield. Disarmament, with mutual honor andconfidence, is a continuing imperative. Together we must learn how to compose differences, not with arms, but with intellect and decent purpose. Because this need is so sharp and apparent, I confess that I lay down my official responsibilities in this field with a definite sense of disappointment. As one who has witnessed the horror and the lingering sadness of war, as one who knows that another war could utterly destroy this civilization which has been so slowly and painfully built over thousands of years, I wish I could say tonight that a lasting peace is in sight. Happily, I can say that war has been avoided. Steady progress toward our ultimate goal has been made. But so much remains to be done. As a private citizen, I shall never cease to do what little I can to help the world advance along that road. So, in this my last good night to you as your President, I thank you for the many opportunities you have given me for public service in war and in peace. I trust that in that service you find some things worthy. As for the rest of it, I know you will find ways to improve performance in the future. You and I, my fellow citizens, need to be strong in our faith that all nations, under God, will reach the goal of peace with justice. May we be ever unswerving in devotion to principle, confident but humble with power, diligent in pursuit of the Nations great goals. To allthe peoples of the world, I once more give expression to America s prayerful and continuing aspiration We pray that peoples of all faiths, all races, all nations, may have their great human needs satisfied; that those now denied opportunity shall come to enjoy it to the full; that all who yearn for freedom may experience its few spiritual blessings. Those who have freedom will understand, also, its heavy responsibilities; that all who are insensitive to the needs of others will learn charity; and that the scourges of poverty, disease and ignorance will be made to disappear from the earth; and that, in the goodness of time, all peoples will come to live together in a peace guaranteed by the binding force of mutual respect and love. Now, on Friday noon, I am to become a private citizen. I am proud to do so. I look forward to it. Thank you, and good night.。

100字英语感恩演讲稿大全(9篇)

100字英语感恩演讲稿大全(9篇)100字英语感恩演讲稿大全【篇1】Respected teachers, dear students:hello!Gratitude comes from the heart. As the saying goes: "dripping of grace, when yongquan phase reported." Let alone your parents? Your parents give you not just a drop of water but a sea of water. So do you pass a cup of warm tea when your parents are tired, give them a card on their birthday, and send them greetings and comfort when they are down. They often pour into the effort, energy for us, and we do not remember their birthday, experience, even their tired. Your little gratitude, in the eyes of parents you precious. When they touch your head and say, "boy, youre grown up!" Well, I congratulate you. Youre grateful for your success. But thats not enough. Youve actually succeeded a little, and there are plenty of opportunities to repay them later.Finally, please remember, with a heart of Thanksgiving, Thanksgiving parents, Thanksgiving teachers, thank you students. You will find yourself how happy, open your mind, let the rain wash your mind pollution. Learn to be grateful, because it will make the world better and make life more fulfilling.Thank you!100字英语感恩演讲稿大全【篇2】Thanksgiving is learning to be the fulcrum, the heart of Thanksgiving is a good feeling, the world is all things to all people expressed their gratitude, remember, Thanksgiving is a fine tradition of our nation, is a person of integrity at least moral character.Thanksgiving is the key to return. Return is the feeding, training, instruction, guidance, help, support and ambulance themselves. Grateful, and through its own 10 times, 100 times the pay, and repay them with practical action.Then, as a middle school student, how Thanksgiving?First Thanksgiving their parents, because everyones life is a continuation of the parents of one blood, all of the parents gave us love, let us enjoy the human world of affection and happiness, therefore, we would like to thank the parents.For the survival of nature is the basis of all things, human life is inseparablefromits 1:15 activities, we have the basic necessities of human nature, and so on are obtainedfromthe Therefore, we should be thankful nature.Teachers are our growth, are our friends, teachers respect, understand and care for us, their words and deeds, let us benefit for life, we pay for teachers efforts and sweat, we should Thanksgiving teachers.Students study the lives of our fellow students to encourage each other, help each other, to jointly overcome difficulties and setbacks, the common taste of success and happiness learning, we should be grateful for every day and we accompanied the students.The school provides us with a good study environment, our training establishments and room to grow and develop, we should be thankful schools.The motherland is our roots, our source. No homeland, we did not have the habitat of no motherland, we will be no human dignity; no homeland, we have not all! We should be thankful.100字英语感恩演讲稿大全【篇3】There is no sunlight, no warmth of life; there is no rain, no grain of fengdeng; no water, there would be no life; no parents, there would be no us. no family ties and friendship, the world would be a lonely and dark. these are very si-mp-le truth, no one would understand, but we often lack an ideological and psychological thanksgiving."Who made the heart-inch grass, at a three chunhui", "who knows盘中餐, a journey into", which is often when we recite the poem, is to talk about thanksgiving. the water-en, yongquan phase reported; title hitch grass, reported in favor of these idioms has been telling us is to thanksgiving.Parents to give our lives, we should know how to thanksgiving and the actual action to return them; teacher gives us the knowledge, we should know how to thanksgiving and to return their accomplishments; motherland gives us the peace and tranquility of a soil, we should know how to give their thanksgiving and naturally given we hope that we should know how to thanksgiving and love to return.Although self thank dae, but thanksgiving is not only to keep in mind, but also in the line to pay. you would like to thank the people who must be the expression of that mind, because it is not only expressed his gratitude, but also a spiritual exchange. in this exchange, we will be a result of such the world has become very beautiful.Famous scientist qian motherland in order to return to hismothers ex-feeding, rejected the u.s. government hired him and all the honorary title, decided to return to poverty and backwardneof the motherland, and engaged in science, the modernization of chinas national defense building outstanding contributions.People who know how to thanksgiving, there is a modest person zhide; people who know how to thanksgiving, there is a fear of heart; the people know thanksgiving is a deep understanding of life person.institute of thanksgiving, we know how to love; institute of thanksgiving, thinking learned; institute of thanksgiving, it is to understand the world and life.100字英语感恩演讲稿大全【篇4】Thanksgiving teacher：Flowers gratitude, because rain drops moist it grow. An eagle gratitude acrothe vast sky let it fly; because Alpine gratitude, because the earth; let it towering Im thankful, many people. Im grateful for my teacher.From the beginning YiYaXueYu elementary children to openpupil,fromthe eager young to soar adults,fromthe layman to professionalsfromhuman knot rope chronicle until today the advent of the information age, the role of teachers gladne throughout the whole proceof human civilization. Just as one that consensus: social development on education, education development depends on teachers. The teachers silent hardship changed vitality of human civilization.The teachers love, called the teachers and students emotion. This kind of feeling is the greatest serious affection. When I make a mistake and punished when I taught is teacher; When I met a difficult solution of a problem and sweat, for my careful interpretation is teacher. A praise of look in the eyes, make me extremely happy, Sentence warm greetings, make me feel the second kind of affection.A teacher once remarked: we dont need too much honour and praise, we only like "teacher" this two word. These si-mp-le words is undoubtedly teachers common wishes, is their inner world the most true feelings outpourings. We thank teachers, Thanksgiving education hard in their inculcation, however, no more words of praise, admire flourishes, can compare with us with love and action to Thanksgiving teacher.When I first with fear heart school, the teacher you stride in the sunshine smile to me. You will I comfort heart who fear brought to the school, brought to the rich and colorful campus, also taking into the palace of learning.When I with doubts heart facing a problem for you patience careful to me about solving thinking. You will be those tiny confused, blocking the psychological brought to the questions, brought to the extrapolatetrains of thoughts, also brought into gout infinite universe mathematics. When I with shame heart facing mistakes, you meaningful taught me the truth that be an upright person. You will those tiny little, ignorant heart brought to the correct truth, and brought me into my future should correctly with the wrong belief that broughtfromerrors in the right direction in life.When I face the failure with lost heart when you angel came to my side give me courage and hope. You will be those tiny injured and discouraged heart brought to the "confidence" "sky"，bring into the vastneof the "ocean"，also brought into after the door to success.When I harbor the joyful heart treat success, your well-meaning remind give me by modest. You will those tiny proud, blundering heart brought to the lofty mountain "，"bring into the aspirant" water "，also brought into the world of self-improvement.When I.No matter what happens, I will you come with me face. Teacher, in my eyes you are fantastic. My heartfelt thanks to you, "thankful you, my teacher, Thanksgiving everything you have done for me!" Then, what is Thanksgiving? "Thanksgiving" is a person innate nature, is a person indelible conscience, but also the modern social successful personage health personality of performance, 1 even gratitude all doesnt know people must be is has a sincere heart callous terribly cruel. Will never become a contribution to society. "Thanksgiving" is a kind of grace grateful says, are each does not forget others who will entreat haunted heart emotion. Learn Thanksgiving, is to polish dust mind without numb, learnThanksgiving, no thought to be submitted to the intravenous drip pay ever inscription in heart.Thanksgiving teacher, does not need us to do something big. It displays in daily life the dribs:Class, a firms eyes, a gentle nod, proved your devote yourself, you in lectures attentively, this would be thankful;After class, in the hallway see a teacher, a pale smile, a sound polite "teacher good"，this also is gratitude100字英语感恩演讲稿大全【篇5】" Dad, Mom" is a very kind call, fatherly motherly love, a contains unlimited touching words. In this world, only the mothers love for her children is the most sincere, the most selfless. However, parents know love, parents know dedication, why cant we have a heart of Thanksgiving? Therefore, the topic of my speech today is "the heart of thanksgiving".Thanksgiving is a virtue, is a long history of cultural heritage. Its source is like the flowing streams of love. Memories of history, we were so touched by the story of a mother to son: ancient, can become the big industry, at three moves, for future generations to leave" told " the story. In modern times, a well-known anti-Japanese general Ma Jingzhai s mother, she was arrested, the face of the Japanese threat, without fear, decided to allow her son to the war of resistance against Japan, then fast to death. Ma Jingzhai wrote the" great mother, live on in spirit, son of bearingmother, continue to struggle.". This one case, a hymn to love, do not reflect a mother do great?My mother is an ordinary, but, she is in a breezy morning gave me life; she is in transverse oblique rain on the road of life, gave me strength; she is, in my setbacks, gave me confidence; and she was, in my be big with pride when my humble church. From the bottom of my grateful to her for years, although lost her youth and beauty, but she in my mind forever is Cupid, aphrodite. Hard although took her beautiful singing voice, but her every word is in my heart Jin Yan rhyme, it is the mother of its own actions tell me one of the most common sense: love is selfless dedication.Remember the summer morning, it was raining hard, I said:" my mother, the rain is so big, dont go to school, " she said, holding the umbrella, said:" so little rain, will scare you, quickly, come on!" Said mother squat body, wait for me, I hesitate to say:" Mom, dont get me," because I know that, moms leg was not good, but the day before yesterday just had a cold, my mother said with a smile:" are you afraid of her mother to carry you?"I laughed, resigned over mother strong back, rain hit the ground, they have numerous blisters, I hold up the umbrella, tightly over the mothers back, mother in the rain with a deep, shallow kick to move forward, she said:" umbrella the next play, or wet your back." I cried, I cannot find the words to describe the feelings at the time, the very next day, mothers illness, but she said happily:" you did not catch a cold!"I know, our happiness is the smile on your face, our pain is your eyes deep sorrow. We can go far, far away, but never go out of your mind the square, what affects my soul, always inspire me is your sincere and selfless love, you are like the world all mothers love their children.I wish to be a cup of tea, you thirsty, let you drink, I would like to turn into a breeze, blowing your because of the work and sweat, but, I am not, I can only give you everyendof herbal tea, give you fan. Can you forgive me?Now I know: Thanksgiving, is the heart and the heart of the impact, which can burst out of the spark of love, I sincerely hope that all children have a thankful heart.100字英语感恩演讲稿大全【篇6】Good evening, ladies and gentlemen, honorable judges and distinguished guest! This is Alex time! Ha-ha…My topic today is to show our gratitude to people around you.Then what is gratitude? At the moment a well-known song comes into my mind. Yes, that is called Heart of feel grateful. My heart is filled up with gratitude because I’m with you/Your make me courageous to be myself from cradle to the grave/So now I wanna thank for destiny/I’ll cherish the flower when it blooms until falls. The poetic lyric tells us that gratitude is actually a state of mind.Once upon a time, the Pilgrims took the May Flower Ship to North America. They started a new life there although a lot of difficulties and hardships they encountered. After a long-time work, they got a big harvest. The Pilgrims had a feast in 1621 near Plymouth, Massachusetts, which is often referred to as the first Thanksgiving. People show their sincere gratitude towards the God, the nature, the earth, the river, the Indiansand themselves. Moreover the 1621 feast has become a model for the Thanksgiving celebration in the United States. So we can see gratitude is an action to take.How can we express our gratitude? It’s never a simple question to answer. Gratitude is a rare jewel, not a piece of cake, I know. But how can we expect such big events happening now and then? How can we be ready to say thank you ahead of time? How can we always hope to be grateful to everything and everyone for their dignity and generosity? Sometimes I may ask to myself. Is it moral? Is it honest? Is it beneficial? Is it necessary? Or the most interesting one, is it ridiculous? Ha-ha…So in my opinion, we’d better concentrate on our life’s details. Keep your eyes open to your daily life. Yes! A shining smile is supposed to be gratitude. A thank-you note is supposed to be gratitude. A soulful watch is supposed to be gratitude. As far as a baby’s crying on his arrival is supposed to be gratitude. And even fallen leaves inautumn are supposed to be gratitude. So the person, who stands here giving you a speech, is also showing HIS gratitude.At last, what’s the significance of showing our gratitude? A proverb says that Gratitude is the sign of noble souls. Wow! Until now I am not that kind of giant, but I dare to say that everyone, you and me, has the right and the duty to show our gratitude to the world, no matter rich or poor, happy or sad, young or old. Only by doing so can we achieve our human ultimate concern. Meanwhile it obviously helps to build up a harmonious society. Under the same sky we enjoy the same sunshine and appreciate the same love due to thanking and caring each other. Well, does it Plato’s paradise?All in all, a world full of gratitude is preciously expected for thousands of years. Why not show our gratitude to people around you?Thank you very much!100字英语感恩演讲稿大全【篇7】Teachers, students:Everybody is good!Gratitude is the DE, ingratitude is wickedness.In life there are always many things affect our mood, or joy, or sorrow. So, choose a kind of what kind of mentality to face life, also chose a kind of what kind of life.A sense of Is a great event in peoples life. Because we should thank our parents, thank them take us to the myriad of world; Thanksgiving our teacher, to thank they impart knowledge to us, let us know what is Thanksgiving; Thank you to Thanksgiving nature, they created the world of all things; Thanks to our opponents, thank them let us know what is failure. In short we would like to thank all those who had help to us, have been hurt.Gratitude maybe he is not a requirement on the material, he was just a spiritual satisfaction. Perhaps, in others to help you, you are not too many words, and you just have the chance to say "thank you" to him gently that is a way to thank you, dont need too much way to thank him, as long asfromyour heart a sincere thank you. Thanksgiving is not a return,parents put to raise us into people, they do not want us to repay them, they also doesnt figure our what, they just responsible for us. What we can to repay our dearest parents.Thanksgiving is a virtue, we should know how to grateful people, to thank them to our care.100字英语感恩演讲稿大全【篇8】Im __Xfromclass __ of senior high school. Let me ask you a question first. Will you be grateful? Now let me share my feelings with you. Lets learn how to be grateful! At this moment, I can stand here. I want to thank my parents first, because they gave me life; Then I want to thank my teachers, because they gave me knowledge and made me realize the wonderful of the world; And I want to thank my beloved motherland, because it gives me the right to live. I also want to thank the bright sunshine, the vast land, and all animals and plants, because without the careful upbringing of my parents, the earnest teaching of my teachers, the constant love of the state, the help of the public, and the sunshine, animals and plants, how can I breathe and live between heaven and earth? The ancients said, "the kindness of dripping water should be reported by the spring."Gratitude is an attitude towards life. Only with a grateful heart can you feel that this society and the world are full of hope and love. The lamb kneels on its breast and the crow feeds back, which means that in the animal world, we still know gratitude, not to mention human beings as the spirit of all things? Always be grateful, we will be more gratefuland miss everyone who is kind to us without saying anything in return. It is because of their existence that we have todays happiness and joy.If you are always grateful, you will be most happy to give more help and encouragement to others, and you will be able to lenda helping hand to people in distress or desperate for survival without asking for anything in return. Often with gratitude, you will be less picky and more appreciative of others and the environment.Learning to be grateful is the premise of cultivating good ideological quality and moral cultivation. Gratitude is not only a virtue, but also a basic condition for a person to be a person! I dare say that a person who will not be grateful and will not be grateful must not be a sound person! Every time I get into trouble, I will have a pair of hands to pull myself. With more hands, I am also blurred. I only remember that there is a common feature on peoples faces, that is selflessness and broadness. Gratitude is the greatest wisdom in life. If we always have gratitude, we will always be grateful.If you have the heart to repay your kindness, you will attribute your achievements to everyone and your mistakes to yourself; Will tell everyone the advantages of the organization and the shortcomings of the organization to the leaders. The spirit of sacrifice will condense in our body. When we need to abandon personal heroism, we are willing to face it with integrity and calm; When the organization is difficult, they are willing to make the sacrifice of self-interest; When others are in trouble, they are willing to give help without paying attention to interests. With life, we can have everything; Only by being grateful can we perceive the grace given to us by life and the world full of love.Learn to be grateful, which is the requirement of the society for us. It will also contribute to the formation of our good character. Learning to be grateful will benefit us all our lives.100字英语感恩演讲稿大全【篇9】Thanksgiving Day is the most truly American of the national Holidays in the United States and is most closely connected with the earliest history of the country.In1620, the settlers, or Pilgrims, they sailed to America on the May flower, seeking a place where they could have freedom of worship. After a tempestuous two-month voyage they landed at in icy November, what is now Plymouth, Massachusetts.During their first winter, over half of the settlers died of starvation or epidemics. Those who survived began sowing in the first spring.All summer long they waited for the harvests with great anxiety, knowing that their lives and the future existence of the colony depended on the coming harvest. Finally the fields produced a yield rich beyond expectations. And therefore it was decided that a day of thanksgiving to the Lord be fixed. Years later, President of the United States proclaimed the fourth Thursday of November as Thanksgiving Day every year. The celebration of Thanksgiving Day has been observed on that date until today.The pattern of the Thanksgiving celebration has never changed through the years. The big family dinner is planned months ahead. On the dinner table, people will find apples, oranges, chestnuts, walnuts and grapes. There will be plum pudding, mince pie, other varieties of food and cranberry juice and squash. The best and most attractive among them are roast turkey and melon pie. They have been the most traditional and favorite food on Thanksgiving Day throughout the years.Everyone agrees the dinner must be built around roast turkey stuffed with a bread dressing to absorb the tasty juices as it roasts. But as cooking varies with families and with the regions where one lives, it is not easy to get a consensus on the precise kind of stuffing for the royal bird.Thanksgiving today is, in every sense, a national annual holiday on which Americans of all faiths and backgrounds join in to express their thanks for the year" s bounty and reverently ask for continued blessings.。

感恩的英语演讲稿4篇

感恩的英语演讲稿4篇【精华】感恩的英语演讲稿4篇感恩的英语演讲稿篇1thank harvest for peace for all of this all all.thanksgiving-fighting, thanksgiving unlimited! students, and society thanksgiving! let us always to the life caring and full of love and love! let us brought up their hands and work together, everyone aspired to build a socialist harmonious society!感恩的.英语演讲稿篇2thanksgiving, although it is an act of the verb, but it is not the only action required and, more importantly, needs to be done in good faith. easy to say that thanksgiving is gratitude, heartfelt gratitude. you know that every year in november the fourth thursday, what holiday are you? the united states are of thanksgiving. at that time each year, americans should thank god. of our high schoolstudents, we would also like to thank "god", but given our lives this is the "god" - our parents.i like most people, from small to large the most loved themselves, most worthy of the appreciation of their natural parents is that they both in material or spiritual growth i have played a crucial role, naturally, for their such as days of my high thinking deep sea conditions are taken for granted.i have a first-hand experience with their parents that they do not talk back, making them less angry with their parents to talk about many hearts, with their "resource sharing", the parent every day, so my "thanksgiving plan" is: let them less angry and more happy, happy at all times. do not say, the results are really marvelous!previously, the sum of my parents for some bring frivolous unhappy much, and i always strongly insist their position, they have a tense atmosphere will be like a boil water "boiling" up, eventually causing a break up in discord. later, after careful thought, i know that are wrong and should not be as to calm,patience and a lot of parents only. so parents do not want to see me unhappy they prepare to try to implement a set of "thanksgiving program", makingtheir parents at any time to face all broad smiles on their faces, but also repay some of my feelings of parents.say . one night, sitting in my chair on the ideaof the topic, his hands up first. happened to see a mother, she has misunderstood me, saying that does not concentrate on my homework, the. although i feel wronged, but in order to avoid a " war" in order to allow mother not angry, in order to "thanksgiving plans," the success of my "bear", did not explain, and said: "in the future, no longer can." this also because i know that mother's personality: forever for their own opinion "defense." i did not expect that, at this moment, my mind has not the past "quarrel" at the time of the burden, but also very happy and feel the feelings of gratitude are revealing. i did not expect to make is this: not long after, but mother "from warrington" - mimi's a laugh.how kind, the scheme you good results!in short,let the parents are pleased the method is a kind of thanksgiving. "a good start is half the success," i believe after thanksgiving again or there will be "harvest" of.thanksgiving is a way, thanksgiving is a realm. only institute of thanksgiving, to get other people's respect and love.感恩的英语演讲稿篇3the poet said: spring flowers to the door pushed open a.i said: thanksgiving to the door pushed open a harmony, harmony open the door to the living.if you carefully listen to the voices of flowers, are everywhere harmonious life movement.love, the soul like fire ignited the hope of love, the soul like绿茵propped up the sky.love is a force, is a wealth.we should be in the hearts of young sow the seeds of love.let us be thankful for, the institute of thanksgiving.thanksgiving is a traditional virtue of thechinese nation, build a socialist harmonious society needs.guangdong lawyer tian, in order to return the mothers kindness in telling your mother dying when she donated his kidney to restore the mothers life; xu yu return to the munity of his kindness, decided to leave after graduating from university in the bustling city , broke into the thatched shed to seeking knowledge, a thirst for knowledge sent the children ...感恩的英语演讲稿篇4Thanksgiving parentsGratitude, it though is a verb, a smile movement, actually, achieves truly grateful person but little little. As the 21st century, we first Thanksgiving of should be parents. Maybe, you wasn't thinking, from your newborn then, until the girl, to youth contradiction of strong and courageous of boy, who yougive at most? Needless to say, of course, is parents! So we must do "the 'parents' dripping of grace, when animals are reported." We have today happiness of life, have a warm home, safe, do have a happy, no famine, well-groomed, when leisure read kinds of extrareadings do, here everything, and who creates? Are the parents to be thankful for, don't we? Although some classmates hatred parents leave task is too heavy, so that the children are suffocatively e, I want to say is: you don't have to for work and exhaustion of body and mind; No room to live without bothering to care, and your biggest task is to learn, that's still not enough?Remember a stormy night, bean big rain some cracking hit the window. That night, I suddenly went limp body, ZhiChan, awakened the sleeping mom, momtook a look, 39 degrees thermometer. Now god panic, hurriedly woke daddy, daddy to the kitchen and TuiShaoYao and water, I take next, he lay in bed and absently fell asleep. I woke up after shut-eye, opens his eyes and finds that parents are still in my heartguard, beside a kind of unspeakable felling ` ` ` ` ` `Thanksgiving is a way, Thanksgiving is a kind of state. Only learn Thanksgiving, can get the respect of others and loved ones.。

美国经典英文演讲100篇Truth_and_Tolerance_in_America

美国经典英文演讲100篇:"Truth and Tolerance in America"Edward M. KennedyFaith, Truth and Tolerance in America.Actually, a number of people in Washington were surprised that I was invited to speak here -- and even more surprised when I accepted the invitation. They seem to think that it’s easier for a camel to pass through the eye of the needle than for a Kennedy to come to the campus of Liberty Baptist College. In honor of our meeting, I have asked Dr. Falwell, as your Chancellor, to permit all the students an extra hour next Saturday night before curfew. And in return, I have promised to watch the Old Time Gospel Hour next Sunday morning.I realize that my visit may be a little controversial. But as many of you have heard, Dr. Falwell recently sent me a membership in the Moral Majority -- and I didn't even apply for it. And I wonder if that means that I'm a member in good standing.[Falwell: Somewhat]Somewhat, he says.This is, of course, a nonpolitical speech which is probably best under the circumstances. Since I am not a candidate for President, it would certainly be inappropriate to ask for your support in this election and probably inaccurate to thank you for it in the last one.I have come here to discuss my beliefs about faith and country, tolerance and truth in America. I know we begin with certain disagreements; I strongly suspect that at the end of the evening some of our disagreements will remain. But I also hope that tonight and in the months and years ahead, we will always respect the right of others to differ, that we will never lose sight of our own fallibility, that we will view ourselves with a sense ofperspective and a sense of humor. After all, in the New Testament, even the Disciples had to be taught to look first to the beam in their own eyes, and only then to the mote in their neighbor’s eyes.I am mindful of that counsel. I am an American and a Catholic;I love my country and treasure my faith. But I do not assume that my conception of patriotism or policy is invariably correct, or that my convictions about religion should command any greater respect than any other faith in this pluralistic society. I believe there surely is such a thing as truth, but who among us can claim a monopoly on it?There are those who do, and their own words testify to their intolerance. For example, because the Moral Majority has worked with members of different denominations, one fundamentalist group has denounced Dr. Falwell for hastening the ecumenical church and for "yoking together with Roman Catholics, Mormons, and others." I am relieved that Dr. Falwell does not regard that as a sin, and on this issue, he himself has become the target of narrow prejudice. When people agree on public policy, they ought to be able to work together, even while they worship in diverse ways. For truly we are all yoked together as Americans, and the yoke is the happy one of individual freedom and mutual respect.But in saying that, we cannot and should not turn aside from a deeper and more pressing question -- which is whether and how religion should influence government. A generation ago, a presidential candidate had to prove his independence of undue religious influence in public life, and he had to do so partly at the insistence of evangelical Protestants. John Kennedy said at that time: “I believe in an America where there is no religious bloc voting of any kind.” Only twenty years later, another candidate was appealing to a[n] evangelical meeting as a religious bloc. Ronald Reagan said to 15 thousand evangelicals at the Roundtable in Dallas: “ I know that you can’t endorse me. I want you to know I endorse you and what you are doing.”To many Americans, that pledge was a sign and a symbol of a dangerous breakdown in the separation of church and state. Yet this principle, as vital as it is, is not a simplistic and rigid command. Separation of church and state cannot mean an absolute separation between moral principles and political power. The challenge today is to recall the origin of the principle, to define its purpose, and refine its application to the politics of the present.The founders of our nation had long and bitter experience with the state, as both the agent and the adversary of particular religious views. In colonial Maryland, Catholics paid a double land tax, and in Pennsylvania they had to list their names on a public roll -- an ominous precursor of the first Nazi laws against the Jews. And Jews in turn faced discrimination in all of the thirteen original Colonies. Massachusetts exiled Roger Williams and his congregation for contending that civil government had no right to enforce the Ten Commandments. Virginia harassed Baptist teachers, and also established a religious test for public service, writing into the law that no “popish followers” could hold any office.But during the Revolution, Catholics, Jews, andNon-Conformists all rallied to the cause and fought valiantly for the American commonwealth -- for John Winthrop’s “city upon a hill.” Afterwards, when the Constitution was ratified and then amended, the framers gave freedom for all religion, and from any established religion, the very first place in the Bill of Rights.Indeed the framers themselves professed very different faiths: Washington was an Episcopalian, Jefferson a deist, and Adams a Calvinist. And although he had earlier opposed toleration, John Adams later contributed to the building of Catholic churches, and so did George Washington. Thomas Jefferson said his proudest achievement was not the presidency, or the writing the Declaration of Independence, but drafting the Virginia Statute of Religious Freedom. He stated the vision of the first Americans and the First Amendment very clearly: “The God who gave us life gave us liberty at the same time.”The separation of church and state can sometimes be frustrating for women and men of religious faith. They may be tempted to misuse government in order to impose a value which they cannot persuade others to accept. But once we succumb to that temptation, we step onto a slippery slope where everyone’s freedom is at risk. Those who favor censorship should recall that one of the first books ever burned was the first English translation of the Bible. As President Eisenhower warned in 1953, “Don’t join the book burners...the right to say ideas, the right to record them, and the right to have them accessible to others is unquestioned -- or this isn’t America.” And if that right is denied, at some future day the torch can be turned against any other book or any other belief. Let us never forget: Today’s Moral Majority could b ecome tomorrow’s persecuted minority.The danger is as great now as when the founders of the nation first saw it. In 1789, their fear was of factional strife among dozens of denominations. Today there are hundreds -- and perhaps even thousands of faiths -- and millions of Americans who are outside any fold. Pluralism obviously does not and cannot mean that all of them are right; but it does mean that there are areas where government cannot and should not decide what it is wrong to believe, to think, to read, and to do. As Professor Larry Tribe, one of the nation’s leading constitutional scholars has written, “Law in a non-theocratic state cannot measure religious truth, nor can the state impose it."The real transgression occurs when religion wants government to tell citizens how to live uniquely personal parts of their lives. The failure of Prohibition proves the futility of such an attempt when a majority or even a substantial minority happens to disagree. Some questions may be inherently individual ones, or people may be sharply divided about whether they are. In such cases, like Prohibition and abortion, the proper role of religion is to appeal to the conscience of the individual, not the coercive power of the state.But there are other questions which are inherently public in nature, which we must decide together as a nation, and wherereligion and religious values can and should speak to our common conscience. The issue of nuclear war is a compelling example. It is a moral issue; it will be decided by government, not by each individual; and to give any effect to the moral values of their creed, people of faith must speak directly about public policy. The Catholic bishops and the Reverend Billy Graham have every right to stand for the nuclear freeze, and Dr. Falwell has every right to stand against it.There must be standards for the exercise of such leadership, so that the obligations of belief will not be debased into an opportunity for mere political advantage. But to take a stand at all when a question is both properly public and truly moral is to stand in a long and honored tradition. Many of the great evangelists of the 1800s were in the forefront of the abolitionist movement. In our own time, the Reverend William Sloane Coffin challenged the morality of the war in Vietnam. Pope John XXIII renewed the Gospel’s call to social justice. And Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. who was the greatest prophet of this century, awakened our nation and its conscience to the evil of racial segregation.Their words have blessed our world. And who now wishes they had been silent? Who would bid Pope John Paul [II] to quiet his voice against the oppression in Eastern Europe, the violence in Central America, or the crying needs of the landless, the hungry, and those who are tortured in so many of the dark political prisons of our time?President Kennedy, who said that “no religious body should seek to impose its will,” also urged religious leaders to state their views and give their commitment when the public debate involved ethical issues. In drawing the line between imposed will and essential witness, we keep church and state separate, and at the same time we recognize that the City of God should speak to the civic duties of men and women.There are four tests which draw that line and define the difference.First, we must respect the integrity of religion itself.People of conscience should be careful how they deal in the word of their Lord. In our own history, religion has been falsely invoked to sanction prejudice -- even slavery -- to condemn labor unions and public spending for the poor. I believe that the prophecy, ”The poor you have always with you” is an indictment, not a commandment. And I respectfully suggest that God has taken no position on the Department of Education -- and that a balanced budget constitutional amendment is a matter of economic analysis, and not heavenly appeals.Religious values cannot be excluded from every public issue; but not every public issue involves religious values. And how ironic it is when those very values are denied in the name of religion. For example, we are sometimes told that it is wrong to feed the hungry, but that mission is an explicit mandate given to us in the 25th chapter of Matthew.Second, we must respect the independent judgments of conscience.Those who proclaim moral and religious values can offer counsel, but they should not casually treat a position on a public issue as a test of fealty to faith. Just as I disagree with the Catholic bishops on tuition tax credits -- which I oppose -- so other Catholics can and do disagree with the hierarchy, on the basis of honest conviction, on the question of the nuclear freeze.Thus, the controversy about the Moral Majority arises not only from its views, but from its name -- which, in the minds of many, seems to imply that only one set of public policies is moral and only one majority can possibly be right. Similarly, people are and should be perplexed when the religious lobbying group Christian Voice publishes a morality index of congressional voting records, which judges the morality of senators by their attitude toward Zimbabwe and Taiwan.Let me offer another illustration. Dr. Falwell has written -- and I quote: “To stand against Israel is to stand against God.” Nowthere is no one in the Senate who has stood more firmly for Israel than I have. Yet, I do not doubt the faith of those on the other side. Their error is not one of religion, but of policy. And I hope to be able to persuade them that they are wrong in terms of both America’s interest and the justice of Israel’s cause.Respect for conscience is most in jeopardy, and the harmony of our diverse society is most at risk, when we re-establish, directly or indirectly, a religious test for public office. That relic of the colonial era, which is specifically prohibited in the Constitution, has reappeared in recent years. After the last election, the Reverend James Robison warned President Reagan no to surround himself, as president before him had, “with the counsel of the ungodly.” I utte rly reject any such standard for any position anywhere in public service. Two centuries ago, the victims were Catholics and Jews. In the 1980s the victims could be atheists; in some other day or decade, they could be the members of the Thomas Road Baptist Church. Indeed, in 1976 I regarded it as unworthy and un-American when some people said or hinted that Jimmy Carter should not be president because he was a born again Christian. We must never judge the fitness of individuals to govern on the bas[is] of where they worship, whether they follow Christ or Moses, whether they are called “born again” or “ungodly.” Where it is right to apply moral values to public life, let all of us avoid the temptation to beself-righteous and absolutely certain of ourselves. And if that temptation ever comes, let us recall Winston Churchill’s humbling description of an intolerant and inflexible colleague: “There but for the grace of God goes God.”Third, in applying religious values, we must respect the integrity of public debate.In that debate, faith is no substitute for facts. Critics may oppose the nuclear freeze for what they regard as moral reasons. They have every right to argue that any negotiation with the Soviets is wrong, or that any accommodation with them sanctions their crimes, or that no agreement can be good enough and therefore all agreements only increase the chance of war. I do not believe that, but it surely does not violate thestandard of fair public debate to say it. What does violate that standard, what the opponents of the nuclear freeze have no right to do, is to assume that they are infallible, and so any argument against the freeze will do, whether it is false or true.The nuclear freeze proposal is not unilateral, but bilateral -- with equal restraints on the United States and the Soviet Union. The nuclear freeze does not require that we trust the Russians, but demands full and effective verification. The nuclear freeze does not concede a Soviet lead in nuclear weapons, but recognizes that human beings in each great power already have in their fallible hands the overwhelming capacity to remake into a pile of radioactive rubble the earth which God has made.There is no morality in the mushroom cloud. The black rain of nuclear ashes will fall alike on the just and the unjust. And then it will be too late to wish that we had done the real work of this atomic age -- which is to seek a world that is neither red nor dead.I am perfectly prepared to debate the nuclear freeze on policy grounds, or moral ones. But we should not be forced to discuss phantom issues or false charges. They only deflect us form the urgent task of deciding how best to prevent a planet divided from becoming a planet destroyed.And it does not advance the debate to contend that the arms race is more divine punishment than human problem, or that in any event, the final days are near. As Pope John said two decades ago, at the opening of the Second Vatican Council: “We must beware of those who burn with zeal, but are not endowed with much sense... we must disagree with the prophets of doom, who are always forecasting disasters, as though the end of the earth was at hand.” The message which echoes across the years is very clear: The earth is still here; and if we wish to keep it, a prophecy of doom is no alternative to a policy of arms control.Fourth, and finally, we must respect the motives of those who exercise their right to disagree.We sorely test our ability to live together if we readily question each other’s integrity. It may be harder t o restrain our feelings when moral principles are at stake, for they go to the deepest wellsprings of our being. But the more our feelings diverge, the more deeply felt they are, the greater is our obligation to grant the sincerity and essential decency of our fellow citizens on the other side.Those who favor E.R.A [Equal Rights Amendment] are not “antifamily” or “blasphemers.” And their purpose is not “an attack on the Bible.” Rather, we believe this is the best way to fix in our national firmament the ideal that not only all men, but all people are created equal. Indeed, my mother, who strongly favors E.R.A., would be surprised to hear that she is anti-family. For my part, I think of the amendment’s opponents as wrong on the issue, but not as lacking in moral characterI could multiply the instances of name-calling, sometimes on both sides. Dr. Falwell is not a “warmonger.” And “liberal clergymen” are not, as the Moral Majority suggested in a recent letter, equivalent to “Soviet sympathizers.” The critics of official prayer in public schools are not “Pharisees”; many of them are both civil libertarians and believers, who think that families should pray more at home with their children, and attend church and synagogue more faithfully. And people are not sexist because they stand against abortion, and they are not murderers because they believe in free choice. Nor does it help anyone’s cause to shout such epithets, or to try and shout a speaker down -- which is what happened last April when Dr. Falwell was hissed and heckled at Harvard. So I am doubly grateful for your courtesy here this evening. That was not Harvard’s finest hour, but I am happy to say that the loudest applause from the Harvard audience came in defense of Dr. Falwell’s right to speak.In short, I hope for an America where neither "fundamentalist" nor "humanist" will be a dirty word, but a fair description of the different ways in which people of good will look at life and into their own souls.I hope for an America where no president, no public official, no individual will ever be deemed a greater or lesser American because of religious doubt -- or religious belief.I hope for an America where the power of faith will always burn brightly, but where no modern Inquisition of any kind will ever light the fires of fear, coercion, or angry division.I hope for an America where we can all contend freely and vigorously, but where we will treasure and guard those standards of civility which alone make this nation safe for both democracy and diversity.Twenty years ago this fall, in New York City, President Kennedy met for the last time with a Protestant assembly. The atmosphere had been transformed since his earlier address during the 1960 campaign to the Houston Ministerial Association. He had spoken there to allay suspicions about his Catholicism, and to answer those who claimed that on the day of his baptism, he was somehow disqualified from becoming President. His speech in Houston and then his election drove that prejudice from the center of our national life. Now, three years later, in November of 1963, he was appearing before the Protestant Council of New York City to reaffirm what he regarded as some fundamental truths. On that occasion, John Kennedy said: “The family of man is not limited to a single race or religion, to a single city, or country...the family of man is nearly 3 billion strong. Most of its members are not white and most of them are not Christian.” And as President Kennedy reflected on that reality, he restated an ideal for which he had lived his life -- that “the members of this family should be at peace with one another.”That ideal shines across all the generations of our history and all the ages of our faith, carrying with it the most ancient dream. For as the Apostle Paul wrote lo ng ago in Romans: “If it be possible, as much as it lieth in you, live peaceable with all men.”I believe it is possible; the choice lies within us; as fellow citizens, let us live peaceable with each other; as fellow human。

关于感恩的英语演讲稿(中英对照)

关于感恩的英语演讲稿（中英对照）各位读友大家好，此文档由网络收集而来，欢迎您下载，谢谢您正在http://阅读《关于感恩的英语演讲稿（中英对照）》诗人说：花朵把春天的门推开了。

我说：感恩把和谐的门推开了，和谐把生活的门推开了。

只要你用心去听花开的声音，生活到处都是和谐的乐章。

爱，像火种点燃心灵的希望；爱，像绿茵撑起心灵的天空。

爱，是一种力量，是一种财富。

我们应该从小在心中撒播爱的种子。

让我们心存感激，学会感恩。

用一颗感恩的心去面对生活，面对学习，面对挫折，从而体会父母，师长，同学，朋友间无私的亲情，友情，”懂得滴水之恩，当涌泉相报”的真正内涵.感恩是中华民族的传统美德，是构建社会主义和谐社会的需要。

广东律师田世国为了回报母亲的恩情，在老母病危时瞒着她捐出了自己的肾脏，挽回了母亲的生命；徐本禹为了回报社会对他的恩情，毅然在大学毕业后离开繁华城市，走进穷乡僻壤的破草棚，给求知若渴的孩子们送去知识……感激生育你的人，因为他们使你获得生命；感激抚养你的人，因为他们使你不断成长；感激关怀你的人，因为他们给你温暖；感激鼓励你的人，因为他们给你力量；感激教育你的人，因为他们开化你的蒙昧；感激伤害你的人，因为他们磨练了你的心智；感激绊倒你的人，因为它强化了你的双腿；感激藐视你的人，因为它觉醒了你的自尊；感激遗弃你的人，因为他教会了你该独立；凡事感激，学会感激，感激一切使你成长的人！同学们，有首歌叫《感谢你》：感谢明月照亮了夜空，感谢朝霞捧出的黎明，感谢春光融化了冰雪，感谢大地哺育了生灵，感谢母亲赐予我生命……感谢收获、感谢和平、感谢这所有的一切一切。

感恩无痕，感恩无限！同学们，学会感恩吧！让我们的生活永远走向关怀，充满真情和爱心！让我们携起来手来，共同努力，构建一个人人向往的社会主义和谐社会！the poet said: spring flowers to the door pushed open a. i said: thanksgiving to the door pushed open a harmony, harmony open the door to the living. if you carefully listen to the vo您正在http://阅读《关于感恩的英语演讲稿（中英对照）》ices of flowers, are everywhere harmonious life movement.love, the soul like fire ignited the hope of love, the soul like绿茵propped up the sky. love is a force, is a wealth. we should be in the hearts of young sow the seeds of love. let us be thankful for, the institute of thanksgiving. thanksgiving with a heart to face life, in the face of learning, in the face of setbacks, thereby experience parents, teachers, classmatesand friends of selfless relatives and friends, “know drips of tu, when yongquan of” the real meaning.thanksgiving is a traditional virtue of the chinese nation, build a socialist harmonious society needs. guangdong lawyer tian, in order to return the mother’s kindness in telling your mot您正在http://阅读《关于感恩的英语演讲稿（中英对照）》her dying when she donated his kidney to restore the mother’s life; xu yu return to the community of his kindness, decided to leave after graduating from university in the bustling city , broke into 穷乡僻壤the thatched shed to seeking knowledge, a thirst for knowledge sent the children ...appreciate your birth, because they allow you access to life; grateful for your dependents, because they allow you to continue to grow; grateful for the concern you, because they give you warmth;grateful to encourage you to the people, because they give you strength; grateful for your education, because they kaihua your ignorance; grateful to harm your people because they temper your intellect; grateful for your trip, because it strengthens 您正在http://阅读《关于感恩的英语演讲稿（中英对照）》your legs; grateful for your contempt, because it awakening your self-esteem; grateful abandoned your people, because he taught you that independence; everything grateful, institute of gratitude, gratitude to all the people you grow up!students, and a song called “thank you”: i t hank the moon lit up the night sky, thanks to the dawn zhaoxia endorse for the spring snow melt for the land feeding the people, to thank his mother for giving me life ... thank harvest for peace for all of this all all.thanksgiving-fighting, thanksgivingunlimited! students, and society thanksgiving! let us always to the life caring and full of love and love! let us brought up their hands and work together, everyone aspired to build a您正在http://阅读《关于感恩的英语演讲稿（中英对照）》socialist harmonious society!各位读友大家好，此文档由网络收集而来，欢迎您下载，谢谢。

狄更斯英文名言名句阅读带翻译

狄更斯英文名言名句阅读带翻译狄更斯特别注意描写生活在英国社会底层的“小人物”的生活遭遇，是一个批判现实主义的小说家，下面店铺为大家带来狄更斯英文名言，欢迎大家阅读!狄更斯英文名言【经典篇】1、the best manners are not nosy。

最好的礼貌是不要多管闲事。

2、everyone has the heart of gratitude。

凡人皆有感恩报德之心。

3、a contented person can be happy in life。

一个知足的人生活才能美满。

4、is reliable， can be entrusted by the people。

为人可靠，必能受人之托。

5、ren aixian from his own， just start from others。

仁爱先从自己开始，公正先从别人开始。

6、as long as he is kind， it is much better than he is。

只要他和蔼可亲，那比他有学问要好得多。

7、this is the worst of times， but also the best time。

这是一个最坏的年代，却也是一个最好的年代。

8、to distinguish right from wrong， to compare with a cool head。

辨是非，重证据，用冷静的头脑去比较。

9、like oyster，mysterious，and provide for oneself，loneliness。

像杜蛎一样，神秘，自给自足，而且孤独。

10、full of energy and strong determination， has created many miracles。

充沛的精力加上顽强的决心，曾经创造出许多奇迹。

11、opportunity will not come to the people， only people to look for opportunities。

美国经典英文演讲100篇_0

美国经典英文演讲100篇篇一：美国经典英文演讲100篇Black Power美国经典英文演讲100篇:”Black Power”Stokely CarmichaelBlack Powerdelivered October 1966, Berkeley, CA[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio. (2)]Thank you very much. It’s a privilege and an honor to be in the white intellectual ghetto of the West. We wanted to do a couple of things before we started. The first is that, based on the fact that SNCC, through the articulation of its program by its chairman, has been able to win elections in Georgia, Alabama, Maryland, and by ourappearance here will win an election in California, in 1968 I’m going to run for President of the United States. I just can’t make it, ‘cause I wasn’t born in the United States. That’s the only thing h olding me back.We wanted to say that this is a student conference, as it should be, held on a campus, and that we’re not ever to be caught up in the intellectual masturbation of the question of Black Power. That’s a function of people who are advertisers that call themselves reporters. Oh, for my members and friends of the press, my self-appointed white critics, I was reading Mr. Bernard Shaw two days ago, and I came across a very important quote which I think is most apropos for you. He says, “All criticism is a[n] autobiography.” Dig yourself. Okay. The philosophers Camus and Sartre raise the question whether or not a man can condemn himself. The black existentialist philosopher who is pragmatic, Frantz Fanon, answered the question. He said that man could not. Camus and Sartre was not. We in SNCC tend to agree withCamus and Sartre, that a man cannot condemn himself.1 Were he to condemn himself, he would then have to inflict punishment upon himself. An example would be the Nazis. Any prisoner who -- any of the Nazi prisoners who admitted, after he was caught andincarcerated, that he committed crimes, that he killed all the many people that he killed, he committed suicide. The only ones who were able to stay alive were the ones who never admitted that they committed a crimes [sic] against people -- that is, the ones who rationalized that Jews were not human beings and deserved to be killed, or that they were only following orders.On a more immediate scene, the officials and the population -- the white population -- in Neshoba County, Mississippi -- that’s where Philadelphia is -- could not -- could not condemn [Sheriff] Rainey, his deputies, and the other fourteen men that killed three human beings. They could not because they elected Mr. Rainey to do precisely what he did; and that for them to condemn him will be for them to condemn themselves. In a much larger view, SNCC says that white America cannot condemn herself. And since we are liberal, we have done it: You standcondemned. Now, a number of things that arises from that answer of how do you condemn yourselves. Seems to me that the institutions that function in this country are clearly racist, and that they’re built upon racism. And the question, then, is how can black people inside of this country move? And then how can white people who say they’re not a part of those institutions begin to move? And how then do we begin to clear away the obstacles that we have in this society, that make us live like human beings? How can we begin to build institutions that will allow people to relate with each other as human beings? This country has never done that, especially around the country of white or black.Now, several people have been upset because we’ve said thatintegration was irrelevant when initiated by blacks, and that in fact it was a subterfuge, an insidious subterfuge, for the maintenance of white supremacy. Now we maintain that in the past six years or so, this country has been feeding us a “thalidomide drug of integration,” and that som e negroes have been walking down a dream streettalking about sitting next to white people; and that that does not begin to solve the problem; that when we went to Mississippi we did not go to sit next to Ross Barnett2; we did not go to sit next to Jim Clark3; we went to get them out of our way; and that people ought to understand that; that we were never fighting for the right to integrate, we were fighting against white supremacy.Now, then, in order to understand white supremacy we must dismiss the fallacious notion that white people can give anybody their freedom. No man can give anybody his freedom. A man is born free. You may enslave a man after he is born free, and that is in fact what thiscountry does. It enslaves black people after they’re born, so that the only acts that white people can do is to stop denying black people their freedom; that is, they must stop denying freedom. They never give it to anyone.Now we want to take that to its logical extension, so that we could understand, then, what its relevancy would be in terms of new civil rights bills. I maintain that every civil rights bill in this country was passed for white people, not for black people. For example, I am black. I know that. I also know that while I am black I am a human being, and therefore I have the right to go into any public place. White people didn’t know that. Every time I tried to go into a place they stopped me. So some boys had to write a bill to tell that white man, “He’s a human being; don’t stop him.” That bil l was for that white man, not for me. I knew it all the time. I knew it all the time.I knew that I could vote and that that wasn’t a privilege; it was my right. Every time I tried I was shot, killed or jailed, beaten or economically deprived. So somebody had to write a bill for white people to tell them, “When a black man comes to vote, don’t bother him.” That bill, again, was for white people, not for black people; so that when you talk about open occupancy, I know I can live anyplace I want to live. It is white people across this country who are incapable of allowing me to live where I want to live. You need a civil rights bill, not me. I know I can live where I want to live.So that the failures to pass a civil rights bill isn’t because of Black Powe r, isn’t because of the Student Nonviolent CoordinatingCommittee; it’s not because of the rebellions that are occurring in the major cities. It is incapability of whites to deal with their own problems inside their own communities. That is the problem of the failure of the civil rights bill.And so in a larger sense we must then ask, How is it that black people move? And what do we do? But the question in a greater sense is, How can white people who are the majority -- and who are responsible for making democracy work -- make it work? They have miserably failed to this point. They have never made democracy work, be it inside the United States, Vietnam, South Africa, Philippines, South America, Puerto Rico. Wherever American has been, she has not been able to make democracy work; so that in a larger sense, we not only condemnthe country for what it’s done internally, but we must condemn it for what it does externally. We see this country trying to rule the world, and someone must stand up and start articulating that this country is not God, and cannot rule the world.Now, then, before we move on we ought to develop the white supremacy attitudes that were either conscious or subconscious thought and how theyrun rampant through the society today. For example, the missionaries were sent to Africa. They went with the attitude that blacks were automatically inferior. As a matter of fact, the first act the missionaries did, you know, when they got to Africa was to make us cover up our bodies, because they said it got them excited. We couldn’t go bare-breasted any more because they got excited.Now when the missionaries came to civilize us because we were uncivilized, educate us because we were uneducated, and give us some -- some literate studies because we were illiterate, they charged a price. The missionaries came with the Bible, and we had the land. When they left, they had the land, and we still have the Bible. And that has been the rationalization for Western civilization as it moves across the world and stealing and plundering and raping everybody in its path. Their one rationalization is that the rest of the world is uncivilized and they are in fact civilized. And they are un-civil-ized.And that runs on today, you see, because what we have today is we have what we call “modern-day Peace Corps missionaries,” and they come into our ghettos and they Head Start, Upward Lift, Bootstrap, and Upward Bound us into white society, ‘cause they don’t want to face the real problem which is a man is poor for one reason and one reason only: ‘cause he does not have money -- period. If you want to get rid of poverty, you give people money -- period.And you ought not to tell me about people who don’t work, and you can’t give people money without working, ‘cause if that were true, you’d have to start stopping Rockefeller, Bobby Kennedy, Lyndon Baines Johnson, Lady Bird Johnson, the whole of Standard Oil, the Gulf Corp, all of them, including probably a large number of the Board of Trustees of this university. So the question, then, clearly, is not whether or not one can work; it’s Who has power? Who has power to make his or her acts legitimate?That is all. And that this country, that power is invested in the hands of white people, and they make their acts legitimate. It is now, therefore, for black people to make our acts legitimate.Now we are now engaged in a psychological struggle in this country, and that is whether or not black people will have the right to use the words they want to use without white people giving their sanction to it; and that we maintain, whether they like it or not, we gonna use the word “Black Power” -- and let them address themselves to that; but that we are not going to wait for white people to sanction Black Power. We’re tired waiting; every time black people move in this country, they’re forced to defend their position before they move. It’s time that the people who are supposed to be defending their position do that. That’s white people. They ought to start defending themselves as to why they have oppressed and exploited us.Now it is clear that when this country started to move in terms of slavery, the reason for a man being picked as a slave was one reason -- because of the color of his skin. If one was black one wasautomatically inferior, inhuman, and therefore fit for slavery; so that the question of whether or not we are individually suppressed is nonsensical, and it’s a dowight lie. We are oppressed as a group because we are black, not because we are lazy, not because we’re apat hetic, not because we’re stupid, not because we smell, notbecause we eat watermelon and have good rhythm. We are oppressed because we are black.And in order to get out of that oppression one must wield the group power that one has, not the individual power which this country then sets the criteria under which a man may come into it. That is what is called in this country as integration: “You do what I tell you to do and then we’ll let you sit at the table with us.” And that we are saying that we haveto be opposed to that. We must now set up criteria and that if there’s going to be any integration, it’s going to be a two-way thing. If you believe in integration, you can come live in Watts. You can send your children to the ghetto schools. Let’s talk about that. If you believe in integration, then we’re going to start adopting us some white people to live in our neighborhood.So it is clear that the question is not one of integration or segregation. Integration is a man’s ability to want to move in the re by himself. If someone wants to live in a white neighborhood and he is black, that is his choice. It should be his rights. It is not because white people will not allow him. So vice versa: If a black man wants to live in the slums, that should be his right. Black people will let him. That is the difference. And it’s a difference on which this country makes a number of logical mistakes when they begin to try to criticize the program articulated by SNCC.篇二：美国经典英文演讲一百篇!练口语和演讲的好材料,值得收藏!!!美国经典英文演讲一百篇！练口语和演讲的好材料，值得收藏！！！来源：梁志埠的日志???????????????????????????????????????·美国20世纪经典英语演讲100篇（MP3+文本）·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Farewell Address to Congress ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1984 DNC Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:We Shall Overcome ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Shuttle’’Challenger’’Disaster Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Checkers ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Pearl Harbor Address to the Nation ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:I Have a Dream ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Civil Rights Addre ss ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Time to Break Silence-Beyond Vietnam ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1988 DNC Keynote Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Atoms for Peace ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Truman Doctrine ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:First Inaugural Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Great Arsenal of Democracy ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Acres of Diamonds ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Great Silent Majority ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Farewell Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Oklahoma Bombing Memorial Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Crisis of Confidence ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1992 DNC Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:On Vietnam and Not Seeking Re-Election ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Cambodian Incursion Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Eulogy for Robert Francis Kennedy ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Black Power ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Chappaquiddick ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:40th Anniversary of D-Day Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Presidential Nomination Acce ptance.. ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Marshall Plan ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Whisper of AIDS ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1988 DNC Address(下) ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:I’ve Been to the Mountaintop ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Statement on the Articles of Impeachment ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1984 DNC Keynote Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Houston Ministerial Association Speech ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Ballot or the Bullet ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1976 DNC Keynote Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Inaugural Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Television News Coverage? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Against Imperialism ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Four Freedoms ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:American University Commencement Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Nobel Prize Acceptance Speech ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:First Fireside Chat ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Evil Empire ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Time for Choo sing ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Ich bin ein Berliner ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Duty, Honor, Country ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Remarks on the Assassination of MLKing ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Message to the Grassroots ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Address on Taking the Oath of Office ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Sproul Hall Sit-i n Speech... ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1980 DNC Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Statement to the Senate Judiciary... ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Television and the Public Interest ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Presidential Nomination ... ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Religious Belief and Public Morality ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Vice-Presidential Nomination... ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Truth and Tolerance in America ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Great Society ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1988 DNC Address(上) ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Brandenburg Gate Address篇三：美国经典英文演讲100篇Sproul Hall Sit-in Speech美国经典英文演讲100篇:Sproul Hall Sit-in Speech...delivered 2 December 1964, The University of California at Berkeley [AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio]You know, I just wanna say one brief thing about something the previous speaker said. I didn’t wanna spend too much time on that ‘cause I don’t think it’s important enough. But one thing is worth considering.He’s the -- He’s the nominal head of an organization supposedly representative of the undergraduates. Whereas in fact under the currentdirector it derives -- its authority is delegated power from the Administration. It’s totally uepresentative of the graduate students and TAs.1But he made the following statement (I quote): “I would ask all those who are not definitely committed to the FSM2 cause to stay away from demonstration.” Alright, now listen to this: “For all upper division students who are interested in alleviating the TA shortage problem, I would encourage you to offer your services to Department Chairmen and Advisors.” That has two things: A strike breaker and a fink. I’d like to say -- like to say one other thing about a union problem. Upstairs you may have noticed they’re ready on the 2nd floor of Sproul Hall, Locals 40 and 127 of the Painters Union are painting the inside of the 2nd floor of Sproul Hall. Now, apparently that action had been planned some time in the past. I’ve tried to contact those unions. Unfortunately -- and [it] tears my heart out -- they’re asbureaucratized as the Administration. It’s difficult to get through toanyone in authority there. Very sad. We’re still -- We’re still making an attempt. Those people up there have no desire to interfere with what we’re doing. I would ask that they be considered and that they not be heckled in any way. And I think that -- you know -- while there’s unfortunately no sense of -- no sense of solidarity at this pointbetween unions and students, there at least need be no -- you know -- excessively hard feelings between the two groups.Now, there are at least two ways in which sit-ins and civil disobedience and whatever -- least two major ways in which it can occur. One, when a law exists, is promulgated, which is totally unacceptable to people and they violate it again and again and again till it’s rescinded, app ealed. Alright, but there’s another way. There’s another way. Sometimes, theform of the law is such as to render impossible its effective violation -- as a method to have it repealed. Sometimes, the grievances of people are more -- extend more -- to more than just the law, extend to a whole mode of arbitrary power, a whole mode of arbitrary exercise of arbitrary power.And that’s what we have here. We have an autocracy which -- which runs this university. It’s managed. We were told the following: IfPresident Kerr actually tried to get something more liberal out of the Regents in his telephone conversation, why didn’t he make somepublic statement to that effect? And the answer we received -- from a well-meaning liberal -- was the following: He said, “Would you ever imagine the manager of a firm making a statement publicly in opposition to his Board of Directors?” That’s the answer.Well I ask you to consider -- if this is a firm, and if the Board of Regents are the Board of Directors, and if President Kerr in fact is the manager, then I tell you something -- the faculty are a bunch of employees and we’re the raw material! But we’re a bunch of rawmaterials that don’t mean to be -- have any process upon us. Don’t mean to be made into any product! Don’t mean -- Don’t mean to end up being bought by some clients of the University, be they the government, be they industry, be they organized labor, be they anyone! We’re human beings!And that -- that brings me to the second mode of civil disobedience. There’s a time when the operation of the machine becomes so odious, makes you so sick at heart that you can’t take part! You can’t even passively take part! And you’ve got to put your bodies upon the gears and upon the wheels, upon the levers, upon all the apparatus -- and you’ve got to make it stop! And you’ve got to indicate to the peoplewho run it, to the people who own it -- that unless you’re free the machinewill be prevented from working at all!!That doesn’t mean -- I know it will be interpreted to mean,unfortunately, by the bigots who run The Examiner, for example -- That doesn’t mean that you have to break anything. One thousand people sitting down some place, not letting anybody by, not [letting] anything happen, can stop any machine, including this machine! And it will stop!!We’re gonna do the following -- and the greater the number of people, the safer they’ll be and the more effective it will be. We’re going, once again, to march up to the 2nd floor of Sproul Hall. And we’re gonna conduct our lives for awhile in the 2nd floor of Sproul Hall. We’ll show movies, for example. We tried to get -- and [they] shut them off. Unfortunately, that’s tied up in the court because of a lot of squeamish moral mothers for a moral America and other people on the outside. The same people who get all their ideas out of the San Francisco Examiner. Sad, sad. But, Mr. Landau -- Mr. Landau has gotten us some other films. Likewise, we’ll do something -- we’ll do something which hasn’toccurred at this University in a good long time! We’re going to have real classes up there! They’re gonna be freedom schools conducted up there! We’re going to have classes on [the] 1st and 14thamendments!! We’re gonna spend our time learning about the things this University is afraid that we know! We’re going to learn about freedom up there, and we’re going to learn by doing!!Now, we’ve had some good, long rallies. [Rally organizers inform Savio that Joan Baez has arrived.] Ju st one moment. We’ve had some good, long rallies. And I think I’m sicker of rallies than anyone else here. She’s not going to be long. I’d like to introduce one last person -- one last person before we enter Sproul Hall. Yeah. And the person is Joan Baez.。

支持慈善的演讲稿范文英语

Good evening. It is with great pleasure that I stand before you today to address the topic of charity. The act of giving, whether it be time, resources, or compassion, is a fundamental aspect of human nature that binds us together as a society. Today, I want to talk about why charity is not just a noble endeavor but also a crucial element in creating a more equitable and compassionate world.The Essence of CharityCharity, at its core, is about empathy. It is the recognition that not everyone is as fortunate as we are and that there are those who need our help. It is the understanding that the world is a complex tapestry of experiences, and some threads are frayed and in need of mending. As individuals, we have the power to be the thread that sews together the fabric of humanity, making it stronger and more resilient.The Power of CompassionCompassion is not a luxury; it is a necessity. It is what drives us to act when we see others suffering. It is what compels us to reach out and help those who are less fortunate. In a world where compassion is often overshadowed by greed and self-interest, it is our duty to stand up and be the voice for those who cannot speak for themselves.The Impact of CharityCharity has the power to transform lives. It can provide education to those who have none, food to the hungry, and shelter to the homeless. It can save lives during natural disasters and provide medical care to those who cannot afford it. The impact of charity is far-reaching and profound, and it touches every corner of the globe.Consider the story of a young girl named Malala Yousafzai, who stood up for the right of girls to education in Pakistan. Her courage and the support of countless individuals around the world led to a global movement that has changed the lives of millions of children. This isjust one example of how charity can inspire change and make a lasting difference.The Benefits of GivingMany people ask, "What's in it for me?" when it comes to charity. The truth is, the benefits of giving are immeasurable. When we give, we feel a sense of fulfillment and purpose. We connect with others and build relationships that transcend cultural and societal barriers. We learn about different perspectives and experiences, broadening our own horizons. And most importantly, we contribute to a better world, leaving a legacy that outlives us.Overcoming ObstaclesThere are many obstacles to giving, from financial constraints to fear of the unknown. However, it is important to remember that charity does not always require a large donation. Sometimes, it is simply aboutgiving your time, your skills, or your voice. Even the smallest act of kindness can have a ripple effect that reaches far and wide.The Role of Corporations and GovernmentsIt is not just individuals who have a responsibility to give. Corporations and governments also play a crucial role in supporting charitable initiatives. By investing in social welfare programs, they can help to create a more stable and equitable society. Moreover, businesses that engage in corporate social responsibility (CSR) can enhance their reputation, build customer loyalty, and drive innovation.Inspiring StoriesThere are countless stories of individuals and organizations that have made a significant impact through charity. From Mother Teresa, who dedicated her life to serving the poorest of the poor, to the late Malala Yousafzai, who fought for girls' education, these heroes inspire us to take action. We can also look to organizations like Doctors Without Borders, which provides medical care to those in conflict zones and disaster areas, and the Red Cross, which offers aid and comfort to those affected by emergencies.The Future of CharityThe future of charity lies in our collective commitment to making a difference. As technology advances, we have more tools at our disposal to support charitable causes. Online platforms and social media allow us to reach a wider audience and mobilize resources more efficiently. However, it is up to each one of us to ensure that these tools are used for the greater good.ConclusionIn conclusion, charity is not just an act of kindness; it is a fundamental human right. It is our duty to stand up for those who cannot stand up for themselves. By giving, we not only help others but also enrich our own lives. Let us not underestimate the power of our actions. Together, we can create a world where charity is not just a concept but a way of life.As we move forward, let us remember the words of Mahatma Gandhi: "The best way to find yourself is to lose yourself in the service of others." Let us be the change we wish to see in the world, and let us makecharity a cornerstone of our lives.Thank you.。

著名感恩演讲稿英文(3篇)

第1篇Ladies and gentlemen,Today, I stand before you to share my thoughts on a topic that hasalways been close to my heart: gratitude. Gratitude is the foundation of a successful life. It is the key to happiness, success, and fulfillment. In this speech, I will explore the importance of gratitude, how it can transform our lives, and how we can cultivate it in our daily lives.First and foremost, let us understand what gratitude truly means. Gratitude is the appreciation of what we have, rather than the desirefor what we don't have. It is the recognition of the blessings that we have received, no matter how small they may seem. Gratitude is not just an emotion, but a mindset that can change our lives for the better.The importance of gratitude cannot be overstated. Research has shownthat gratitude has numerous benefits for our mental and physical health. When we practice gratitude, we are more likely to experience positive emotions, such as happiness, optimism, and joy. These emotions can improve our overall well-being and increase our resilience to life's challenges.Moreover, gratitude can enhance our relationships. When we express gratitude towards others, we strengthen the bonds of trust and affection. Gratitude can transform negative relationships into positive ones, and can make us more approachable and likable. In essence, gratitude is the oil that greases the wheels of our social interactions.In addition, gratitude can improve our performance at work. When we are grateful for our jobs and the opportunities they provide, we are more likely to be motivated and productive. Gratitude can also reduce stress and improve our sleep, leading to better performance and increased job satisfaction.Now that we understand the importance of gratitude, let us explore howit can transform our lives. The first step towards a grateful life is to recognize and appreciate the blessings that we have. We must take a moment to reflect on the good in our lives, no matter how small it maybe. This can be done through journaling, meditation, or simply taking a few moments each day to think about the things we are grateful for.The next step is to express our gratitude. We must make an effort to communicate our appreciation to others. This can be done through a simple thank-you note, a heartfelt compliment, or a kind gesture. By expressing our gratitude, we not only make others feel valued, but we also reinforce our own sense of gratitude.Another way to cultivate gratitude is to practice mindfulness. Mindfulness is the act of being present and fully engaged in the moment. When we are mindful, we are more likely to notice the good in our lives and appreciate it. By practicing mindfulness, we can transform our daily experiences into opportunities for gratitude.In addition to these steps, it is important to cultivate a grateful mindset. This means focusing on the positive aspects of our lives and acknowledging the role that others have played in our success. We must resist the tendency to take things for granted and instead, recognize the value of what we have.In conclusion, gratitude is the foundation of a successful life. It has numerous benefits for our mental and physical health, enhances our relationships, and improves our performance at work. To cultivate gratitude, we must recognize and appreciate the blessings in our lives, express our gratitude to others, practice mindfulness, and cultivate a grateful mindset.Ladies and gentlemen, let us commit to a life of gratitude. Let us make a conscious effort to appreciate the good in our lives and express our gratitude to those around us. By doing so, we will not only transform our own lives, but also make the world a better place.Thank you.第2篇Ladies and Gentlemen,Good evening. It is an honor to stand before you today and share my thoughts on a topic that is often overlooked yet deeply profound: gratitude. In a world that moves at a rapid pace, where distractions and busyness consume our every moment, it is crucial to pause and reflect on the things we are thankful for. Today, I want to delve into the power of gratitude, its impact on our lives, and how it can transform our world.Gratitude is a simple yet transformative emotion. It is the appreciation of what we have, rather than the desire for what we lack. It is the recognition that life is a gift, and that every moment, every experience, and every person we encounter has a purpose. In a world that often emphasizes the negative and the difficult, gratitude serves as a beacon of hope, a reminder that there is always something to be thankful for.Let us begin by exploring the origins of gratitude. The word "gratitude" comes from the Latin word "gratia," which means "favor" or "kindness."It is an acknowledgment of the kindness and generosity shown to us by others. In its essence, gratitude is about giving back to those who have given to us. It is about recognizing the value of the people, experiences, and opportunities that have shaped our lives.Gratitude has the power to change our perspective on life. When we are grateful, we see the world through a lens of positivity and abundance. We appreciate the small joys that fill our days, rather than focusing on the challenges that seem to overshadow them. This shift in perspective can lead to a more fulfilling and meaningful life.One of the most compelling reasons to cultivate gratitude is its impact on our mental and physical health. Studies have shown that practicing gratitude can reduce stress, improve our mood, and even boost our immune system. When we are grateful, we are more likely to experience positive emotions such as happiness, optimism, and contentment. These emotions,in turn, contribute to our overall well-being.In addition to its personal benefits, gratitude has the power to transform our relationships and communities. When we express ourgratitude to others, we strengthen the bonds between us. Gratitudefosters empathy, compassion, and understanding, which are essential forcreating a harmonious society. It encourages us to be more giving and supportive, which can lead to a ripple effect of kindness and generosity.As we reflect on the power of gratitude, it is important to consider how we can cultivate this emotion in our own lives. Here are a few practical ways to practice gratitude:1. Keep a gratitude journal: Write down things you are thankful for each day. This can be as simple as a list of three things, or a detailed account of your experiences.2. Express gratitude to others: Take the time to thank those who have supported you, whether it be through a kind word, a helping hand, or a moment of kindness.3. Practice mindfulness: Be present in the moment and appreciate the beauty of your surroundings. Mindfulness can help you to recognize and appreciate the things you often take for granted.4. Volunteer: Giving back to others can deepen your sense of gratitude and enrich your life in countless ways.5. Reflect on challenges: Instead of dwelling on the difficulties you face, try to find the lessons and opportunities for growth that they present.As we engage in these practices, we begin to see the world in a new light. We become more open to the kindness and generosity of others, and we are more likely to extend that kindness to those around us. Gratitude becomes a habit, a way of life that enriches our existence and leaves a lasting impact on those we encounter.In conclusion, gratitude is a powerful force that can transform ourlives and the world around us. It is a simple yet profound way to acknowledge the value of what we have, and to express appreciation for the people and experiences that shape our lives. By cultivating gratitude, we can improve our mental and physical health, strengthen our relationships, and contribute to a more compassionate and caring society.As we go forward, let us carry the torch of gratitude with us. Let us be mindful of the things we are thankful for, and let us share thatgratitude with others. Together, we can create a world where gratitudeis the norm, where kindness and generosity flow freely, and where eachof us feels valued and appreciated.Thank you for your attention, and may each of us find joy andfulfillment in the practice of gratitude.[The End]第3篇Ladies and Gentlemen,Good morning/afternoon/evening. It is my great honor to stand before you today and share with you the power of gratitude. Gratitude is not just a fleeting emotion; it is the very essence of a fulfilling life. In this speech, I will delve into the significance of gratitude, its impact on our lives, and how it can transform us into better individuals and a more compassionate society.I. The Significance of GratitudeGratitude is the recognition of the value of what we have received. Itis an acknowledgment of the kindness, love, and support that surrounds us. Without gratitude, we may become complacent, unappreciative, and even unkind. Gratitude has the power to elevate our spirits, strengthen our relationships, and enhance our overall well-being.A. Gratitude fosters happinessResearch has shown that people who practice gratitude are more likely to experience positive emotions, have higher self-esteem, and reportgreater overall life satisfaction. By appreciating the good in our lives, we can shift our focus from what we lack to what we have, whichultimately leads to a happier existence.B. Gratitude strengthens relationshipsGratitude has the power to deepen our connections with others. When we express our appreciation for others, we strengthen the bonds of trustand respect. Gratitude also encourages us to be more generous and compassionate, as we recognize the value of giving back to those who have supported us.C. Gratitude enhances resilienceIn the face of adversity, gratitude can be a powerful tool for resilience. By acknowledging the positive aspects of our lives, we can better cope with challenges and maintain a positive outlook. Gratitude helps us to recognize that even in difficult times, there are still reasons to be thankful.II. The Impact of Gratitude on Our LivesGratitude has a profound impact on our lives, both individually and collectively. Here are some of the ways in which gratitude can transform us:A. Personal growthBy practicing gratitude, we can cultivate a positive mindset that encourages personal growth. We become more open to learning from our experiences, more resilient in the face of adversity, and more compassionate towards others.B. Improved mental healthGratitude has been linked to better mental health outcomes. By focusing on the positive aspects of our lives, we can reduce stress, anxiety, and depression. Gratitude also helps us to develop a more optimistic outlook, which can improve our overall well-being.C. Social cohesionIn a world where divisiveness and negativity often take center stage, gratitude can be a powerful force for social cohesion. By expressing our appreciation for one another, we can foster a sense of unity andbelonging, which is essential for building a more compassionate and inclusive society.III. How to Cultivate GratitudeNow that we understand the significance and impact of gratitude, let's explore some practical ways to cultivate this valuable trait:A. Keep a gratitude journalWriting down the things we are thankful for each day can help us to focus on the positive aspects of our lives. It can also serve as a reminder of the many blessings we often take for granted.B. Express appreciationTake the time to express your gratitude to those who have supported you. Whether it's through a heartfelt thank-you note, a phone call, or a simple smile, let others know how much you appreciate them.C. Practice mindfulnessMindfulness is the art of being present and fully engaging with the moment. By practicing mindfulness, we can become more aware of the beauty and wonder that surrounds us, and in turn, develop a deeper sense of gratitude.IV. The Power of Gratitude in a Global ContextGratitude is not limited to individual experiences; it has the potential to impact the world at large. When we cultivate gratitude within ourselves, we can contribute to a more compassionate and sustainable world:A. Promote peace and understandingBy expressing gratitude for the diverse cultures and experiences that enrich our lives, we can foster a greater sense of global unity and understanding.B. Encourage sustainable livingGratitude can inspire us to live more sustainably, as we recognize the importance of preserving our planet for future generations. By appreciating the beauty of nature, we can become more environmentally conscious and take action to protect it.C. Support social causesGratitude can motivate us to support social causes that are important to us. By expressing gratitude for the progress that has been made in areas such as education, healthcare, and human rights, we can be inspired to continue fighting for a better world.In conclusion, gratitude is a transformative force that can elevate our lives and contribute to a more compassionate and sustainable world. By recognizing the value of what we have received, we can foster happiness, strengthen relationships, and enhance our overall well-being. Let us embrace the power of gratitude and use it to create a brighter futurefor ourselves and for generations to come.Thank you.。

美国经典英文演讲100篇

美国经典英文演讲100篇:Farewell Address to Congress General Douglas MacArthur: Farewell Address to Congress[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio.]Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, and Distinguished Members of the Congress:I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride -- humility in the weight of those great American architects of our history who have stood here before me; pride in the reflection that this home of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised. Here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race. I do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration. They must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected. I trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American.I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country. The issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole. While Asia is commonly referred to as the Gateway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is the Gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other. There are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort. I can think of no greater expression of defeatism. If a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort. The Communist threat is a global one. Its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector. You can not appease or otherwise surrender to communism in Asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in Europe.Beyond pointing out these general truisms, I shall confine my discussion to the general areas of Asia. Before one may objectively assess the situation now existing there, he must comprehend something of Asia's past and the revolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present. Long exploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of social justice, individual dignity, or a higher standard of life such as guided our own noble administration in the Philippines, the peoples of Asia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of colonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt dignity, and the self-respect of political freedom.Mustering half of the earth's population, and 60 percent of its natural resources these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raise the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments. Whether one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of Asian progress and it may not be stopped. It is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started.In this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient its policies in consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the Asian peoples covet the right to shape their own free destiny. What they seek now is friendly guidance, understanding, and support -- not imperious direction -- the dignity of equality and not the shame of subjugation. Their pre-war standard of life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war's wake. World ideologies play little part in Asian thinking and are little understood. What the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a little more food in their stomachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their heads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom. These political-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own national security, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism.Of more direct and immediately bearing upon our national security are the changes wrought in the strategic potential of the Pacific Ocean in the course of the past war. Prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the United States lay on the literal line of the Americas, with an exposed island salient extending out through Hawaii, Midway, and Guam to the Philippines. That salient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along which the enemy could and did attack.The Pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatory force intent upon striking at the bordering land areas. All this was changed by our Pacific victory. Our strategic frontier then shifted to embrace the entire Pacific Ocean, which became a vast moat to protect us as long as we held it. Indeed, it acts as a protective shield for all of the Americas and all free lands of the Pacific Ocean area. We control it to the shores of Asia by a chain of islands extending in an arc from the Aleutians to the Mariannas held by us and our free allies. From this island chain we can dominate with sea and air power every Asiatic port from Vladivostok to Singapore -- with sea and air power every port, as I said, from Vladivostok to Singapore -- and prevent any hostile movement into the Pacific.*Any predatory attack from Asia must be an amphibious effort.* No amphibious force can be successful without control of the sea lanes and the air over those lanes inits avenue of advance. With naval and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental Asia toward us or our friends in the Pacific would be doomed to failure.Under such conditions, the Pacific no longer represents menacing avenues of approach for a prospective invader. It assumes, instead, the friendly aspect of a peaceful lake. Our line of defense is a natural one and can be maintained with a minimum of military effort and expense. It envisions no attack against anyone, nor does it provide the bastions essential for offensive operations, but properly maintained, would be an invincible defense against aggression. The holding of this literal defense line in the western Pacific is entirely dependent upon holding all segments thereof; for any major breach of that line by an unfriendly power would render vulnerable to determined attack every other major segment.This is a military estimate as to which I have yet to find a military leader who will take exception. For that reason, I have strongly recommended in the past, as a matter of military urgency, that under no circumstances must Formosa fall under Communist control. Such an eventuality would at once threaten the freedom of the Philippines and the loss of Japan and might well force our western frontier back to the coast of California, Oregon and Washington.To understand the changes which now appear upon the Chinese mainland, one must understand the changes in Chinese character and culture over the past 50 years. China, up to 50 years ago, was completely non-homogenous, being compartmented into groups divided against each other. The war-making tendency was almost non-existent, as they still followed the tenets of the Confucian ideal of pacifist culture. At the turn of the century, under the regime of Chang Tso Lin, efforts toward greater homogeneity produced the start of a nationalist urge. This was further and more successfully developed under the leadership of Chiang Kai-Shek, but has been brought to its greatest fruition under the present regime to the point that it has now taken on the character of a united nationalism of increasingly dominant, aggressive tendencies.Through these past 50 years the Chinese people have thus become militarized in their concepts and in their ideals. They now constitute excellent soldiers, with competent staffs and commanders. This has produced a new and dominant power in Asia, which, for its own purposes, is allied with Soviet Russia but which in its own concepts and methods has become aggressively imperialistic, with a lust for expansion and increased power normal to this type of imperialism.There is little of the ideological concept either one way or another in the Chinese make-up. The standard of living is so low and the capital accumulation has been so thoroughly dissipated by war that the masses are desperate and eager to follow any leadership which seems to promise the alleviation of local stringencies.I have from the beginning believed that the Chinese Communists' support of the North Koreans was the dominant one. Their interests are, at present, parallel with those of the Soviet. But I believe that the aggressiveness recently displayed not only in Korea but also in Indo-China and Tibet and pointing potentially toward the South reflects predominantly the same lust for the expansion of power which has animated every would-be conqueror since the beginning of time.The Japanese people, since the war, have undergone the greatest reformation recorded in modern history. With a commendable will, eagerness to learn, and marked capacity to understand, they have, from the ashes left in war's wake, erected in Japan an edifice dedicated to the supremacy of individual liberty and personal dignity; and in the ensuing process there has been created a truly representative government committed to the advance of political morality, freedom of economic enterprise, and social justice.Politically, economically, and socially Japan is now abreast of many free nations of the earth and will not again fail the universal trust. That it may be counted upon to wield a profoundly beneficial influence over the course of events in Asia is attested by the magnificent manner in which the Japanese people have met the recent challenge of war, unrest, and confusion surrounding them from the outside and checked communism within their own frontiers without the slightest slackening in their forward progress. I sent all four of our occupation divisions to the Korean battlefront without the slightest qualms as to the effect of the resulting power vacuum upon Japan. The results fully justified my faith. I know of no nation more serene, orderly, and industrious, nor in which higher hopes can be entertained for future constructive service in the advance of the human race.Of our former ward, the Philippines, we can look forward in confidence that the existing unrest will be corrected and a strong and healthy nation will grow in the longer aftermath of war's terrible destructiveness. We must be patient and understanding and never fail them -- as in our hour of need, they did not fail us.A Christian nation, the Philippines stand as a mighty bulwark of Christianity in the Far East, and its capacity for high moral leadership in Asia is unlimited.On Formosa, the government of the Republic of China has had the opportunity to refute by action much of the malicious gossip which so undermined the strength of its leadership on the Chinese mainland. The Formosan people are receiving a just and enlightened administration with majority representation on the organs of government, and politically, economically, and socially they appear to be advancing along sound and constructive lines.With this brief insight into the surrounding areas, I now turn to the Korean conflict. While I was not consulted prior to the President's decision to intervene in supportof the Republic of Korea, that decision from a military standpoint, proved a sound one, as we hurled back the invader and decimated his forces. Our victory was complete, and our objectives within reach, when Red China intervened with numerically superior ground forces.This created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situation not contemplated when our forces were committed against the North Korean invaders; a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of military strategy.Such decisions have not been forthcoming.While no man in his right mind would advocate sending our ground forces into continental China, and such was never given a thought, the new situation did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had defeated the old.Apart from the military need, as I saw It, to neutralize the sanctuary protection given the enemy north of the Yalu, I felt that military necessity in the conduct of the war made necessary: first the intensification of our economic blockade against China; two the imposition of a naval blockade against the China coast; three removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance of China's coastal areas and of Manchuria; four removal of restrictions on the forces of the Republic of China on Formosa, with logistical support to contribute to their effective operations against the common enemy.For entertaining these views, all professionally designed to support our forces committed to Korea and bring hostilities to an end with the least possible delay and at a saving of countless American and allied lives, I have been severely criticized in lay circles, principally abroad, despite my understanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in the past by practically every military leader concerned with the Korean campaign, including our own Joint Chiefs of Staff.I called for reinforcements but was informed that reinforcements were not available.I made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-up bases north of the Yalu, if not permitted to utilize the friendly Chinese Force of some 600,000 men on Formosa, if not permitted to blockade the China coast to prevent the Chinese Reds from getting succor from without, and if there were to be no hope of major reinforcements, the position of the command from the military standpoint forbade victory.We could hold in Korea by constant maneuver and in an approximate area where our supply line advantages were in balance with the supply line disadvantages of the enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive campaign with its terrible and constant attrition upon our forces if the enemy utilized its full military potential. I have constantly called for the new political decisions essential to a solution.Efforts have been made to distort my position. It has been said, in effect, that I was a warmonger. Nothing could be further from the truth. I know war as few other men now living know it, and nothing to me is more revolting. I have long advocated its complete abolition, as its very destructiveness on both friend and foe has rendered it useless as a means of settling international disputes. Indeed, on the second day of September, nineteen hundred and forty-five, just following the surrender of the Japanese nation on the Battleship Missouri, I formally cautioned as follows:"Men since the beginning of time have sought peace. Various methods through the ages have been attempted to devise an international process to prevent or settle disputes between nations. From the very start workable methods were found in so far as individual citizens were concerned, but the mechanics of an instrumentality of larger international scope have never been successful. Military alliances, balances of power, Leagues of Nations, all in turn failed, leaving the only path to be by way of the crucible of war. The utter destructiveness of war now blocks out this alternative. We have had our last chance. If we will not devise some greater and more equitable system, Armageddon will be at our door. The problem basically is theological and involves a spiritual recrudescence and improvement of human character that will synchronize with our almost matchless advances in science, art, literature, and all material and cultural developments of the past 2000 years. It must be of the spirit if we are to save the flesh."But once war is forced upon us, there is no other alternative than to apply every available means to bring it to a swift end.War's very object is victory, not prolonged indecision.In war there is no substitute for victory.There are some who, for varying reasons, would appease Red China. They are blind to history's clear lesson, for history teaches with unmistakable emphasis that appeasement but begets new and bloodier war. It points to no single instance where this end has justified that means, where appeasement has led to more than a sham peace. Like blackmail, it lays the basis for new and successively greater demands until, as in blackmail, violence becomes the only other alternative."Why," my soldiers asked of me, "surrender military advantages to an enemy in the field?" I could not answer.Some may say: to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-out war with China; others, to avoid Soviet intervention. Neither explanation seems valid, for China is already engaging with the maximum power it can commit, and the Soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our moves. Like a cobra, any new enemy will more likely strike whenever it feels that the relativity in military or other potential is in its favoron a world-wide basis.The tragedy of Korea is further heightened by the fact that its military action is confined to its territorial limits. It condemns that nation, which it is our purpose to save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bombardment while the enemy's sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack and devastation.Of the nations of the world, Korea alone, up to now, is the sole one which has risked its all against communism. The magnificence of the courage and fortitude of the Korean people defies description.They have chosen to risk death rather than slavery. Their last words to me were: "Don't scuttle the Pacific!"I have just left your fighting sons in Korea. They have met all tests there, and I can report to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way.It was my constant effort to preserve them and end this savage conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and a minimum sacrifice of life. Its growing bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and anxiety.Those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my prayers always.I am closing my 52 years of military service. When I joined the Army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams. The world has turned over many times since I took the oath on the plain at West Point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but I still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that "old soldiers never die; they just fade away."And like the old soldier of that ballad, I now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as God gave him the light to see that duty.美国经典英文演讲100篇:1984 DNC AddressJesse Jackson: 1984 Democratic National Convention Address"The Rainbow Coalition"[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio.]Thank you very much.Tonight we come together bound by our faith in a mighty God, with genuine respect and love for our country, and inheriting the legacy of a great Party, the Democratic Party, which is the best hope for redirecting our nation on a more humane, just, and peaceful course.This is not a perfect party. We are not a perfect people. Yet, we are called to a perfect mission. Our mission: to feed the hungry; to clothe the naked; to house the homeless; to teach the illiterate; to provide jobs for the jobless; and to choose the human race over the nuclear race.We are gathered here this week to nominate a candidate and adopt a platform which will expand, unify, direct, and inspire our Party and the nation to fulfill this mission. My constituency is the desperate, the damned, the disinherited, the disrespected, and the despised. They are restless and seek relief. They have voted in record numbers. They have invested the faith, hope, and trust that they have in us. The Democratic Party must send them a signal that we care. I pledge my best not to let them down.There is the call of conscience, redemption, expansion, healing, and unity. Leadership must heed the call of conscience, redemption, expansion, healing, and unity, for they are the key to achieving our mission. Time is neutral and does not change things. With courage and initiative, leaders change things.No generation can choose the age or circumstance in which it is born, but through leadership it can choose to make the age in which it is born an age of enlightenment, an age of jobs, and peace, and justice. Only leadership -- that intangible combination of gifts, the discipline, information, circumstance, courage, timing, will and divine inspiration -- can lead us out of the crisis in which we find ourselves. Leadership can mitigate the misery of our nation. Leadership can part the waters and lead our nation in the direction of the Promised Land. Leadership can lift the boats stuck at the bottom.I have had the rare opportunity to watch seven men, and then two, pour out their souls, offer their service, and heal and heed the call of duty to direct the course of our nation. There is a proper season for everything. There is a time to sow and a time to reap. There's a time to compete and a time to cooperate.I ask for your vote on the first ballot as a vote for a new direction for this Party and this nation -- a vote of conviction, a vote of conscience. But I will be proud to support the nominee of this convention for the Presidency of the United States of America. Thank you.I have watched the leadership of our party develop and grow. My respect for both Mr. Mondale and Mr. Hart is great. I have watched them struggle with the crosswinds and crossfires of being public servants, and I believe they will both continue to try to serve us faithfully.I am elated by the knowledge that for the first time in our history a woman, Geraldine Ferraro, will be recommended to share our ticket.Throughout this campaign, I've tried to offer leadership to the Democratic Party and the nation. If, in my high moments, I have done some good, offered some service, shed some light, healed some wounds, rekindled some hope, or stirred someone from apathy and indifference, or in any way along the way helped somebody, then this campaign has not been in vain.For friends who loved and cared for me, and for a God who spared me, and for a family who understood, I am eternally grateful.If, in my low moments, in word, deed or attitude, through some error of temper, taste, or tone, I have caused anyone discomfort, created pain, or revived someone's fears, that was not my truest self. If there were occasions when my grape turned into a raisin and my joy bell lost its resonance, please forgive me. Charge it to my head and not to my heart. My head -- so limited in its finitude; my heart, which is boundless in its love for the human family. I am not a perfect servant. I am a public servant doing my best against the odds. As I develop and serve, be patient: God is not finished with me yet.This campaign has taught me much; that leaders must be tough enough to fight, tender enough to cry, human enough to make mistakes, humble enough to admit them, strong enough to absorb the pain, and resilient enough to bounce back and keep on moving.For leaders, the pain is often intense. But you must smile through your tears and keep moving with the faith that there is a brighter side somewhere.I went to see Hubert Humphrey three days before he died. He had just called Richard Nixon from his dying bed, and many people wondered why. And I asked him. He said, "Jesse, from this vantage point, the sun is setting in my life, all of the speeches, the political conventions, the crowds, and the great fights are behind me now. At a time like this you are forced to deal with your irreducible essence, forced to grapple with that which is really important to you. And what I've concluded about life," Hubert Humphrey said, "When all is said and done, we must forgive each other, and redeem each other, and move on."Our party is emerging from one of its most hard fought battles for the Democratic Party's presidential nomination in our history. But our healthy competition shouldmake us better, not bitter. We must use the insight, wisdom, and experience of the late Hubert Humphrey as a balm for the wounds in our Party, this nation, and the world. We must forgive each other, redeem each other, regroup, and move one. Our flag is red, white and blue, but our nation is a rainbow -- red, yellow, brown, black and white -- and we're all precious in God's sight.America is not like a blanket -- one piece of unbroken cloth, the same color, the same texture, the same size. America is more like a quilt: many patches, many pieces, many colors, many sizes, all woven and held together by a common thread. The white, the Hispanic, the black, the Arab, the Jew, the woman, the native American, the small farmer, the businessperson, the environmentalist, the peace activist, the young, the old, the lesbian, the gay, and the disabled make up the American quilt.Even in our fractured state, all of us count and fit somewhere. We have proven that we can survive without each other. But we have not proven that we can win and make progress without each other. We must come together.From Fannie Lou Hamer in Atlantic City in 1964 to the Rainbow Coalition in San Francisco today; from the Atlantic to the Pacific, we have experienced pain but progress, as we ended American apartheid laws. We got public accommodations. We secured voting rights. We obtained open housing, as young people got the right to vote. We lost Malcolm, Martin, Medgar, Bobby, John, and Viola. The team that got us here must be expanded, not abandoned.Twenty years ago, tears welled up in our eyes as the bodies of Schwerner, Goodman, and Chaney were dredged from the depths of a river in Mississippi. Twenty years later, our communities, black and Jewish, are in anguish, anger, and pain. Feelings have been hurt on both sides. There is a crisis in communications. Confusion is in the air. But we cannot afford to lose our way. We may agree to agree; or agree to disagree on issues; we must bring back civility to these tensions.We are co-partners in a long and rich religious history -- the Judeo-Christian traditions. Many blacks and Jews have a shared passion for social justice at home and peace abroad. We must seek a revival of the spirit, inspired by a new vision and new possibilities. We must return to higher ground. We are bound by Moses and Jesus, but also connected with Islam and Mohammed. These three great religions, Judaism, Christianity, and Islam, were all born in the revered and holy city of Jerusalem.We are bound by Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. and Rabbi Abraham Heschel, crying out from their graves for us to reach common ground. We are bound by shared blood and shared sacrifices. We are much too intelligent, much too bound by our Judeo-Christian heritage, much too victimized by racism, sexism, militarism, and anti-Semitism, much too threatened as historical scapegoats to go on divided one from another. We must turn from finger pointing to clasped hands. We must share our burdens and our joys with each other once again. We must turn to each other and not on each other and choose higher ground.。

经典英语演讲稿：Please Be Mercy to the Children

經典英语演讲稿：Please Be Mercy to the Childrenin XX, a show called where are we going, dad was popular around china, in the show, five famous stars and dads with their children went to the countryside to experience the life. this is the first time for the audience can look at the celebrities’ children, the kids are so lovely that all the audiences love them. now a new show which is similar to the mentioned show becomes a new hot topic, b ut this time, half audience love the stars’ kids, the ones who don’t like them think that the kids are not as lovely as the ones before, even look ugly. so the audience speaks bad words in the weibo, showing their dislike. as an outsider, i think it is so cruel to the kids, they are so young and innocent, they don’t know about the world, why should they deserve those vicious words. imagine if they are your kids, what will you do? people should be mercy to the kids.在XX年，一个叫《爸爸去哪儿》的综艺节目受欢迎全中国，在综艺节目中，五个知名的星爸和她们的小孩下基层亲身体验。

cheerandclapforyourself（为自己鼓掌）演讲稿（样例5）

cheerandclapforyourself（为自己鼓掌）演讲稿（样例5）第一篇：cheer and clap for yourself(为自己鼓掌) 演讲稿Cheer and Clap for yourself“cheer clapping hands for myself” has been gradually accepted by more and more modest Chinese, most of us just applaud when success comes, but forget to do this as we get involved with trouble or face difficulties.Life is an opera, and there’s always someone standing right under the stage, judging your behavior, getting ready for applauding for you.But our audiences are often mean and picky, and they do enjoy playing with you——they never stint praise when you succeed, but just give you cold shoulders as you fail.We can’t be the champion all the time, which means you wouldn’t get claps whenever you want.In our life, there are always more losers than winners, and hell is always larger than heaven.Dawn in heaven will never flood into hell, and only applauses from ourselves could bring hope and light.We are ordinary people who’s eager for praises, whose heart is as weak as grass.Pacing on all those failure, there’s no man who can comfort you but yourself.In fact, no one can replace your identity as a parent, a child, a student, a co-worker…everything, every key to solving your problem is just right in your hand.So just clap hands for yourself, you’ll find the beauty and brightness of the world and solve the problem there and then.Clapping for yourself is a lighthouse, illuminating your way under the darkness.Clapping for yourself is the rebirth of your life, leading you out of all hardship.Clapping for yourself f is a stimulant, encouraging you being optimistic from your mind.Clapping for yourself is a trophy, bringing you all the confidence and excitement you want from the others.So wannasucceed? There are only three words for you: Clap for yourself.第二篇：为自己鼓掌演讲稿为自己鼓掌（上台，大家好我是1102班的刘嘉锋。

100篇美国经典英文演讲稿

美国经典英文演讲100篇:Brandenburg Gate AddressRonald ReaganRemarks at the Brandenburg Gatedelivered 12 June 1987, West Berlin[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio.(2)]Thank you. Thank you, very much.Chancellor Kohl, Governing Mayor Diepgen, ladies and gentlemen: Twenty four years ago, President John F. Kennedy visited Berlin, and speaking to the people of this city and the world at the city hall. Well since then two other presidents have come, each in his turn to Berlin. And today, I, myself, make my second visit to your city.We come to Berlin, we American Presidents, because it's our duty to speak in this place of freedom. But I must confess, we’re drawn here by other things as well; by the feeling of history in this city -- more than 500 years older than our own nation; by the beauty of the Grunewald and the Tiergarten; most of all, by your courage and determination. Perhaps the composer, Paul Linke, understood something about American Presidents. You see, like so many Presidents before me, I come here today because wherever I go, whatever I do: “Ich hab noch einen Koffer in Berlin” [I still have a suitcase in Berlin.]Our gathering today is being broadcast throughout Western Europe and North America. I understand that it is being seen and heard as well in the East. To those listening throughout Eastern Europe, I extend my warmest greetings and the good will of the American people. To those listening in East Berlin, a special word: Although I cannot be with you, I address my remarks to you just as surely as to those standing here before me. For I join you, as I join your fellow countrymen in the West, in this firm, this unalterable belief: Es gibt nur ein Berlin. [There is only one Berlin.]Behind me stands a wall that encircles the free sectors of this city, part of a vast system of barriers that divides the entire continent of Europe. From the Baltic South, those barriers cut across Germany in a gash of barbed wire, concrete, dog runs, and guard towers. Farther south, there may be no visible, no obvious wall. But there remain armed guards and checkpoints all the same -- still a restriction on the right to travel, still an instrument to impose upon ordinary men and women the will of a totalitarian state.Yet, it is here in Berlin where the wall emerges most clearly; here, cutting across your city, where the news photo and the television screen have imprinted this brutal division of a continent upon the mind of the world.Standing before the Brandenburg Gate, every man is a German separated from his fellow men.Every man is a Berliner, forced to look upon a scar.President Von Weizsäcker has said, "The German question is open as long as the Brandenburg Gate is closed." Well today -- today I say: As long as this gate is closed, as long as this scar of a wall is permitted to stand, it is not the German question alone that remains open, but the question of freedom for all mankind.Yet, I do not come here to lament. For I find in Berlin a message of hope, even in the shadow of this wall, a message of triumph.In this season of spring in 1945, the people of Berlin emerged from their air-raid shelters to find devastation. Thousands of miles away, the people of the United States reached out to help. And in 1947 Secretary of State -- as you've been told -- George Marshall announced the creation of what would become known as the Marshall Plan. Speaking precisely 40 years ago this month, he said: "Our policy is directed not against any country or doctrine, but against hunger, poverty, desperation, and chaos."In the Reichstag a few moments ago, I saw a display commemorating this 40th anniversary of the Marshall Plan. I was struck by a sign -- the sign on aburnt-out, gutted structure that was being rebuilt. I understand that Berliners of my own generation can remember seeing signs like it dotted throughout the western sectors of the city. The sign read simply: "The Marshall Plan is helping here to strengthen the free world." A strong, free world in the West -- that dream became real. Japan rose from ruin to become an economic giant. Italy, France, Belgium -- virtually every nation in Western Europe saw political and economic rebirth; the European Community was founded.In West Germany and here in Berlin, there took place an economic miracle, the Wirtschaftswunder. Adenauer, Erhard, Reuter, and other leaders understood the practical importance of liberty -- that just as truth can flourish only when the journalist is given freedom of speech, so prosperity can come about only when the farmer and businessman enjoy economic freedom. The German leaders -- the German leaders reduced tariffs, expanded free trade, lowered taxes. From 1950 to 1960 alone, the standard of living in West Germany and Berlin doubled.Where four decades ago there was rubble, today in West Berlin there is the greatest industrial output of any city in Germany: busy office blocks, fine homes and apartments, proud avenues, and the spreading lawns of parkland. Where a city's culture seemed to have been destroyed, today there are two great universities, orchestras and an opera, countless theaters, and museums. Where there was want, today there's abundance -- food, clothing, automobiles -- the wonderful goods of the Kudamm.¹ From devastation, from utter ruin, you Berliners have, in freedom, rebuilt a city that once again ranks as one of the greatest on earth. Now the Soviets may have had other plans. But my friends, there were a few things the Soviets didn't count on: Berliner Herz, Berliner Humor, ja, und Berliner Schnauze. [Berliner heart, Berliner humor, yes, and a Berliner Schnauze.²]In the 1950s -- In the 1950s Khrushchev predicted: "We will bury you."But in the West today, we see a free world that has achieved a level of prosperity and well-being unprecedented in all human history. In the Communist world, we see failure, technological backwardness, declining standards of health, even want of the most basic kind -- too little food. Even today, the Soviet Union still cannot feed itself. After these four decades, then, there stands before the entire world one great and inescapable conclusion: Freedom leads to prosperity. Freedom replaces the ancient hatreds among the nations with comity and peace. Freedom is the victor.And now -- now the Soviets themselves may, in a limited way, be coming to understand the importance of freedom. We hear much from Moscow about a new policy of reform and openness. Some political prisoners have been released. Certain foreign news broadcasts are no longer being jammed. Some economicenterprises have been permitted to operate with greater freedom from state control.Are these the beginnings of profound changes in the Soviet state? Or are they token gestures intended to raise false hopes in the West, or to strengthen the Soviet system without changing it? We welcome change and openness; for we believe that freedom and security go together, that the advance of human liberty -- the advance of human liberty can only strengthen the cause of world peace.There is one sign the Soviets can make that would be unmistakable, that would advance dramatically the cause of freedom and peace.General Secretary Gorbachev, if you seek peace, if you seek prosperity for the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, if you seek liberalization: Come here to this gate.Mr. Gorbachev, open this gate.Mr. Gorbachev -- Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall!I understand the fear of war and the pain of division that afflict this continent, and I pledge to you my country's efforts to help overcome these burdens. To be sure, we in the West must resist Soviet expansion. So, we must maintain defenses of unassailable strength. Yet we seek peace; so we must strive to reduce arms on both sides.Beginning 10 years ago, the Soviets challenged the Western alliance with a grave new threat, hundreds of new and more deadly SS-20 nuclear missiles capable of striking every capital in Europe. The Western alliance responded by committing itself to a counter-deployment (unless the Soviets agreed tonegotiate a better solution) -- namely, the elimination of such weapons on both sides. For many months, the Soviets refused to bargain in earnestness. As the alliance, in turn, prepared to go forward with its counter-deployment, there were difficult days, days of protests like those during my 1982 visit to this city; and the Soviets later walked away from the table.But through it all, the alliance held firm. And I invite those who protested then -- I invite those who protest today -- to mark this fact: Because we remained strong, the Soviets came back to the table. Because we remained strong, today we have within reach the possibility, not merely of limiting the growth of arms, but of eliminating, for the first time, an entire class of nuclear weapons from the face of the earth.As I speak, NATO ministers are meeting in Iceland to review the progress of our proposals for eliminating these weapons. At the talks in Geneva, we have also proposed deep cuts in strategic offensive weapons. And the Western allies have likewise made far-reaching proposals to reduce the danger of conventional war and to place a total ban on chemical weapons.While we pursue these arms reductions, I pledge to you that we will maintain the capacity to deter Soviet aggression at any level at which it might occur. And in cooperation with many of our allies, the United States is pursuing the Strategic Defense Initiative -- research to base deterrence not on the threat of offensive retaliation, but on defenses that truly defend; on systems, in short, that will not target populations, but shield them. By these means we seek to increase the safety of Europe and all the world. But we must remember a crucial fact: East and West do not mistrust each other because we are armed; we are armed because we mistrust each other. And our differences are not about weapons but about liberty. When President Kennedy spoke at the City Hall those24 years ago, freedom was encircled; Berlin was under siege. And today, despite all the pressures upon this city, Berlin stands secure in its liberty. And freedom itself is transforming the globe.In the Philippines, in South and Central America, democracy has been given a rebirth. Throughout the Pacific, free markets are working miracle after miracle of economic growth. In the industrialized nations, a technological revolution is taking place, a revolution marked by rapid, dramatic advances in computers and telecommunications.In Europe, only one nation and those it controls refuse to join the community of freedom. Yet in this age of redoubled economic growth, of information and innovation, the Soviet Union faces a choice: It must make fundamental changes, or it will become obsolete.Today, thus, represents a moment of hope. We in the West stand ready to cooperate with the East to promote true openness, to break down barriers that separate people, to create a safer, freer world. And surely there is no better place than Berlin, the meeting place of East and West, to make a start.Free people of Berlin: Today, as in the past, the United States stands for the strict observance and full implementation of all parts of the Four Power Agreement of 1971. Let us use this occasion, the 750th anniversary of this city, to usher in a new era, to seek a still fuller, richer life for the Berlin of the future. Together, let us maintain and develop the ties between the Federal Republic and the Western sectors of Berlin, which is permitted by the 1971 agreement.And I invite Mr. Gorbachev: Let us work to bring the Eastern and Western parts of the city closer together, so that all the inhabitants of all Berlin can enjoy the benefits that come with life in one of the great cities of the world.To open Berlin still further to all Europe, East and West, let us expand the vital air access to this city, finding ways of making commercial air service to Berlin more convenient, more comfortable, and more economical. We look to the day when West Berlin can become one of the chief aviation hubs in all central Europe.With -- With our French -- With our French and British partners, the United States is prepared to help bring international meetings to Berlin. It would be only fitting for Berlin to serve as the site of United Nations meetings, or world conferences on human rights and arms control, or other issues that call for international cooperation.There is no better way to establish hope for the future than to enlighten young minds, and we would be honored to sponsor summer youth exchanges, cultural events, and other programs for young Berliners from the East. Our French and British friends, I'm certain, will do the same. And it's my hope that an authority can be found in East Berlin to sponsor visits from young people of the Western sectors.One final proposal, one close to my heart: Sport represents a source of enjoyment and ennoblement, and you may have noted that the Republic of Korea -- South Korea -- has offered to permit certain events of the 1988 Olympics to take place in the North. International sports competitions of all kinds could take place in both parts of this city. And what better way to demonstrate to the world the openness of this city than to offer in some future year to hold the Olympic games here in Berlin, East and West.In these four decades, as I have said, you Berliners have built a great city. You've done so in spite of threats -- the Soviet attempts to impose theEast-mark, the blockade. Today the city thrives in spite of the challengesimplicit in the very presence of this wall. What keeps you here? Certainly there's a great deal to be said for your fortitude, for your defiant courage. But I believe there's something deeper, something that involves Berlin's whole look and feel and way of life -- not mere sentiment. No one could live long in Berlin without being completely disabused of illusions. Something, instead, that has seen the difficulties of life in Berlin but chose to accept them, that continues to build this good and proud city in contrast to a surrounding totalitarian presence, that refuses to release human energies or aspirations, something that speaks with a powerful voice of affirmation, that says "yes" to this city, yes to the future, yes to freedom. In a word, I would submit that what keeps you in Berlin -- is "love." Love both profound and abiding.Perhaps this gets to the root of the matter, to the most fundamental distinction of all between East and West. The totalitarian world produces backwardness because it does such violence to the spirit, thwarting the human impulse to create, to enjoy, to worship. The totalitarian world finds even symbols of love and of worship an affront.Years ago, before the East Germans began rebuilding their churches, they erected a secular structure: the television tower at Alexander Platz. Virtually ever since, the authorities have been working to correct what they view as the tower's one major flaw: treating the glass sphere at the top with paints and chemicals of every kind. Yet even today when the sun strikes that sphere, that sphere that towers over all Berlin, the light makes the sign of the cross. There in Berlin, like the city itself, symbols of love, symbols of worship, cannot be suppressed.As I looked out a moment ago from the Reichstag, that embodiment of German unity, I noticed words crudely spray-painted upon the wall, perhaps by a young Berliner (quote):"This wall will fall. Beliefs become reality."Yes, across Europe, this wall will fall, for it cannot withstand faith; it cannot withstand truth. The wall cannot withstand freedom.And I would like, before I close, to say one word. I have read, and I have been questioned since I've been here about certain demonstrations against my coming. And I would like to say just one thing, and to those who demonstrate so.I wonder if they have ever asked themselves that if they should have the kind of government they apparently seek, no one would ever be able to do what they're doing again.Thank you and God bless you all. Thank you.。

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Clarence Darrow: "A Plea for Mercy"delivered September 1924Now, your Honor, I have spoken about the war. I believed in it. I don’t know whether I was crazy or not. Sometimes I think perhaps I was. I approved of it; I joined in the general cry of madness and despair. I urged men to fight. I was safe because I was too old to go. I was like the rest. What did they do? Right or wrong, justifiable or unjustifiable -- which I need not discuss today -- it changed the world. For four long years the civilized world was engaged in killing men. Christian against Christian, barbarian uniting with Christians to kill Christians; anything to kill. It was taught in every school, aye in the Sunday schools. The little children played at war. The toddling children on the street. Do you suppose this world has ever been the same since? How long, your Honor, will it take for the world to get back the humane emotions that were slowly growing before the war? How long will it take the calloused hearts of men before the scars of hatred and cruelty shall be removed?We read of killing one hundred thousand men in a day. We read about it and we rejoiced in it-if it was the other fellows who were killed. We were fed on flesh and drank blood. Even down to the prattling babe. I need not tell you how many upright, honorable young boys have come into this court charged with murder, some saved and some sent to their death, boys who fought in this war and learned to place a cheap value on human life. You know it and I know it. These boys were brought up in it. The tales of death were in their homes, their playgrounds, their schools; they were in the newspapers that they read; it was a part of the common frenzy-what was a life? It was nothing. It was the least sacred thing in existence and these boys were trained to this cruelty.It will take fifty years to wipe it out of the human heart, if ever. I know this, that after the Civil War in 1865, crimes of this sort increased, marvelously. No one needs to tell me that crime has no cause. It has as definite a cause as any other disease, and I know that out of the hatred and bitterness of the Civil War crime increased as America had never seen before. I know that Europe is going through the same experience to-day; I know it has followed every war; and I know it has influenced these boys so that life was not the same to them as it would have been if the world had not made red with blood. I protest against the crimes and mistakes of society being visited upon them. All of us have a share in it. I have mine. I cannot tell and I shall never know how many words of mine might have given birth to cruelty in place of love and kindness and charity.Your Honor knows that in this very court crimes of violence have increased growing out of the war. Not necessarily by those who fought but by those that learned that blood was cheap, and human life was cheap, and if the State could take it lightly why not the boy? There are causes for this terrible crime. There are causes as I have saidfor everything that happens in the world. War is a part of it; education is a part of it; birth is a part of it; money is a part of it-all these conspired to compass the destruction of these two poor boys.Has the court any right to consider anything but these two boys? The State says that your Honor has a right to consider the welfare of the community, as you have. If the welfare of the community would be benefited by taking these lives, well and good.I think it would work evil that no one could measure. Has your Honor a right to consider the families of these defendants? I have been sorry, and I am sorry for the bereavement of Mr. And Mrs. Frank, for those broken ties that cannot be healed. All I can hope and wish is that some good may come from it all. But as compared with the families of Leopold and Loeb, the Franks are to be envied-and everyone knows it.I do not know how much salvage there is in these two boys. I hate to say it in their presence, but what is there to look forward to? I do not know but what your Honor would be merciful to them, but not merciful to civilization, and not merciful if you tied a rope around their necks and let them die; merciful to them, but not merciful to civilization, and not merciful to those who would be left behind. To spend the balance of their days in prison is mighty little to look forward to, if anything. Is it anything? They may have the hope that as the years roll around they might be released. I do not know. I do not know. I will be honest with this court as I have tried to be from the beginning. I know that these boys are not fit to be at large. I believe they will not be until they pass through the next stage of life, at forty-five or fifty. Whether they will then, I cannot tell. I am sure of this; that I will not be here to help them. So far as I am concerned, it is over.I would not tell this court that I do not hope that some time, when life and age have changed their bodies, as they do, and have changed their emotions, as they do-that they may once more return to life. I would be the last person on earth to close the door of hope to any human being that lives, and least of all to my clients. But what have they to look forward to? Nothing. And I think here of the stanza of Housman:Now hollow fires burn out to black,And lights are fluttering low:Square your shoulders, lift your packAnd leave your friends and go.O never fear, lads, naught’s to dread,Look not left nor right:In all the endless road you treadThere’s nothing but the night.I care not, your Honor, whether the march begins at the gallows or when the gates of Joilet close upon them, there is nothing but the night, and that is little for any human being to expect.But there are others to consider. Here are these two families, who have led honest lives, who will bear the name that they bear, and future generations must carry it on.Here it Leopold’s father-and this boy was the pride of his life. He watched him, he cared for him, he worked for him; the boy was brilliant and accomplished, he educated him, and he thought that fame and position awaited him, as it should have awaited. It is a hard thing for a father to see his life’s hopes crumble into dust.Should he be considered? Should his brothers be considered? Will it do society any good or make your life safer, or any human being’s life safer, if it should be handled down from generation to generation, that this boy, their kin, died upon the scaffold?And Loeb’s the same. Here are the faithful uncle and brother, who have watched here day by day, while Dickie’s father and his mother are too ill to stand this terrific strain, and shall be waiting for a message which means more to them than it can mean to you or me. Shall these be taken into account in this general bereavement?Have they any rights? Is there any reason, your Honor, why their proud names and all the future generations that bear them shall have this bar sinister written across them? How many boys and girls, how many unborn children will feel it? It is bad enough as it is, God knows. It is bad enough, however it is. But it’s not yet death on the scaffold. It’s not that. And I ask your Honor, in addition to all that I have said to save two honorable families from a disgrace that never ends, and which could be of no avail to help any human being that lives.Now, I must say a word more and then I will leave this with you where I should have left it long ago. None of us are unmindful of the public; courts are not, and juries are not. We placed our fate in the hands of a trained court, thinking that he would be more mindful and considerate than a jury. I cannot say how people feel. I have stood here for three months as one might stand at the ocean trying to sweep back the tide. I hope the seas are subsiding and the wind is falling, and I believe they are, but I wish to make no false pretense to this court. The easy thing and the popular thing to do is to hang my clients. I know it. Men and women who do not think will applaud. The cruel and thoughtless will approve. It will be easy to-day; but in Chicago, and reaching out over the length and breadth of the land, more and more fathers and mothers, the humane, the kind and the hopeful, who are gaining anunderstanding and asking questions not only about these poor boys, but about their own—these will join in no acclaim at the death of my clients.These would ask that the shedding of blood be stopped, and that the normal feelings of man resume their sway. And as the days and the months and the years go on, they will ask it more and more. But, your Honor, what they shall ask may not count.I know the easy way. I know the future is with me, and what I stand for here; not merely for the lives of these two unfortunate lads, but for all boys and all girls; for all of the young, and as far as possible, for all of the old. I am pleading for life, understanding, charity, kindness, and the infinite mercy that considers all. I am pleading that we overcome cruelty with kindness and hatred with love. I know the future is on my side. Your Honor stands between the past and the future. You may hang these boys; you may hang them by the neck until they are dead. But in doing it you will turn your face toward the past. In doing it you are making it harder for every other boy who in ignorance and darkness must grope his way through the mazes which only childhood knows. In doing it you will make it harder for unborn children. You may save them and make it easier for every child that sometime may stand where these boys stand. You will make it easier for every human being with an aspiration and a vision and a hope and a fate. I am pleading for the future; I am pleading for a time when hatred and cruelty will not control the hearts of men. When we can learn by reason and judgment and understanding and faith that all life is worth saving, and that mercy is the highest attribute of man.I feel that I should apologize for the length of time I have taken. This case may not be as important as I think it is, and I am sure I do not need to tell this court, or to tell my friends that I would fight just as hard for the poor as for the rich. If I should succeed, my greatest reward and my greatest hope will be that for the countless unfortunates who must tread the same road in blind childhood that these poor boys have trod—that I have done something to help human understanding, to temper justice with mercy, to overcome hate with love.I was reading last night of the aspiration of the old Persian poet, Omar Khayyam. It appealed to me as the highest that I can vision. I wish it was in my heart, and I wish it was in the hearts of all.So I be written in the Book of Love,I do not care about that Book above.Erase my name or write it as you will,So I be written in the Book of Love.。