外文翻译--港口集群治理
产业集群的外文翻译及原文(族群与集群竞争力)
英文文献资料（一）Clusters and the New Economics of CompetitionMichael E. Porter（Harvard university）Why Clusters Are Critical to CompetitionModern competition depends on productivity, not on access to inputs or the scale of individual enterprises.Productivity rests on how companies compete,not on the particular fields they compete panies can be highly productive in any industry–shoes, agriculture, or semiconductors – if they employ sophisticated methods, use advanced technology,and offer unique products and services. All industries can employ advanced technology; all industries can be knowledge intensive.The sophistication with which companies compete in a particular location, however, is strongly influenced by the quality of the local business environment.1 Companies cannot employ advanced logistical techniques, for example, without a high quality transportation infrastructure. Nor can companies effectively compete on sophisticated service without well-educated employees. Businesses cannot operate efficiently under onerous regulatory red tape or under a court system that fails to resolve disputes quickly and fairly. Some aspects of the business environment, such as the legal system, for example, or corporate tax rates, affect all industries. In advanced economies, however, the more decisive aspects of the business environment are often cluster specific; these constitute some of the most important microeconomic foundations for competition.Clusters affect competition in three broad ways:first, by increasing the productivity of companies based in the area; second, by driving the direction and pace of innovation, which underpins future productivity growth; and third, by stimulating the formation of new businesses, which expands and strengthens the cluster itself. A cluster allows each member to benefit as if it had greater scale or as if it had joined with others formally – without requiring it to sacrifice its flexibility.Clusters and Productivity. Being part of a cluster allows companies to operate more productively in sourcing inputs; accessing information, technology,and needed institutions; coordinating with related companies; and measuring and motivating improvement.Better Access to Employees and Suppliers. Companies in vibrant clusters can tap into an existing pool of specialized and experienced employees, thereby lowering their search and transaction costs in recruiting. Because a cluster signals opportunity and reduces the risk of relocation for employees, it can also be easier to attract talented people from other locations, a decisive advantage in some industries.A well-developed cluster also provides an efficient means of obtaining other important inputs.Such a cluster offers a deep and specialized supplier base. Sourcing locally instead of from distant suppliers lowers transaction costs. It minimizes the need for inventory, eliminates importing costs and delays, and –because local reputation is important –lowers the risk that suppliers will overprice or renege on commitments. Proximity improves communications and makes it easier for suppliers to provide ancillary or support services such as installation and debugging. Other things being equal, then, local outsourcing is a better solution than distantoutsourcing, especially for advanced and specialized inputs involving embedded technology, information, and service content.Formal alliances with distant suppliers can mitigate some of the disadvantages of distant outsourcing. But all formal alliances involve their own complex bargaining and governance problems and can inhibit a company’s flexibility. The close, informal relationships possible among companies in a cluster are often a superior Arrangement.In many cases, clusters are also a better alternative to vertical pared with in-house units, outside specialists are often more cost effective and responsive, not only in component production but also in services such as training. Although extensive vertical integration may have once been the norm, a fast-changing environment can render vertical integration inefficient, ineffective, and inflexible.Even when some inputs are best sourced from a distance, clusters offer advantages. Suppliers trying to penetrate a large, concentrated market will price more aggressively, knowing that as they do so they can realize efficiencies in marketing and in service.Working against a cluster’s advantages in assembling resources is the possibility that competition will render them more expensive and scarce. But companies do have the alternative of outsourcing many inputs from other locations, which tends to limit potential cost penalties. More important, clusters increase not only the demand for specialized inputs but also their supply.Access to Specialized Information. Extensive market, technical, and competitive information accumulates within a cluster, and members have preferred access to it. In addition, personal relationships and community ties foster trust and facilitate the flow of information. These conditions make information more transferable.Complementarities. A host of linkages among cluster members results in a whole greater than the sum of its parts. In a typical tourism cluster, for example, the quality of a visitor’s experience depends not only on the appeal of the primary attraction but also on the quality and efficiency of complementary businesses such as hotels, restaurants, shopping outlets, and transportation facilities. Because members of the cluster are mutually dependent, good performance by one can boost the success of the others.Complementarities come in many forms. The most obvious is when products complement one another in meeting customers’ needs, as the tourism example illustrates. Another form is the coordination of activities across companies to optimize their collective productivity. In wood products, for instance, the efficiency of sawmills depends on a reliable supply of high-quality timber and the ability to put all the timber to use – in furniture (highest quality), pallets and boxes (lower quality), or wood chips (lowest quality). In the early 1990s, Portuguese sawmills suffered from poor timber quality because local landowners did not invest in timber management. Hence most timber was processed for use in pallets and boxes, a lower-value use that limited the price paid to landowners. Substantial improvement in productivity was possible, but only if several parts of the cluster changed simultaneously.Logging operations, for example, had to modify cutting and sorting procedures, while sawmills had to develop the capacity to process wood in more sophisticated ways. Coordination to develop standard wood classifications and measures was an important enabling step. Geographically dispersed companies are less likely to recognize and capture such linkages.Other complementarities arise in marketing. A cluster frequently enhances the reputation of a location in a particular field, making it more likely that buyers will turn to a vendor based there.Italy’s strong reputation for fashion and design, for example, benefits companies involved in leather goods, footwear, apparel, and accessories. Beyond reputation, cluster members often profit from a variety of joint marketing mechanisms, such as company referrals, trade fairs, trade magazines, and marketing delegations.Finally, complementarities can make buying from a cluster more attractive for customers. Visiting buyers can see many vendors in a single trip. They also may perceive their buying risk to be lower because one location provides alternative suppliers. That allows them to multisource or to switch vendors if the need arises. Hong Kong thrives as a source of fashion apparel in part for this reason.Access to Institutions and Public Goods. Investments made by government or other public institutions– such as public spending for specialized infrastructure or educational programs – can enhance a company’s productivity. The ability to recruit employees trained at local programs, for example, lowers the cost of internal training. Other quasi-public goods, such as the cluster’s information and technology pools and its reputation, arise as natural by-products of competition.It is not just governments that create public goods that enhance productivity in the private sector. Investments by companies –in training programs, infrastructure, quality centers, testing laboratories, and so on – also contribute to increased productivity. Such private investments are often made collectively because cluster participants recognize the potential for collective benefits.Better Motivation and Measurement. Local rivalry is highly motivating. Peer pressure amplifies competitive pressure within a cluster,even among noncompeting or indirectly competing companies. Pride and the desire to look good in the local community spur executives to attempt to outdo one another.Clusters also often make it easier to measure and compare performances because local rivals share general circumstances – for example, labor costs and local market access – and they perform similar activities. Companies within clusters typically have intimate knowledge of their suppliers’ costs. Managers are able to compare costs and employees’performance with other local companies. Additionally, financial institutions can accumulate knowledge about the cluster that can be used to monitor performance.Clusters and Innovation. In addition to enhancing productivity, clusters play a vital role in a company’s ongoing ability to innovate. Some of the same characteristics that enhance current productivity have an even more dramatic effect on innovation and productivity growth.Because sophisticated buyers are often part of a cluster, companies inside clusters usually have a better window on the market than isolated competitors do. Computer companies based in Silicon Valley and Austin, Texas, for example, plug into customer needs and trends with a speed difficult to match by companies located elsewhere. The ongoing relationships with other entities within the cluster also help companies to learn early about evolving technology, component and machinery availability, service and marketing concepts, and so on. Such learning is facilitated by the ease of making site visits and frequent face-to-face contact.Clusters do more than make opportunities for innovation more visible. They also provide the capacity and the flexibility to act rapidly. A company within a cluster often can source what it needs to implement innovations more quickly. Local suppliers and partners can and do get closely involved in the innovation process, thus ensuring a better match with customers’ requirements.Companies within a cluster can experiment at lower cost and can delay large commitments until they are more assured that a given innovation will pan out. In contrast, a company relying ondistant suppliers faces greater challenges in every activity it coordinates with other organizations –in contracting, for example, or securing delivery or obtaining associated technical and service support. Innovation can be even harder in vertically integrated companies, especially in those that face difficult trade-offs if the innovation erodes the value of in-house assets or if current products or processes must be maintained while new ones are developed.Reinforcing the other advantages for innovation is the sheer pressure – competitive pressure, peer pressure, constant comparison – that occurs in a cluster. Executives vie with one another to set their companies apart. For all these reasons, clusters can remain centers of innovation for decades.Clusters and New Business Formation.It is not surprising, then, that many new companies grow up within an existing cluster rather than at isolated locations. New suppliers, for example, proliferate within a cluster because a concentrated customer base lowers their risks and makes it easier for them to spot market opportunities. Moreover, because developed clusters comprise related industries that normally draw on common or very similar inputs, suppliers enjoy expanded opportunities.Clusters are conducive to new business formation for a variety of reasons. Individuals working within a cluster can more easily perceive gaps in products or services around which they can build businesses. Beyond that, barriers to entry are lower than elsewhere. Needed assets, skills, inputs, and staff are often readily available at the cluster location, waiting to be assembled into a new enterprise.Local financial institutions and investors, already familiar with the cluster, may require a lower risk premium on capital. In addition, the cluster often presents a significant local market, and an entrepreneur may benefit from established relationships. All of these factors reduce the perceived risks of entry – and of exit, should the enterprise fail.The formation of new businesses within a cluster is part of a positive feedback loop. An expanded cluster amplifies all the benefits I have described – it increases the collective pool of competitive resources, which benefits a ll the cluster’s members. The net result is that companies in the cluster advance relative to rivals at other locations.英文文献中文翻译（二）来源：哈佛商业评论Vol.76第6期 1998年作者：迈克·E. 波特出版时间：1998簇群与新竞争经济学(美）迈克·E. 波特为什么簇群对竞争至关重要?现代竞争取决于生产力, 而非取决于投入或单个企业的规模。
电子商务中英文文献.doc
电子商务中英献电子商务中英献（一)［１]梁静着.销售互动中的说服效果给予消费者说服应对的视角[Ｍ]．杭州浙江大学，2012：37—38．[2］银成钺，杨雪,王影．基于关键事件技术的服务业顾客问互动行为研究［Ｊ]。
预测20１0:15—20.［3]蒋婷，胡正．服务接触中游客间互动行为研究－—基于关键事件技术的方法［J］.学刊.［３7］张岳.信任与感知风险对客户络购物意愿的影响研究［Ｊ].商业经济,2012(３92），2：150—8６—91。
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感知质量和感知风险对自有品牌购买意愿的影响[Ｊ］.流通经济，２01３(２)８3-8９．［11］TanS.Ｊ.SｔｒaｔeｇｉｅsfoｒreｄuｃｉnｇcoｎｓumerｓriｓkｅｒsｉontｅｒnｅtShopping［J］.ＪoｕrnalofCｏnsuｍerMａrｋｅting，１９9９（16）-１８0．[1２]李小梅,李定家.络购物之降低风险策略研究[J］．第一届站经营学术暨实务研讨会集，2000：１3２—136．[１3］ＬiｂaｉB。
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电子物流外文翻译---电子物流：斯洛文尼亚运输物流集群信息化
译文题目：电子物流：斯洛文尼亚运输物流集群信息化外文题目：E—Logistics: Informatization Of Slovenian Transport Logistics Cluster出处： A Groznik, A Kovacic, B Zoric -Interfaces, 2004作者：Aleš Groznik译文：摘要为了追求更高的竞争力，组织正在寻找创新的商业模式，以促进经济效益。
在斯洛文尼亚，一些集群正在形成，包括斯洛文尼亚运输物流产业集群（STLC）。
它作为一个最重要的集群，正处于蓬勃发展阶段，要求较高的商业模式的形成和充分的信息化。
本文的主要目标是当前STLC的信息化，来弥合供应链管理（SCM）和电子物流之间的差距。
STLC的信息化是通过以下几个阶段。
第一阶段是企业组织现有的业务流程建模（AS-IS模型）。
第一阶段的结果给我们一个深入STLC 的观点，那就是它是用来建立未来商业模式的。
下一步，TO- BE流程的创建，要通过信息化的实施和支持。
信息化项目的结果显示均质和透明的集群成员之间的业务活动。
STLC信息化的目的是商业模式的创建，标准化的业务流程，降低成本，提高业务效率，降低运营时间，有效的资产管理和运输跟踪，这些都是经济竞争力的基础。
1.简介在所有的工业部门提高竞争力，全球化的激化和全球供应下降，迫使企业优化其业务流程和使用新的方式兼并或伙伴关系的直接结果在于降低企业成本。
这些战略联盟，新的管理战略，形成集群和供应链管理（SCM），电子物流等一些作者引用物流的“身价”10％至12％的GDP（Sahay，2003年）。
据AMR研究（Challenger， 2001年）表明，电子物流有降低10％的成本的潜力。
基于此，我们可以得出这样的结论：电子物流可以节省我们高达1.2%的GDP的花费。
因此，这并不奇怪，在过去的几年里，惠普、康柏、数字设备公司、施乐、戴尔和贝纳通集团这些高效公司，顶尖的管理是有利的供应链，电子物流（Romano，2003年）。
关于港口产业集群的浅析
资本资源：上海港得益于上海独特的经济优势，大量的公司机构银行设立在上海，
航务航运企业也在上海设立机构
基础设施：截止至2006 年底，上海海港港区拥有各类码头泊位1140个，其中万吨
级以上生产泊位171个，码头线总长为91.6公里
运用波特的“钻石”模型理论对上海港港口 产业集群竞争力进行分析
需求状况---由于全球经济下滑，需求普遍具有下降趋 势，但是全球海运贸易总运量仍然维持在高位 相关、支持性产业---比较全面
---大连海事大学经济学专业学生
港口产业集群的概念内涵
港口产业集群是由于在地理位置上集中于同一港口区 域的大量相互关联的行业、企业、协会、研究机构等 具有共生性和柔韧性的单位构成，以港口经济的直接 产业为核心，为港口及港口所在的区域提供各种相关 服务的产业群体
港口产业集群的概念内涵
园区？ 簇群？
业 中游产业—— 海运业 下游产业—— 港口服务业
依存产业
港口产业集群竞争力分析
产业集聚效益 产品或服务低成本 市场适应能力分析
产业集聚效益
港口产业集群的竞争力来源于其产品或服务的竞争力， 归结为运输能力强、运输效率高、信息传播快、市场 适应能力强等。产业集群超强的竞争力来源于产业集 群特质形成的集聚效益 外部效益--市场的外部性、外部规模经济和范围经济生产带来的 网络效益--网络化的结构降低成本，网络内协作增加收益 创新效益--港口产业集群内存在大量高校和研究机构引进丰富
港口产业集群的概念内涵
何谓产业“簇群”?”簇群”一词来源于生物学，原指 布一足自然环境中的不同生物，通过有机联系所产生 现象，此种共生现象是通过生物链的关系形成的，含 有层级结构。将此用于产业布局的分析，即谓产业” 簇群”。 园区发展的结果 强调的是同一产业
港口综合治理工程建设方案
港口应用：移动智能终端应用
共享 互动 链接
微信订舱 手机支付 实时监控
港口治理主要技术支撑
四、大数据技术
大数据（Big data），或称巨量数据、海量数据、大资料，指的是所涉及 的数据量规模巨大到无法通过人工，在合理时间内整理成为人类所能解读的 信息。必须借由计算机对数据进行统计、比对、解析方能得出客观结果。
港口治理的主要特征 五、持续创新参与
港口可持续创新是通过港口相关方的广泛参与和深入交互，通过港口管理者 与智能信息系统的人机交互，智能信息系统的自主学习，使得港口具备持续创 新和自我完善的功能，是港口治理最主要特征之一。
• 用户创新
大众创新
• 开放创新 • 协同创新 • 自学习
系统创新
• 自组织 • 人机交互
港口综合治理工程建设方案
目录
1 2 3 4 5 6
港口治理概况 港口治理建设内容 港口治理物联网信息平台 港口治理物流业务信息平台
港口治理智能生产运作平台
港口治理建设展望
前言
港口治理建设对创新驱动、转型发展具有重要推动作用
加快推动第五代港Βιβλιοθήκη 发展进程,成为当今港口转变发展方式、 提升企业综合竞争力的主潮流。港口治理是港口未来发展 主要方向
港口应用：智能计划与调度
智能设 备调度 智能场 地计划 智能泊位计 划
最合理的船舶在港时间 最恰当的场内翻箱
最小化的运输成本
港口治理主要技术支撑
六、系统仿真与预演技术
系统仿真是一门研究系统建模与仿真理论、方法、技术及应用的综合性科
学技术。预演技术是对生产作业过程的整体性动态描述。
港 口 应 用 ： 码 头 生 产 预 演
港口治理主要技术支撑
港口环境治理方案
港口环境治理方案一、引言港口作为一个水陆物流交通枢纽，承担着货物运输和贸易交流的重要功能，是现代经济的重要组成部分。
然而，伴随着港口的快速发展，港口环境问题也逐渐凸显出来。
污染物排放、噪音污染、固体废弃物处理等问题给港口的可持续发展带来了挑战。
因此，制定科学合理的港口环境治理方案，保护环境、促进可持续发展已迫在眉睫。
二、主要问题1. 污染物排放：港口作为一个集散地，货船的船舶尾气和工业废水排放导致大量污染物进入空气和水体中，对环境造成严重威胁。
2. 噪音污染：大型船只和港口设施的运营噪音扰民，不仅对周边居民的生活造成困扰，还对海洋生态系统产生负面影响。
3. 废弃物处理：港口作为一个物流中心，废弃物的产生数量庞大，但处理方式和手段相对滞后，给环境带来一定程度的压力。
三、治理方案1. 加强污染源控制（1）船舶废气治理：要求船舶在进港前和进港后进行尾气排放监测，重点关注NOx、SOx等有害物质的排放情况。
对于高排放的船舶，可以采取减少停泊时间和提供低碳燃料等措施进行整治。
（2）港口工业废水治理：制定严格的废水排放标准，对港口企业进行排放监管，强化监测手段和频率，确保废水经过预处理后正常排放。
推广和应用先进的废水处理技术，减少污染物排放。
2. 加强港口噪音治理（1）控制船只噪音：建立船只噪音监测体系，对出港船只进行噪音排放监管，设定噪音限值，对超标的船只进行警告或罚款。
推广应用噪音减排技术，如船舶消声器等。
（2）港区噪音治理：尽可能将港口新建设的设施纳入规划范围，改善港区内噪音发生源的位置布局，减少噪音传播对居民的影响。
并加强港口的维护和保养，减少设施老化引起的噪音。
3. 加强废弃物管理（1）分类收集处理：制定港口废弃物分类收集制度，要求港口企业将废弃物按照可回收物、有害垃圾、一般垃圾进行分类收集处理，确保废弃物得到有效处理。
（2）推广废弃物资源化利用：鼓励港口企业积极开展废弃物资源化利用工作，通过技术手段将一些可回收物料进行再加工，降低对资源的消耗。
基于TOGAF理论的港口信息化建设研究
93第1卷 第23期产业科技创新 2019，1（23）：93~94Industrial Technology Innovation 基于TOGAF理论的港口信息化建设研究吴晶晶，吴鑫鹏，杜泽鹏（江苏省港口集团信息科技有限公司，江苏 南京 210019）摘要：通过信息化建设研究能够解决区域港口一体化整合中各港口单位的应用系统的业务分散、时间离散、数据孤岛等问题，有效促进港口群体内的资源整合，助力港口一体化发展。
基于TOGAF企业架构理论，建立区域港口群信息化建设规划方案，统一区域港口群IT框架，保障区域港口一体化整合战略目标的实现。
关键词：港口一体化；TOGAF企业架构框架；信息化建设中图分类号：TP311.52 文献标识码：A 文章编号：2096-6164（2019）23-0093-02区域港口一体化整合在我国方兴未艾，既有利于促进区域港口间服务的差异化和竞争的有序化，也是我国沿海沿江各省市自治区在港口产业发展到一定阶段的有益实践。
受国内外多方因素影响，未来港口产业发展动能存在一定的不确定性，加上区域港口一体化整合本身具有复杂性，区域港口一体化整合的改革效果也有待时间的进一步检验。
1 研究意义在全国区域港口资源整合的大背景下，如何实现港口一体化整合的战略目标，是一项需要不断实践验证的过程。
本文以信息化建设为抓手，以大型港口集团为应用场景，运用TOGAF企业架构的方法论，将IT 规划与企业战略结合，研究港口集群的信息化建设规划，具有非常典型的示范意义。
运用TOGAF的企业架构方法论，将IT规划与企业架构相匹配，从理论上将企业的信息化规划提升至一个新的高度，对于进一步解决大型港口集团信息化建设问题提供新的思路。
站在企业战略发展的高度进行企业的信息化规划，提出整体建设方案，也称为IT顶层设计。
在信息系统与业务需求之间建立更紧密地的联系，建立贯穿整个业务规划的IT体系和战略，是实现信息系统的灵活性和可适配性，从来降低企业信息化投资。
港口环境治理方案
港口环境治理方案随着经济全球化的进程不断加快，港口的重要性也日益突显。
然而，港口作为经济活动的核心区域，也面临着诸多环境压力和问题，如大气污染、水污染、噪声污染等。
为了保护港口环境和促进可持续发展，需要制定一套科学合理的港口环境治理方案。
一、整体概述港口环境治理是指在保证港口正常运营的同时，通过科学的手段和措施，减少或消除港口环境污染，维护港口环境生态平衡，促进可持续发展的一系列措施和行动。
二、治理原则港口环境治理需要遵循以下原则：1. 预防为主。
积极控制污染源的产生和传输，避免污染后果的扩大。
2. 全面治理。
针对多种污染源和环境因素，采取综合性和协调性的治理手段和措施。
3. 共同治理。
所有参与港口经营和利用的各方都应共同承担环境责任，加强联合治理。
4. 合理利用资源。
在环境治理过程中，要充分考虑经济、社会和生态效益的均衡，实现资源的可持续利用。
5. 科学立法。
制定相关法律法规和政策时，应该以科学数据和技术手段为依据。
三、治理方案1. 大气污染治理针对港口区域的主要污染源——船只排放和堆场扬尘等污染源，应采取以下措施：（1）船用油减少。
鼓励船只使用燃气等清洁能源，降低船用油排放。
（2）船舶污染物管理。
对进出港船只实行污染物排放监测和管理，严格控制其排放。
（3）堆场扬尘治理。
采用覆盖、喷雾等措施减少扬尘产生。
2. 水污染治理港口区域的水环境存在着船只排污、堆场垃圾渗滤液、工业废水等多种难以治理的污染源，应采取以下措施：（1）建立污染物监测系统。
将污染源的监测和管理纳入到港口管理的整体范畴中，建立完备的污染物监测体系。
（2）港口废水处理。
采用物理、化学、生物等多种方法对港口废水进行处理，做到达标排放。
（3）垃圾处理。
垃圾应当分类收集，产生的有害物质经过处理后才能排放。
3. 噪声污染治理港口区域噪声来源复杂，包括船舶、起重机、车辆等。
针对这些噪声源，应采取以下措施：（1）噪声监测。
建立噪声监测体系，对噪声源进行监测和管理。
外文翻译-港口集群治理
中文译文：港口集群治理Peter W. de Erlangen1、引言除了众所周知的地理因素，如位置、海上交通方便程度和腹地的基础设施，港口治理是其功能发挥的决定性因素。
作者分析了港口治理大多被限定为港口当局的职能。
尽管港口当局在港口中起着核心作用,但我们认为分析港口治理对港口的作用同时需要关注（私营）企业。
制度经济文献分析提供了一个有益的框架，分析优点和缺点替代治理机制提供基础分析港口当局的作用。
在本文中,我们处理港口集群治理的问题，阐明我们的方法并分析了鹿特丹港。
首先,我们简要的讨论了集群治理概念的理论基础。
其次,我们讨论港口当局在港口治理中的作用。
第三,我们分析了来自于43位专家对鹿特丹市鹿特丹港口集群治理的一项调查的研究结果。
最后完成文章的结论。
2、集群治理的质量我们定义集群治理为“混合之间的关系，以及各种机制的协调用于集聚。
”集群之间的治理质量不同。
质量取决于协调成本水平和“范围”的“协调无价”。
低协调成本和多协调成本无价能提高治理质量。
当协调的利益分配不均，当（威胁）防止投机行为协调或协调利益不确定时，协调无价不会自发或立即产生，即使协调收益超过成本。
因此一般缺少协调无价。
更多的无价协调能改善集群治理的质量。
2.1信任在集群中信任水平高，（平均)交易成本则相对较低,因为低成本指定合同和监督成本低。
此外,协调成本无价越低，更多的协调无价会因此出现。
在一个集群中的信任水平受到声誉效应的影响。
如果声誉效应强,滥用信任会产生负面影响，因此信任文化是持续的。
2.2中介机构中介机构存在降低协调成本和扩大协调无价的范围有三个相关的原因。
首先,他们提供了一个“桥梁纽带”在两个或多个之间否则不能连接交换伙伴(Weevily and Zachery, 1999)。
其次，中介机构降低协调成本，因为它们“连接认知”。
企业之间的桥梁中介机构可以认知不同市场环境中运作的差异。
而连接认知有特别重要的作用在集群中考虑集群实际的特征是“认知分工”(Belus and Tardigrada, 2000)。
港口区域治理方案
港口区域治理方案简介作为一个国家或地区的重要门户，港口是经济发展和国际贸易的重要环节。
港口区域治理方案是指对港口区域内的环境、安全和管理等方面进行规划和管理的具体方案和措施，旨在保障港口的正常运营和发展，同时保护环境和保障安全。
整体方案港口区域治理方案需要从三个方面进行考虑：环境、安全和管理。
具体如下：环境保护港口区域是一个重要的生态环境系统，需要充分保护环境，防止污染和破坏。
具体措施如下：1.加强环境监管力度，定期对港口区域内的环境进行检测和评估；2.建立污染排放防治体系，有效控制港口及其周边的污染源；3.发展清洁能源，推广绿色港口，减少碳排放；4.建立应急响应机制，应对突发环境事件。
安全保障港口区域是国家和地区的重要门户，需要保障其安全。
具体措施如下：1.加强港口安全监管体系，提高生产安全和防范恐怖袭击的能力；2.加强进出口货物质量监管，控制重要货物的出入口；3.建立港口网络安全保护机制，保障港口信息系统的安全；4.增强港口安保人员素质和能力。
管理机制港口区域治理需要建立科学的管理机制，保障管理的顺畅和有效。
具体措施如下：1.建立港口区域管理机构，明确责任和职能；2.建立完善的港口信息共享平台，提高管理效能；3.建立港口行业标准和规范，规范行业发展；4.完善港口监管法律法规，加强行业自律。
具体实施在港口区域治理方案的实施过程中，需要按照以下步骤进行：1.制定港口区域治理方案的具体实施细则和时间表；2.组织实施港口区域治理方案，定期对实施情况进行评估；3.根据评估结果，不断完善和改进港口区域治理方案。
结语港口区域治理方案是港口管理的重要组成部分，需要从环境、安全和管理三个方面进行全面考虑和规划，不断完善和改进，以保障港口的正常运营和发展。
西班牙瓦伦西亚港海事港口物流链的质量保证【外文翻译】
外文翻译原文Quality assurance in the maritime port logistics chain: the case of Valencia, Spain Material Source: academic journals Author: Raul Compes Lopez and Nigel PooleThe provision of port services is an important link in international logistics. The efficiency of port services affects not only the port authorities, service providers and customers, but also the port hinterland through the multiplier effect on the regional economy.Efficiency and innovationIn modern ports, efficiency is compromised by weak system-wide co-ordination. “The most striking feature of internal port organization is the considerable number of bodies that participate in the transfer of goods between ships and inland transport vehicles” (Jansson and Shneerson, 1982). There are bo th historical and political reasons for this fragmentation.The efficiency of port industries is important in the first place to port users, for whom ports services have always constituted a bottleneck in periods of rapid international trade. From the early 1990s, international trade and demands on logistic services are increasing. Second, the efficiency effect of enhancing port throughput is important to the service providers and to the port hinterland. Also, in terms of total costs incurred, the provision of port services is the most significant link in the chain of seaborne goods transport, often exceeding the costs of shipping proper.Innovation in maritime and port logistics is as important as in any other part of the supply chain. Total port throughput is a function of the number of berths, capacity per berth and berth occupancy rate. Historically, ports have expanded berth numbers in order to increase capacity, and shipbuilders have built large vessels to achieve economies of scale. In terms of handling, the stowage and unstowage of cargo was the bottleneck in port handling until the development of containerisation and roll-on/roll-off shipping.Innovation in port organisation in order to improve the efficiency of the international logistics chain is illustrated by the recent decision by the UK shipping line P&O to invest $550 million to help ease congestion in the port system aroundBombay. Bottlenecks have been created because the port system has not been able to keep pace with the expansion in trade since economic liberalisation began in the early 1990s. Current capacity is rated at 175 million tonnes, and Indian ports have been handling more than 200 million tonnes, a total predicted to rise to 350 million tones by the year 2006 (Financial Times, 1997a).Another example of innovation is P&O’s vertical strategy to overcome the historic fragmentation of the ports industry by establishing a joint venture with Associated British Ports to develop Southampton container terminals in the UK (Associated British Ports Holdings PLC, 1996).The port logistics chainMaritime shipping takes two forms – charter or tramp services, which are used mainly for irregular contract services for loose cargo; and container services by regular shipping lines. The handling advantages of containers, the improved security and the service door-todoor, rather than port-to-port, explain the dramatic increase in regular shipping services illustrated in Figure 1. Modern ports are a complex of firms, a “port community”, which provide a r ange of logistics services related to both the goods and the ships.Port performanceEfficient management of the logistics chain, of which maritime ports constitute an important link, is self-evidently important to the clients who use the services. The prosperity of the port depends on the efficient flow of ships and goods through its docks. The performance of a port is also important to the hinterland, throughout which the economic benefits are multiplied. For example, direct employment in port activities in Rotterdam in 1989 amounted to 69,300 people, with 300,000 employed indirectly. In 1992, Antwerp contributed 3.3 per cent of Belgian GNP(Compés López, 1996).Co-ordination, control and asymmetric informationPort services are difficult to co-ordinate because of the heterogeneity of the services and service providers. Moreover, the relationships between service providers and their customers – the ship owners and exporters and importers of the traded goods – tend to be both co-operative and competitive in nature. In general, firms using port services have three options for managing the logistics chain.First, they can provide their own services.Second, such services can be contracted out to specialised secondary firms, either partially or wholly. Third, firms can designate the decision making to asecondary intermediary or forwarding firm which itself advises or decides which option is preferable. The choice of one or other means of service provision depends on a range of factors, but traditionally the choice has been to contract out services. By converting into variable costs those that would otherwise be fixed costs, the primary firm can operate with a greater degree of flexibility. Therefore, contracting out logistics services serves the purpose of saving some production costs. However, at the same time contracting may give rise to another problem: the contracting process incurs transaction costs of search, negotiation, monitoring and enforcement activities.These costs have three sources (Williamson, 1975, 1985), asset specificity, frequency of recontracting, and uncertainty, of which the last is the most important to port services.The transaction costs associated with externalising logistics services may be significant, whether they are provided directly by a specialised logistics firm or by an intermediary or forwarder. The costs will be higher still under conditions of information asymmetry. For example, at the time of contracting the services of a transport firm, the primary firm does not know the quality of service that the secondary firm will provide.Information is incomplete inasmuch as neither firm fully knows the outcome of the contract, and asymmetric inasmuch as the secondary firm is better able than the primary firm to judge whether it can fulfil the contractual terms.The relationship between the two firms is of the “principal-agent” type. If the information and actions of the secondary (agent) firm are hidden from the primary (principal) firm, or if the service is provided at high cost, then the interests of the agent may not coincide with those of the principal. Under such conditions, the primary firm must provide an incentive to align the otherwise conflicting interests.Asymmetric information is important when the logistics function involves various transport media. This is particularly so for the transport of both bulk and container goods over long distances when maritime transport is commonly used. Under such circumstances, the supply chain increases in complexity and number of functions, and includes those services provided both to the ships and to the cargo in the ports where land and sea systems connect.Two important results of the principalagent problem are adverse selection and moral hazard. Under conditions of quality uncertainty, market prices may generate inadequate returns for high quality providers.Adverse selection is the result: high quality services are displaced by those oflower quality, and consequently the market is characterised by only poorer quality products or port service providers (Akerlof, 1970). This is true especially if seller reputation is unimportant and service providers are unable to signal high quality.Moral hazard arises when imperfect monitoring due to lack of information facilitates opportunistic non-compliance with contractual agreements, and therefore results in poor quality services. Moral hazard is attenuated under conditions of long-term relationships (Holmström, 1979).Port service qualityIn respect of ports, quality means the provision of services that meets the expectations of clients, whether or not these are specified beforehand. These quality concepts are consistent with the International Standards (ISO series), which consider quality as the complex of properties and characteristics of a good or service that satisfy the client’s implicit and explicit needs. Service quality is measured by the degree to which the observed standards meet certain expectations which result from the interplay of the needs of the firm, its past experiences and the experiences of others transmitted by word of mouth (Parasuraman et al., 1985). When the expectations are not realised, quality is said to be compromised.As clients of the port authorities, ship owners, importers and exporters want to receive services according to agreed standards. There are three dimensions to the quality of port services: efficiency, timeliness, and security. These usually refer to:(1) the technical efficiency in terms of costs and benefits with which the services are provided;(2) punctuality, understood as whether the service is initiated and terminated within a defined or acceptable period;(3) the security conditions and handling that ships and goods receive when passing through the port, and the trust vested in the service provider, in the sense that the provider will not engage in hidden opportunistic behaviour, and customers will engage in repeat dealings.Most Spanish ports do not have an integrated port logistics chain. The exception is Algeciras, which because of its strategic position in the Straits of Gibraltar serves as a hub for the major shipping companies Sea-land and Maersk. The lack of large Spanish shipping companies and the secondary role of Spanish ports in relation to the European hinterland mean that no large port logistics firms have developed. This structural weakness has exacerbated the problems of coordination, information asymmetry and quality control.Since Spain became fully integrated into the European and global economy in the mid-1980s, considerable interest has been directed towards the problems of port organisation and its impact on competitiveness in overseas trade. Puertos del Estado, the public entity charged with the planning and management of the Spanish port system, has taken and encouraged a range of initiatives to improve the functioning of port services. However, the relative autonomy that the port law confers on the regions has encouraged individual port authorities to develop their own plans.The perspective created by the election of the conservative government in 1996 is that more control and authority will be devolved from the centre to the autonomous regional governments. For example, the regional government of the Comunidad Autónoma de Valencia (Autonomous Community of Valencia), the Generalitat, enjoys considerable fiscal autonomy and is now responsible for raising and administering 30 per cent of the income tax within the region.The efficient functioning of the international logistics supply chain requires the provision of high quality port services so that processes whereby goods are transported by sea meet the expectations of the final consumers in respect of punctuality, quality, reliability and price. This requires optimum standards of co-ordination among firms of service providers which, in numerous ports around the world, and particularly in Spanish ports, traditionally have formed integrated chains which, at best, are weak.The problem has a political dimension, because it is often the state which hitherto has regulated port activities. The business dimension is important also, in that it is the form of contract of the international transactionwhich governs the transport function and the control of the logistics chain.From the viewpoint of economic theory, the numerous situations of informational asymmetry of a principal-agent type increase the potential inefficiencies of the port services and may reduce the satisfaction of a port’s clients. No quality control instrument of a single firm – or even a single port – can guarantee the quality of services in the logistics chain. The international nature of the industry suggests the need for a global quality control system, in the absence of which a system-wide approach such as that of Valencia is a second-best alternative for individual ports: the accreditation system is eclectic, combining elements of certification, minimum quality standards and user guarantees. The transaction costs of commercial firms are thereby reduced and the competitiveness of port service provision is increased. The model conceivably could be developed by other portcommunities.译文西班牙瓦伦西亚港海事港口物流链的质量保证资料来源: 学术期刊网作者：劳尔•康普斯•洛佩兹奈杰尔•普尔在国际物流中，港口提供物流服务是非常重要的一环。
什么是集群【外文翻译】
WHAT IS A CLUSTER?Clusters have long been part of the economic landscape, with geographic concentrations of trades and companies in particular industries dating back for centuries. The intellectual antecedents of clusters date back at least to Marshall (1890/1920), who included a fascinating chapter on the externalities of specialized industrial locations in his Principles of Economics.A cluster is a geographically proximate group of interconnected companies and associated institutions in a particular field, linked by commonalities and complementarities. The geographic scope of clusters ranges from a region, a state, or even a single city to span nearby or neighboring countries (e.g., southernGermany and German-speaking Switzerland).The geographic scope of a cluster relates to the distance overwhich informational, transactional, incentive, and other efficiencies occur.More than single industries, clusters encompass an array of linked industries and other entities important to competition. They include, for example, suppliers of specialized inputs such as components, machinery, and services as well as providers of specialized infrastructure. Clusters also often extend downstream to channels or customers and laterally to manufacturers of complementary products or companies related by skills, technologies, or common inputs. Many clusters include governmental and other institutions (e.g., universities, think tanks, vocational training providers, standards-setting agencies, trade associations) that provide specialized training, education, information, research, and technical support.Many clusters include trade associations and other collective bodies involving cluster members. Finally, foreign firms can be and are part of clusters, but only if they make permanent investments in a significant local presence.Figure 1 shows a schematic diagramof the wine cluster in California. This cluster includes 680 Commercial wineries and several thousand independent wine grape growers.An extensive complement of supporting industries to both winemaking and grape growing exists includingsuppliers of grape stock, irrigation and harvesting equipment, barrels, and labels; specialized public relations and advertising firms; and numerous wine publications aimed at consumer and trade audiences. A host of local institutions are involved with wine such as the Wine Institute, special committees of the California state senate and assembly, and the world-renowned viticulture and enology program at the University of California, Davis. The cluster also enjoys weaker linkages to other California clusters in agriculture, food and restaurants, and wine country tourism.Drawing cluster boundaries often is amatter of degree and involves a creative process informed by understanding the linkages and complementarities across industries and institutions that are most important to competition in a particular field. The strength of these “spillovers” and their importance to productivity and innovation often are the ultimate boundary-determining factors. Clusters are defined too broadly if they are aggregates such as manufacturing, services, consumer goods, or “high tech.”Here, the connections among included industries areweak at best, and discussion about cluster constraints and potential bottlenecks will tend to gravitate to generalities. Conversely, equating a cluster with a single industry misses the crucial interconnections with other industries and institutions that strongly affect competitiveness.Clusters occur in many types of industries, in smaller fields, and even in some local industries such as restaurants, car dealers, and antique shops. They are present in large and small economies, in rural and urban areas, and at several geographic levels (e.g., nations, states, metropolitan regions, cities). Clusters occur in both advanced and developing economies, although clusters in advanced economies tend to be far more developed (Porter, 1998b).Cluster boundaries rarely conform to standard industrial classification systems, which fail to capture many important actors in competition and linkages across industries. Because parts of a cluster often are put into different traditional industrial or service categories, significant clusters might be obscured or even unrecognized. In Massachusetts, for example, there proved to be more than 400 companies connected in some way to medical devices, representing at least 39,000 high paying jobs.The cluster was all but invisible, buried in several larger and overlapping industry categories such as electronic equipment and plastic products.The appropriate definition of a cluster can differ in different locations, depending on the segments inwhich the member companies compete and the strategies they employ.The lower Manhattan multimedia cluster, for example, consists primarily of content providers and firms in related industries such as publishing, broadcast media, and graphic and visual arts. The San Francisco Bay area multimedia cluster, by contrast, contains many hardware and software industries that provide enabling technology. Clusters also can be examined at various levels of aggregation (e.g., agricul-ture cluster, wine cluster), thereby exposing different issues.The boundaries of clusters continually evolve as new firms and industries emerge, established industries shrink or decline, and local institutions develop and change. Technological and market developments give rise to new industries, create new linkages, or alter served markets. Regulatory changes also contribute to shifting boundaries, for example, as they have in telecommunications and transport.Why view economies using the lens of clusters instead of, or in addition to, more traditional groupings such as companies, industries, SIC codes, and sectors (e.g., manufacturing, services)? The most important reason is that the cluster as a unit of analysis is better aligned with the nature of competition and appropriate roles of government. Clusters, broader than traditional industrycategorizations, capture important linkages, complementarities, and spillovers in terms of technology,skills, information, marketing, and customer needs that cut across firms and industries. These externalities create a possible rationale for collective action and a role for government.As will be discussed further, such connections across firms and industries are fundamental to competition, to productivity, and (especially) to the direction and pace of new business formation and innovation. Most cluster participants are not direct competitors but rather serve different segments of industries. Yet they share many common needs, opportunities, constraints, and obstacles to productivity. The cluster provides a constructive and efficient forum for dialogue among related companies, their suppliers, government, and other institutions.Because of externalities, public and private investments to improve cluster circumstances benefit many firms. Seeing a group of companies and institutions as a cluster also highlights opportunities for coordination and mutual improvement in areas of common concern with less of a risk of distorting competition or limiting the intensity of rivalry.Viewing the world in terms of narrower industries or sectors, conversely, often degenerates to lobbying over subsidies and tax breaks. Beca Resulting public investments involve fewer spillover benefits across firms and industries and, therefore, are prone to distort markets. Because large proportions of participants in such narrow groupings often are direct competitors, there is a very real threat that rivalry will be panies also often are hesitant about participating for fear of aiding direct competitors.An industry or narrow sectoral perspective tends to result in distorting competition (anti-competitive rent-seeking behavior), then, whereas a cluster perspective focuses on enhancing competition (pro-competitive). The presence of customers, suppliers, and firms from related industries in the dialogue helps to police proposals that will limit competition. I return to these issues when I explore the implications of clusters for government policy.LOCATION AND COMPETITIONDuring recent decades, thinking about the influence of location on competition has been based on relatively simple views of how companies compete. These see competition as largely static and resting on cost minimization in a relatively closed economy.Here comparative advantage in factors of production is decisive. In more recent thinking, increasing returns to scale play a central role. Yet actual competition is far different. Competition is dynamic and rests on innovation and the search for strategic differences. Close linkages with buyers, suppliers, and other institutions are important, not only to efficiency but also to the rate of improvement and innovation. Location affects competitive advantage through its influence on productivity and especially on productivity growth. Generic factor inputs themselves usually are abundant and readily accessed. Prosperity depends on the productivity with which factors are used and upgraded in a particular location. Economic development seeks to achieve long-term sustainable development in a nation’s standard of living, adjusted for purchasing power parity.Standard of living is determined by the productivity of a nation’s economy, which is measured by the value of the goods and services (products) produced per unit of the nation’s human, capital, and physical resources. Productivity, then, defines competitiveness. The concept of productivity must encompass both the value (prices) t hat a nation’s products command in the marketplace and the efficiency with which standard units are produced.The productivity and prosperity of a location rest not on the industries in which its firms com- pete but rather on how they compete. Firms can be more productive in any industry if they employsophisticated methods, use advanced technology, and offer unique products and services, whether the industry is shoes, agriculture, or semiconductors.All industries can employ “high technology,”and all ind ustries can be “knowledge intensive.” Thus, the term high tech, which normally is used to refer to fields such as information technology and biotechnology, is of questionable relevance.A better term might be enabling technology to signify that these fields provide tools that can enhance technology in many other industries.Conversely, the mere presence in any industry does not by itself guarantee prosperity if firms there are unproductive. Traditional distinctions between high tech and low tech, manufacturing and services, resource based and knowledge based, and others have little relevance perse. Improving the productivity of all industries enhances prosperity, both directly and through the influenceone industry has on the productivity of others.National productivity ultimately is set by the sophistication (e.g., technology, skill) with which companies compete. Unless companies become more productive, an economy cannot become more productive. The sophistication of companies’approaches to competing determines the prices that their products and services can command and the efficiency with which they produce. Company sophistication in competing can be thought of in two parts. The first andmost basic is what I term operational effectiveness, or the extent to which companies in a nation approach best practice in areas such as production processes, technologies, andmanagement techniques (Porter, 1996). The second aspect of company sophistication relates to the types of strategies companies employ such as the ability to compete on differentiation and not just cost, the array of services that can be provided, and the approaches used in selling internationally.Yet the sophistication of how companies compete in a location is strongly influenced by the quality of the microeconomic business environment. Some aspects of the business environment (e.g., theroad system, corporate tax rates, the legal system) cut across all industries. These economy-wide (or“horizontal”) areas are important and often represent the binding constraints to competitiveness in developing economies. Inmore advanced economies and increasingly elsewhere, however, themore decisive aspects of the business environment for competitiveness often are cluster specific (e.g., the presence of particular types of suppliers, skills, or university departments).Capturing the business environment in a location is challenging given the myriad of locational influences on productivity and productivity growth. In The Competitive Advantage of Nations (Porter, 1990), I model the effect of location on competition through four interrelated influences,graphically depicted in a diamond; the diamond metaphor has become common in referring to the theory (Figure 2).In a recent two-part article, I explore and statistically test the sequential process by which the diamond must upgrade if an economy is to advance (Porter, 1998b). Parallel improvements in the sophistication of company operations and strategies and the quality of the diamond provide the microeconomic foundations of economic development.A few elements of this framework deserve highlighting because they are important to understanding the role of clusters in competition. Factor inputs range from tangible assets such as physical infrastructure to information, the legal system, and university research institutes that all firms draw on in competition. To increase productivity, factor inputs must improve in efficiency, quality,and (ultimately) specialization to particular cluster areas. Specialized factors, especially those integral to innovation and upgrading (e.g., a specialized university research institute), not only are necessary to attain high levels of productivity but also tend to be less tradable or availablefrom elsewhere.The context for firmstrategy and rivalry refers to the rules, incentives, and norms governing the type and intensity of local rivalry. Economieswith lowproductivity are characterized by little local rivalry. Most competition, if present at all, comes from imports. Local rivalry, if occurring at all, involves imitation. Price is the sole competitive variable, and firms hold downwages to compete in local and foreign markets. Competition involves minimal investment.Moving to an advanced economy requires that vigorous local rivalry develop.Rivalrymust shift from low wages to low total cost, and this requires upgrading the efficiency of manufacturing and Service delivery.Ultimately, rivalry alsomust evolve fromcost to include pe-titionmust shift fromimitation to innovation and fromlowinvestment to high investment in not only physical assets but also intangibles (e.g., skills, technology). Clusters, as will be evident, play an Integral role in these transitions.什么是集群长期以来，把一定区域内的贸易和工业公司的集聚称为集群可以追溯到几个世纪之前了。
港口环境治理方案(5篇)
港口环境治理方案为切实加强我校安全管理工作，净化育人环境，保障学生安全，维护校园及社会稳定，根据岐山县教育____文件精神，对学校及周边环境进行专项整治，营造安全的育人环境，特制定本方案。
一、工作目标建立公安、教育、街道管理、工商、卫生、文化联合管理机制，完善管理制度，落实责任，强化措施，加强校园周边环境整治，确保校园无安全事故、无纠纷案件、无____事件、无周边环境问题，以达师生平安、秩序井然，有力地促进我校教育教学工作顺利进行。
二、具体工作与措施(一)加强领导，落实职责为切实加强对学校及校园周边环境专项整治工作的领导，学校成立领导小组，由校长付仓良为组长，法制副校长____州、副校长高宏波、何建平为副组长杨亚峰为协警，其他中层领导及相关人员为成员，小组具体负责对本项工作的____领导、责任落实及工作实施。
(二)、落实责任，强化监督为了加强学校对安全工作的管理指导、督促，按照有关要求，明确校长为学校及校园周边环境专项整治工作第一责任人，主管副校长为直接责任人，班主任为各班第一责任人，任课教师为该节课的第一责任人；学校分别与教职工签订安全工作责任书，与家长和学生签订交通安全骑车协议书，并加大督查力度；学校的食堂要严把食品入货渠道，与供货商签订食品卫生安全协议。
同时，本着“谁主管、谁负责”的原则，严格执行责任追究制。
对因工作失职，玩忽职守或教育不当等原因造成的安全事故，要从严追究责任人的责任，确保学校及校园周边环境专项整治工作落实到位。
(三)、完善制度，有章可循结合学校实际和学校及校园周边环境专项整治的工作要求，逐步建立健全和完善各项管理制度，使得相关的各项工作有章可循，并在实际工作中依法办事、依章办事，狠抓落实。
(四)、根据实际，明确重点根据岐山县教育局和岐山县社会治安综合治理委员会关于集中开展学校及校园周边环境专项整治行动的紧急通知等文件精神，学校确定以下几个方面作为学校及周边环境进行专项整治的工作重点：1、交通安全、食品安全、消防安全、人身安全等教育；2、加强未成年人的思想道德建设及法制教育，切实提高师生的遵纪守法观念；3、开展网络安全教育，提高学生抵制网络文化中的腐朽、消极内容的能力；4、加强对校舍和教学设施的安全检查，对容易引发火灾、存放危险品及人员集中的场所(如：多媒体教育、档案室、微机室、语音室、实验室等)要做重点检查，对消防设施进行定期维护，及时排除不安全隐患，严防伤人事件的发生，确保学生的生命安全；5、加强对食堂的饮食卫生监管工作；6、加强校园周边环境的综合治理工作；7、加强学校心理健康教育，创建宽松、民主、和谐的心理环境；8、做好贫困学生的帮困结对助学，加强控辍保学工作，消除社会不稳定因素。
外文翻译--农村产业集群提高当地收入
毕业论文外文翻译Rural Industry Clusters Raise Local Earnings Industry clusters have become a popular strategy for rural economic development, yet their benefits to the local areas have not been fully examined. Labor is expected to be more productive within clusters, which should translate into higher wages. Our analysis confirms this, showing that workers’ earnings in rural industry clusters are about 13 percent higher than those of comparable workers outside clusters. The wage boost is similar for workers regardless of age or education level.The poor performance of the rural economy in the 1980’s led economic development experts to search for new ways to stimulate local growth. One promising avenue for development was to encourage the location and expansion of business establishments that are linked by their interdependence as customer and supplier, or by their use of common local resources. Such spatial concentrations of activity, or industry clusters, were expected to raise productivity for all establishments in the cluster, thus encouraging other firms to locate there, and raising local income.The idea that spatial clustering can raise the productivity of establishments is hardly new, having its antecedents in economic writings over a century ago. Not surprisingly, clusters have traditionally been equated with cities, as cities are by nature relatively large clusters of economic activity. Yet clusters can also benefit rural economies. Although prospects for the rural economy as a whole have improved sign ificantly since the 1980’s, competition for new firms among many local areas remains keen. The industry cluster appears to be a durable component in the development specialist’s arsenal.Some of the local area benefits from industry clusters have been measured, but the potential effect of raising workers’ earnings has gone relatively unexamined. In this article, we report findings from an analysis of manufacturing establishments showing that workers in rural industry clusters earn about 13 percent more, on average, than other rural workers with the same education and experience. The boost from cluster employment appears to be about the same in rural and urban areas, once industry mix is taken into account. And although one might think that the besteducated and most highly skilled workers should benefit the most, we find that the wage premium from cluster employment is about the same regardless of age or education level. This is good news for less educated and younger rural workers in a period of rising wage inequality in the United States.We will first describe in greater detail what industry clusters are, and why they are a desirable development strategy. Next, we introduce our method for identifying clusters and for measuring their effects on workers’ earnings. Finally, we present the results of our analyses of earnings in both rural and urban labor markets and discuss the implications of our findings for the success of rural development efforts.What Is an Industry Cluster?A variety of definitions for industry clusters has been used, partly because there are several kinds of clustering and partly because the characteristics associated with clusters are often difficult to measure. We define industry cluster as a group of establishments located within close geographic proximity of one another, which either share a common set of input needs, or rely on each other as supplier or customer.Clusters may be as simple as a collection of manufacturing plants that locate in an area to take advantage of natural resources, or to be near a large market or labor pool. In these cases, transportation costs or labor costs to these firms will be lower than if they were located elsewhere. But the classic industry cluster implies a more sophisticated relationship among establishments. For example, the production of computer components may require a wide variety of specialized parts. As the specifications and characteristics of its products change, the factory will need a different set of material inputs. The more quickly these newly designed inputs can be acquired, the more quickly new components can be produced and the more competitive the factory will be in national and international markets. A factory that is located near its principal suppliers will be able to obtain redesigned parts more quickly, as engineers from the computer component factory and the input suppliers work closely together on the new designs. A similar, but isolated, factory would have much more difficulty acquiring inputs to meet its changing needs. The increase in the variety and availability of inputs and the reduction in their costs reflect external economies of scale. Once a group of establishments begins to rely on one another inthis manner, and input costs fall, these clusters attract additional firms, and the process becomes self-sustaining.Defined in this manner, clusters imply a mix of industries linked together both geographically and functionally. An important subset of clusters, though, is identified primarily as a cluster of similar establishments that draw upon common suppliers. Sometimes called sectoral clusters because they consist mostly of one industrial sector, these groups are probably much more common in rural areas than the broader, more complex type of cluster. Several clusters of this type have become well-known in the rural development literature, including the carpet industry in northwest Georgia, furniture manufacturing in the Piedmont region of North Carolina and Tupelo, Mississippi, and manufactured housing in Indiana.The size of the area within a cluster depends on the type of cluster under consideration. A typical assumption is that suppliers and customers can communicate with each other face-to-face on a regular basis, and that goods can move quickly from one to the other on short notice. Some clusters may cover several counties, as in the North Carolina furniture cluster, while others can be contained wholly within a single town, as was true for many years with the cluster of carpet-making establishments in Dalton, Georgia.Manufacturing Clusters Are Well-Distributed Across RuralAmericaIn this article, we focus our attention on sectoral clusters among manufacturing establishments. Services may sometimes form clusters in and of themselves, as in the clustering of the insurance industry in Hartford, Connecticut, or banking in New York and San Francisco. Most service industries, however, serve either consumers directly or as input suppliers to goods production. Service clusters are also less common in rural areas and less important to the rural economy.Our method for identifying clusters for each industry separates counties into four groups: (1) counties without establishments in a given industry, (2) those with nonclustered establishments, (3) peripheral counties of clusters, and (4) central counties in clusters, those with the highest concentration of establishments relative to their neighbors (see “How We Identify Industry Clusters” for more information). Ouranalysis of industry clusters includes all counties in the last two groups, unless otherwise noted. Using a classification of industries based on two-digit SIC codes (with slight alterations), we found that all of the 18 resulting manufacturing industries have clusters that include nonmetro counties. The heaviest incidence of rural clustering appears in the Northwest (including much of Idaho), the industrial Northeast and Great Lakes regions, and the Southeast. With a few exceptions, clustering is noticeably absent from much of the Great Plains and the Rocky Mountain States, as well as scattered pockets in the East. Areas without establishments are combined with areas containing nonclustered establishments.Every industry had at least one cluster center in a nonmetro county, with printing and publishing having exactly one nonmetro center, and lumber and wood products having the most at 183. A large proportion of all nonmetro counties are included in at least one cluster.Lumber and wood product clusters include 848 nonmetro counties, for instance, and over 300 nonmetro counties form parts of the stone, clay, and glass clusters.The importance of industry clusters in the rural economy is also evident by comparing the number of establishments in clusters with the number of counties. In most manufacturing industries (15 of the 18 we studied), at least one-third of establishments are located in clusters, and the average share of an industry’s establishments in clusters is 48 percent. Yet, clusters typically comprise just 26 percent of the counties with establishments in that industry. That is, a large proportion of establishments are clustered, but these clusters include a relatively small proportion of counties. This contrast is a mark of the degree of geographic concentration present. Geographic concentration varies by industry, but tends to be unrelated to the degree of technological advance or demand for high-skill labor.These results challenge the view that clusters of industrial activity are strictly an urban phenomenon. The majority of national cluster employment is located in metro counties, as is true for employment overall. Yet industry clusters and urbanization are clearly not synonymous.Moreover, the range of manufacturing industries with rural clusters, and their wide geographic coverage, suggest that the clusters identified with our method are notmerely concentrations around sources of raw material or low-wage labor. If indeed rural clusters behave as urban clusters, dependent upon and sustaining external economies of scale, then we may expect similar economic benefits to flow to the local rural economy.Why Should Wages Be Higher in Industry Clusters?As we noted earlier, firms in clusters can lower production costs and obtain access to specialized goods and services. Another way of stating this is that output will be higher for a given dollar amount of input—that is, establishments will be more productive. Higher productivity will encourage additional plants to locate in the cluster, or existing plants to expand, thereby raising employment growth in the area.Industry clusters may induce other positive changes in the local economy, including changes in the local work-force. As the density of employment and the number of employers rise, the division of labor and job specialization increase as well. Many jobs will require more advanced or specialized knowledge and may become more task-specific. Skill levels, in turn, will increase among the local work force, and more specialized workers become more proficient at their tasks. In addition, workers are more likely to find a job whose requirements match their particular skills and abilities. Average wages in the local labor market should rise both because of higher skill levels and because those skills are being put to better use.Along with increased specialization, ease of information sharing also contributes to higher productivity in industry clusters. Flows of high-value information among entrepreneurs and workers in close physical proximity make good job-skill matches easier because workers are more aware of employment options. Information sharing, especially among more skilled workers, increases the transfer of new skills and techniques and leads to faster rates of “skill accumulation.” At least one recent study suggests that the faster rate of human capital growth in areas of concentrated economic activity is the key factor in explaining higher labor productivity and higher wages in clusters (Glaeser and Maré, 1994).Industry Clusters Raise Local EarningsPrevious research has measured the effects of economic concentration on raising wage rates and has tested competing hypotheses about why higher wages areobserved (Rauch, 1993; Glaeser and Maré, 1994). Without exception, these studies equate cities with such concentration, even though many of the productivity-enhancing characteristics of large urban labor markets are present in smaller labor markets with sectoral clusters.A critical difficulty in measuring the impact of sectoral cluster employment on earnings is that clusters are often associated with other characteristics of the local area. If we simply compare wages in clusters to wages in nonclusters, then, we may overstate or understate the true effect of sectoral clusters per se. For example, a portion of the higher wages observed in cities can be explained by higher costs, particularly land costs, associated with urban living. Since industry clusters are correlated with urbanization, we need to separate the effects of each on wages to correctly measure the effects of sectoral clustering. Establishments are also larger, on average, where they are clustered, and wage rates are higher in large plants due to higher unionization rates and higher output per worker.Since we want to measure the impact of cluster employment on individuals’ wages, we also want to hold constant those personal characteristics that help determine earnings. Key characteristics include education, experience, occupation, health status, gender, and ethnicity. Finally, wages vary by region, and our analysis accounts for res idence by the four major Census regions. (See “About the Data” for the way we constructed these variables in the econometric model.)Using ordinary least squares regression analysis, we estimated the additional wages received by those employed in an industry cluster compared with workers who were not, holding all other characteristics constant. At the national level, when all 18 manufacturing industries are considered together, the average cluster-employed worker earns about 7 percent more than other comparable workers, holding other factors constant. Thus, independent of all other characteristics of the worker and his or her job, cluster employment raises worker earnings. The wage premium associated with cluster employment exceeds even that of urbanization.There Is Much More to Be Learned about the Benefitsof Industry ClustersThis study has shown that industry clusters, far from being an exclusivelyurban phenomenon, exist across the rural United States, and are associated with higher wages after accounting for worker characteristics and industry composition. The results provide support for a cluster-based development strategy that will not only support jobs but jobs that tend to pay higher wages than in the absence of a cluster. However, the benefits of higher wages are conditional on the success of the community in attracting and sustaining an industry cluster. As Barkley and Henry (1997) point out, a cluster-based industrial strategy “is not the industrial development solution for all rural communiti es.”Indeed, even where a cluster-based strategy is appropriate, higher wages may not necessarily follow. As we have shown, only a few rural industries actually exhibit higher wages in clusters. Moreover, research has only just begun to examine the factors that lead to successful labor market outcomes where clusters are present. The key determinants of a cluster’s success in generating higher earnings may have less to do with the industry than with the specific production technology used, or with its ability to attract a strong research and development component as well as production. The research community doesn’t know enough at this point to answer these kinds of questions with precision. The early returns, however, are promising enough to encourage much closer scrutiny of this emerging issue.译文：农村产业集群提高当地收入产业集群对农村经济的发展已成为一种流行的战略，但它们的利益，局部地区没有得到充分的检验。
外文翻译--日本产业集群的演化与结构
本科毕业论文外文翻译题目：The Evolution and Structure of Industrial Clusters in Japan 出处：Small Business Economics作者：Hideki Yamawaki译文：ABSTRACTThis paper focuses on two aspects of the evolution and structure of clusters in Japan, namely, what gives rise to clusters and what benefits are acquired by small firms from participating in clusters. The determinants of clustering are discussed by way of a review of the history of 14 industrial clusters which cover a wide range of industries andlocations in Japan. It is noted that different factors dominate in different cases. Among the more important ones are the existence of leading large firms, the availability of a pooled labor market, and the presence of public research and testing facilities. The four most important benefits from clusters reported by small firms are : (i) specialization; (ii) ease of procurement; (iii) diffusion of technology, and (iv) public policy support. Access to skilled workers is not reported to be a significant benefit. This may be explained by the fact that the dominant source of skills acquisition among Japanese workers is on-the-job training and such skills may be too firmspecific to be useful to others, even within a geographically concentrated cluster.1. IntroductionIt is a well established fact that Japan hosts the largest number of small- and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) among industrialized countries. When SMEs are broadly defined as those enterprises with fewer than 300 employees or less than Yen 100 million in capital, more than 99 percent of all enterprises in Japanese manufacturing were classified as SMEs in 1994. Further,67 percent of total employees in manufacturing worked for SMEs in 1994.1An equally important feature of Japan’s industrial organization is that Japan’s SMEs often form clusters. According to the 1996 survey of the Small and Medium Enterprise Agency, a total of 537 clusters are reported to exist throughout Japan.While the economic significance of these clustersvaries widely from clusters producing primarily for exports to clusters producing indigenous goods little known outside Japan, an important question common to these clusters arise: Where do these clusters come from? What are the key drivers for the birth and growth of these clusters in Japan?What competitive advantage do they have? The purpose of this paper is to addressthese issues.Specifically, the paper first identifies factors thatare important in shaping the evolution of clusters in Japan. Second, it describes the structure of Japan’s clusters and examines their sources of competitive advantage.While clusters are defined generally as geographic concentrations of interconnected companies and institutions in a particular business field (Porter, 1990, 1998), each cluster varies greatly in terms of key features such as geographic locations, products, functions, and patterns of inter-firm linkages. Clusters differ from each other because of differences in historical circumstances,demand conditions, supporting industries, and competitive conditions that underlie their evolution. Some clusters arise from peculiar historical conditions, yet others may develop through the confluence of various economic conditions. The initial economic conditions that shaped a cluster,however, do not necessarily remain constant beyond certain periods. Rather, economic conditions surrounding clusters may change over time because of changes in domestic and international competitive conditions.On the basis of information provided in the previous surveys on Japan’s manufacturing clusters (People’s Finance Corporation, 1987,1995; MITI, 1996; SMEA, 1997; Ito and Urata,1997, 1998), this paper examines a sample of 14 major cases of manufacturing clusters in Japan that have shown high propensities to export. Afterproviding a brief description on the historical development of each of these clusters, the paper extracts key driving forces for the evolution of a cluster. The 14 clusters studied manufacture a wide range of products including silk, cotton, and synthetic fabrics; apparel; ceramic goods; general machinery; automobile parts; binoculars; silverware and cutlery; hand tools; and eyeglass frames.The remainder of this paper is organized as follows. In the next section, evolutionary patterns of this sample of 14 clusters are qualitativelyexamined to derive a certain set of factors that contributed to the birth of clusters. This analysis identifies historical circumstances, prior existence of related industries in the region, prior existence of related clusters in neighboring regions, technology transfers from other clusters and foreign countries, and regional government policy as most important drivers of the birth and growth of clusters. Section 3 describes structural features of these clusters and examines various sources of advantage that they create. The analysis finds that the existence of small and medium enterprises with specialized skills in an industry in a geographic space is likely to create agglomeration in Japanese clusters. Section 4 examines the development of technological and human assets in Japanese clusters. Section 5 summarizes the key findings and concludes thepaper.2. Evolution of industrial clusters in JapanA sample of 14 clusters in Japan was selected from the clusters previously studied by the People’s Finance Corporation (1987, 1995), MITI (1996),SMEA (1997), and Ito and Urata (1997, 1998).The 14 clusters were chosen rather subjectively by using the following criteria: (1) The cluster is distinctive in that interconnected firms are located in a geographically concentrated area and produce a particular class of products; (2) the cluster has been important in terms of the size ofeconomic activity; (3) the cluster has been competitive in international markets with significantly high export share; and (4) the evolution pattern of thecluster is unique. The locations of these clusters are not concentrated in one particular area but dispersed widely across Japan. In what follows,each of these clusters is briefly described focusing on its history, key conditions for birth, and interfirm linkages.3. Structure of industrial clusters in JapanSources of advantage in Japan’s clustersInterpreting the seminal work of Marshall (1920),Krugman (1991) pointed out that the advantage of concentrated production is generated by threedistinctive sources: labor market pooling, specialized inputs, and technological spillovers. In this section, we will first lay out these three causes with additional consideration and then examine which one of them is most important for the clusters in Japan by reviewing the SMEA survey result.Labor market poolingBy concentrating a number of firms in an industr in the same location, a localized industry gains an advantage from offering a pooled market forworkers with specialized skills. Both workers with specialized skills who seek employment and firms that seek such workers are better off if they get access to the pooled labor market in the same location (Marshall, 1920; Krugman, 1991).Whether this factor is relevant and important for Japanese clusters depends presumably on the mobility of skilled workers between firms withina cluster and between geographic areas. Because Japanese workers tend to stay in the same firm until retirement, the benefit of agglomerationarising from labor market pooling for skilled workers may be relatively small in a Japanese cluster. On the other hand, this advantage may bemore important in labor markets for part-time workers. As in the cases of apparel and textile clusters, part-time workers are often female workers who are local residents and work at home.Their wages are under normal circumstances much lower than regular employees.Availability of firms with specialized skills and competencies Agglomeration is created in a localized industry because it can support suppliers with specialized skills and capabilities. Capacity utilization of specialized machinery can be increased and maintained at a high level in a localized industry thatproduces the same kind of products. This in turn makes the localized industry more efficient (Marshall, 1920; Krugman, 1991).If the minimum efficient scale of production varies across a range of products and through different stages of the production process, thenmanufacturers can choose an optimal combination of operations by working closely with a number of specialized suppliers. Manufacturers can benefit from the availability of such suppliers as they choose a right technology in response to the scale of production at each stage of the process througha subcontracting-based manufacturing system.The availability of the number of firms with complementary skills also allows manufacturers to produce a large variety of product. If variety is produced through a wide range of materials and components that are handled efficiently by specialists as well as through stages of specialized operations, then manufacturers will benefit from working with suppliers with such capabilities.While such division of labor can be contracted between firms in the different geographic spaces,it is more efficiently and easily organized between nearby firms. An example of the mechanical pencil industry in Japan shows that the manufacturer may suffer from working with suppliers scattered geographically in different stages of the production system (Mishina, 1993). The long travel distance of work in process impaired the timeliness of delivery and therefore reduced production efficiency in this case.4. Development of firm capabilities in Japanese clustersSkill formationThe analysis in the previous section finds that the existence of suppliers with specialized, complementary skills is the most likely source of agglomeration in a Japanese cluster. On the other hand,the SMEA survey does not seem to provide evidence that supports the hypothesis that the creation of a pooled labor market for skilled workers in a localized industry offers an advantage to both local firms and workers.22Why is a pooled labor market for skilled workers not important source of advantage in Japanese cluster? The way in which skills are created and developed in Japanese firms, and the way in which such human skills are allocated among firms may provide an answer. As is well known, on-the-job training is the most commonly used method to train workers in Japanese corporations (Koike, 1988). The prevalence of on-the-job-training in Japan is based on the premises that most skills are learned only by doing, and that some of these skills are specific to the firm or to the plant.This firm-specific nature of human skills in turn tend to discourage the worker to move to another firm since the worker will lose some of the skills acquired in the firm if the worker moves to the another firm. The firm will not be able to replace the worker easily within a short period with a new recruit without impairing efficiency. This in turn motivates both workers and firms to use a mechanism that is internal to firms rather than a mechanism that use external markets to allocate human resources (Odagiri, 1992).In sum, the analysis in this section and the previous section suggests that the firms in an industrial cluster in Japan are more likely to benefit from supporting large numbers of suppliers with specialized skills. Some of the human skills in these firms are firm-specific and developed internally within the firms through on-the-job-training. Since such skills are only infrequently acquired from other firms in the same cluster, a localized industry in Japan is less likely to support a pooled labor market for skilled workers.Development of technological assetsWhile the access to a pooled labor for skilled workers in an industrial cluster in Japan is unlikely to be an important source of agglomeration,technology spillovers are more likely to be an advantage of clustering. How does a cluster facilitate the diffusion of new technology and other knowledge? As was discussed earlier in this paper,knowledge spillovers among firms in the same cluster can occur through various institutions such as trade associations, public testing and research centers, public technical centers, wholesalers associations, and local chambers of commerce. In addition to such institutions, various forms of inter-firm cooperation and contacts within a cluster are also likely to facilitate knowledge spillovers.Table V summarizes the SMEA survey result on the pattern of inter-firm cooperation in Japan’s industrial clusters. Out of the 123 clusters that responded to the question of what types of interfirm cooperation they participate in, 64 percent of them pointed out joint R&D as a vehicle for collaboration, and 26 percent of them saw their firms participate in technological alliance. This general pattern remains virtually unchanged for different industries except in wooden products and furniture where technological alliance is not important. It is also worth noting that the frequency with which Japanese firms in a cluster exchange business information and reference each other through informal channels is not trivial.Another interesting pattern that emerges in Table V is that the types of partnership that include equity ownership and therefore ownership control are not common in a Japanese cluster. Among the 123 clusters, only 3.3 percent of them report partnerships that involve capital participation, and a mere 2.4 percent of them report joint ventures as a common form of alliance.Table VI summarizes the SMEA survey result on alliance partners. The questionnaire asked who are the most likely partners of alliance. Among the 127 clusters where their firms formed alliance,60.6 percent of them formed alliances with public research and testing centers and technical centers.The response rate is the highest for machinery where more than 80 percent of clusters involve partnerships with such public institutions. On the contrary, forming a partnership with a university is relatively rare for the firm in a cluster. Only11 percent of the clusters are involved in partnerships with universities. When a firm in a cluster form alliances with other firms, its partners are likely to be small- and medium-sized firms rather than large firms. Indeed, in the majority of clusters are partnerships formed among SMEs, but only 5 percent of them involve large firms as partners.In sum, the evidence suggests that public institutions such as prefecture testing and research centers and technical centers play an important role in facilitating inter-firm cooperation between firms in a localized industry. Joint R&D efforts and technological alliances serve as the most commonly used vehicles for access to new technology and other assets in Japan’s clusters.Acquiring or augmenting technological assets and other assets through capital participation and joint venture is unlikely in Japanese cluster. 6. ConclusionsThis paper has provided an overview of the evolution and structure of industrial clusters in Japan.The emergence of Japan’s clusters is related to several factors: historical circumstances, prior existence of large manufacturers, prior existence of supporting industries, prior existence of related industries in neighboring geographic areas, reduction in transportation costs, regional government policy, and technology transfer. Japan’s industrial clusters generate advantages by supporting large numbers of suppliers with specialized capabilities and by organizing market structures that encourage inter-firm linkages and facilitate the transmission of knowledge among firms.This list of drivers and advantages of industry localization is quite consistent with lists derived from the experiences in the United States and Europe. Aside from the difference in historical circumstances, the distinctively Japanese element lies in the ways in which Japanese firms organize their business activities and the local governments promote local clusters. The extensive use of subcontracting; the hierarchical relationship between manufacturers and multiple layers of suppliers; the small size of suppliers; the importance of on-the-job-training; the low degree of labor mobility of skilled workers between firms; the preference for internal labor markets to external labor markets to allocate human resources; the establishment of various public testing, research, and technical centers by the local governments; the existence of various institutions such as trade associations,business associations, and wholesalers associations; and the roles such institutions play in facilitating the communication between firms in a cluster, are all important characteristics of Japan’s industrial organization that distinguish Japan’s industrial clusters from those in other countries such as in the United States.Among the advantages identified in the paper,that created by the existence of specialized suppliers in a localized industry is considered the most important element in creating agglomeration economies. A supplier’s skills and capabilities complement other suppliers’ skills and capabilities, which in turn complement manufacturers’skills and capabilities. Through such a network,firms develop the skills specific to a cluster. The case analysis of this paper finds that firms develop and accumulate such skills over time, which in turn become important assets that often determine the cluster’s evolution path.译文：日本产业集群的演化与结构摘要本文着重于日本产业集群的演化和结构这两方面，分别是什么产生了集群，以及小企业从产业集群中获得什么好处。
产业集群中英文对照外文翻译文献
产业集群中英文对照外文翻译文献(文档含英文原文和中文翻译)英文:How do Industry Clusters Success:A Case Study in China’s Textiles and Apparel Industries3. Industry Clusters of Textiles and Apparel in ChinaIndustrial clustering is a new phenomenon in China. Only a few research started to pay attention to it in the 1990s. Wang (2001) described the development of some clusters in the coastal regions of China, and discussed their characteristics, including their localized network. He particularly examined the impact of accidental factor on the formation of clusters, and pointed out that the strength of the impact depended on the congruence of the sector choice, brought about by the accidental factor, with the natural advantages of the region and the rightness of the policy decision of the local government. Thus, the importance of government was emphasized.The first tier of the clusters existed in the late 1970s and early 1980s, when China was first open to the outside world. Taking the advantages of proximity and low labor cost, many Hong Kong textile and apparel companies invested in Pearl River delta, and there appeared a few clusters of textile and apparel firms. These clusters grew fast, as new investments also came from Taiwan and other places, and many local entrepreneurs emerged as well. These clusters include Shenzhen (though later much diluted as it is now one of the largest cities in China), Dongguan (similar toShenzhen but to a less degree), Humen, Shaxi, and others.Closely following this, the economy in Yangtze River delta developed fast and became very dynamic. Many enterprises of collective ownership and of private ownership established and grew very fast. Many of them were textile and apparel firms. It was typical that these firms clustered together. Several reasons account for their fast growth: First, the entry barrier to the textile and apparel industry was very low in terms of capital and technology. For example, at the beginning, only one manually operated device to knit socks or just a few sewing machines were needed. At the same time, there was almost endless supply of cheap labor, who were farmers eager to leave the land. As the enterprises expanded, some shrewd entrepreneurs lured technicians and skilled labors who were retired from state-owned enterprises to work for them. These firms were most located in towns. The government granted very flexible policies for the growth and operation of these firms. They were much less restricted by the clumsy rules and regulations than the state-owned enterprises, for example, they did not have to offer the so called iron-bowl to their employees, and they had no burden of payments to retired employees. On the other hand, these firms were very sensitive and responsive to market changes. Thus, they were very competitive. Second, at that time China was just about to come out of the planned economy when there was insufficient supply of almost everything. Thus, there was never a lack of strong demand for such consumer goods as textiles and apparel. Along with this, little marketing and marketing skills were needed to sell the products. Third, as these firms were started by farmer-entrepreneurs in towns and even villages, they set examples and became models to others. Many times the latter just followed the footprints of the pioneers, starting with the same methods, making the same products, and selling in the same market. As villagers often belong to the same family, they did not view each other as competitors, and helped each other in terms of capital, technique, and even customers through the strong sense of kinship.These firms were the seeds of the industrial clusters of textiles and apparel. Now most of the clusters still distributed in the two areas: Pearl River delta and Yangtze River delta. The former is Guangdong province, and the latter Zhejiang province and southern part of Jiangsu province. These happen to be the most advanced regions in China, in coastal area, with the best infrastructure in information, communication, and transportation. As a matter of fact, most of the clusters are located either beside a highway or very close to a port. They are also very close to major cities, particularly Hong Kong, Guangzhou, and Shanghai.At present the structural development of the textile and apparel industry of China is characterized in two directions: one is a group of large companies based in large cities with capacity in marketing and product development, often operating supply chain regionally even globally; the other is a number of clusters of many small and medium sized firms based in small cities and towns, with featured products and vigorous growth (CNTIC, 2003). Thus, industrial clustering has become one of the two wings of the development of the textile and apparel industry in China. This demonstrates the importance of the clusters.4. Case ObservationWe conducted an industry survey in one industrial cluster, which is a town, called Shengze, located in Wujiang county of Jiangsu province in eastern China. While Shengze had an early history of silk production, it was primarily of agriculture before the late 1970s when China started economic reforms. At that time, the size of the town was about 4 square kilometers with a population of 30,000. Since then, the town has seen enormous growth and become one of the 19towns with special features designated by CNTIC, and one of the most important textile clusters in China. The focus of Shengze is fabric manufacturing, primarily light weighted fabrics for lining of apparel. Now the size of the town has expanded to 25 square kilo meters with a population of nearly 200,000, most of them migrants from other parts of the country. There are about 1,100 factories, operating about 50,000 looms, all of which are of water-jet or air-jet. It is said to be one of the largest concentration of such looms. The total yearly output is about RMB20 billion (US$2.5 billion). There are about 4,000 selling and buying offices located in the town. The business district of the town is full of such offices, which would impress any visitors to the town. And there is no sign of stopping of the fast growth.This is a qualitative and exploratory study, and in-depth interviews with town officials and entrepreneurs were used to collect information about the industrial cluster. Altogether 3 town officials (Vice Party Secretary of the town, Director of The Town Government Office, and Director of The Town Development Office) and 8 entrepreneurs were interviewed by structured means. During the interviews, in addition to the current situation of the cluster, the history of development was also investigated. Emphases were paid to the following questions: how is the cluster formed; to what degree does township government play a role, and to what degree do market forces promote the clustering; what is the advantages of clustering to the locality and to the enterprises; what are the interactive relationship among the enterprises within the cluster; what is the relationship between the cluster and the external market system; how does the cluster attract the servicing industries; and how does the clustering help the creation of new enterprises and new jobs. These questions have profound policy and marketing implications. Some of the findings to these questions are presented in this paper, with a focus on the origin and growth of the cluster.4.1. Historical factorsIn accordance with the literature (Krugman, 1986), the development of Shengze into a light-fabric cluster was accidental, but on he other hand quite natural with a historical reason. Located in southern China with warm climate, fertile land and abundant water from nearby rivers and lakes, Shengze had been one of the silk centers in China for hundreds of years. Historically, residents of Shengze were skillful in silk production, and many workshops and silk-related businesses were located in Shengze. Merchants from all over the country would flock to Shengze for silk. Thus, it could be regarded as a silk cluster even then. However, as planned economy was established and no private business was allowed to exist, the silk center was reduced to nothing and Shengze was no more than an ordinary agricultural town in China. This was for about 3 decades until the late 1970s. By then, economic reforms began, and town residents were allowed to start their own businesses. For a few of them, the natural choice was to enter the silk business, since this was something they were relatively familiar with and the local conditions were suitable for. This was the origin of the cluster.4.2. The Role of the Local AuthorityWhile the origin seemed to be natural and out of the plan of the local government, the government did play an important role in helping the cluster grow. Both government officials and entrepreneurs emphasized the importance of two measures taken by the local authority.The first one was the establishment of a market in its physical form. The Shengze government was sensitive to realize that the lack of a market had become the constraint on the development of the economic activities and a physical market was in demand. The government then financed and developed “The Oriental Silk Market”, which was like a mart and leased to various trading firms.This provided a platform, and tremendously stimulated the growth of businesses both in demand and supply. Later when this was no longer sufficient to hold all of the buying and selling offices, a new district was developed, which eventually expanded into an area which holds thousands of selling and buying offices.The other was the establishment of an industrial park, which is beside the provincial highway. The government provided the infrastructure in terms of road, water, electricity, and other basic conditions. This has created a good environment for manufacturing. While at the beginning, Shengze was only focused on silk production, very soon the enterprises broke the limits. As there was some similarity in technology between silk fabric and lightweight fabric, many of the firms expanded into the production of man-made fiber fabrics. Now even though Shengze is still known as a silk center, most of its looms are engaged in weaving of lightweight fabrics.4.3. The Role of Individual EntrepreneursDuring our interviews, we were very impressed with those entrepreneurs of Shengze. Many of them are local residents and previously were farmers. They demonstrated enormous spirit of risk taking, creativity, and willingness to learn from the market. One young entrepreneur started as a security guard, borrowed a little money to enter the business, then set up a small factory of his own. Now this has been expanded into a company, and just the weaving branch of it has capacity of 220 water-jet looms and 120 air-jet looms. He also exhibited outstanding leadership in organizing the local entrepreneurs to negotiate with Toyota of Japan. They collectively made the largest order ever in the world, 3,600 air-jet looms. In the process of his business expansion, he has helped numerous others to start their own business by loaning capital, sharing technology and market. These entrepreneurs help the development of Shengze as a cluster.4.4. The Development of the peripheral IndustriesShengze started with silk production. This was expanded into domestic trade of silk. Very soon light-weight fabric manufacturing began to develop. This further promoted the growth of trading. By then there seemed to be two wings of the town, one was enterprises of fabric manufacturing primarily clustered in the industrial park, one was the selling and buying offices of fabrics primarily clustered in the business district. As large amount of materials are needed, many yarn suppliers are attracted to come and set selling offices in Shengze. One of our interviewees was the owner of a trading company, headquartered in Hong Kong. The company imports man-made fibers from abroad, and sells these fibers to fabric weavers through its selling office here. Textile machine companies, both domestic and foreign, also set up offices in Shengze to sell machines and machine parts, and to provide services to the fabric manufacturers. It is said that none of the plants would keep any spare parts. If a belt is broken, even at midnight, a new one can be ordered and delivered in less than 20 minutes. These have significantly lowered the production costs, and are part of the external economies of the industrial clusters. As Shengze has become a fabric center, showrooms and selling offices of other fabrics, such as denim, are also set up in Shengze.4.5. Workforce SupplyAs the cluster grows and enterprises mushroom, large labor supply is needed. In his process the former agriculture town was totally transformed. Most of the land was turned into industrial uses, and all farmers are now employed in manufacturing. As the population of Shengze enlarges several folds (from about 30,000 to 200,000) in the last two decades, many migrants are attracted to live and work here. Most of the people were peasants and come from other provinces. While the neighboring Anhui province, which is relatively backward in economic development, provides a large portion ofthe labor supply, many workers come from remote provinces. They have formed nearly endless supply of cheap labor, and made great contribution to the development of the cluster. A large proportion of the labor supply is uneducated and unskilled. As there are many operational jobs, the raw labor could be trained in a short period time and then be able to work. Thus, the cluster in return also makes direct contribution to employment and indirect contribution to economic development of the less advanced regions of the country. However, there is a shortage of skilled labor. Compared to other places, labor compensation is better, as an operator can make about RMB1,500 (about US$180) per month. In other places, the prevalent wage rate is about RMB1,000 per month.5. Conclusive RemarksIn this paper, the development of industrial clustering of textiles and apparel in China is investigated. As a result of economic reforms and development, some characteristics of the textile and apparel industrial clusters are described. One particular cluster, Shengze which is famous for its silk and light-weight fabric, is used as a case to exemplify the growth of clusters. The empirical factors taken into account the cluster performance include the historical and natural origin, the role of the local government, the role of entrepreneurs, the development of supporting industries, and the supply of labor. During the past two decades in the process of development, the cluster not only grows in terms of quantity (number and scale of enterprises) but also in terms of quality (equipment, products, variety, marketing, and management). In the early when Shengze started to take off, factories used outdated facilities and equipment. Many of the machines used were those retired from state-owned plants. Over the years, as the enterprises grow, these machines have been gradually replaced by advanced ones. Now about 50,000 water-jet and air-jet looms are operating in Shengze, many of them are imported from abroad and are the most advanced models. Many of the companies in Shengze export fabrics to the international market. Not only do they receive order from abroad, some of them have set up offices in North America and Europe. They market their products initiatively, and obtain the most updated information on marketing and products. While most of the companies started as a family business, now many of them are managed professionally by University graduates with MBA and PhD. Many companies have well-established systems and met with international compliance standards and requirements, like ISO9000 certificates. Thus, many of the enterprises have changed from the old-fashioned township companies into modern corporation-type companies. It can be anticipated that these clusters will continue to contribute to the growth of the economy and industrial development of the country.翻译:来源：纺织与服装，技术与管理杂志（JTATM)Vol.4 第2期 2004年作者：张志明切斯特曹宁出版时间：2004年8月产业集群是如何成功：中国纺织和服装工业产业集群成功的案例研究张志明切斯特曹宁3.在中国纺织品和服装产业集群产业集群在中国是一个新现象。
港口服务供应链英语作文
港口服务供应链英语作文The Port Service Supply Chain。
The port service supply chain refers to the entire process of providing services to ships and their cargoes, from the time they enter the port until the time they depart. This process involves a wide range of activities, including navigation, pilotage, mooring, loading and unloading, customs clearance, and other services.The port service supply chain is an essential part of the global logistics industry. It plays a crucial role in facilitating trade between countries and regions, and in supporting the growth of international commerce. As such, it is an important driver of economic development and prosperity.One of the key challenges facing the port service supply chain is the need to maintain efficiency and productivity while ensuring safety and security. Thisrequires a careful balance between the demands of commercial interests and the need to protect the environment and the public.To achieve this balance, port authorities and service providers must work together to develop and implement effective policies and procedures. This includes the use of advanced technologies, such as automated cargo handling systems and real-time data analytics, to optimize port operations and improve safety and security.Another important aspect of the port service supply chain is the need to foster collaboration and cooperation among all stakeholders. This includes port authorities, service providers, shipping companies, regulatory agencies, and other organizations involved in the logistics industry.By working together, these stakeholders can identify and address common challenges, share best practices, and promote innovation and continuous improvement. This can help to enhance the competitiveness and sustainability of the port service supply chain, and ensure its continuedgrowth and success in the years ahead.In conclusion, the port service supply chain is a vital component of the global logistics industry. It plays a critical role in facilitating trade and supporting economic development, while also ensuring safety and security. To maintain its effectiveness and efficiency, it is essential that all stakeholders work together to develop and implement effective policies and procedures, and to foster collaboration and cooperation among all parties involved.。
港口防污染整治工作环保工作总结
港口防污染整治工作环保工作总结英文回答：Port pollution control and environmental protection work summary.In recent years, port pollution control and environmental protection work have been given great attention and efforts have been made to improve the environmental quality of ports. This article aims to summarize the achievements and challenges faced in the port pollution control and environmental protection work.Firstly, significant progress has been made in reducing air pollution in ports. Measures such as the use of low-sulfur fuels, shore power supply, and the installation of exhaust gas cleaning systems on ships have effectively reduced emissions of sulfur dioxide and particulate matter. The air quality in and around ports has improved, contributing to the health and well-being of port workersand nearby residents.Secondly, efforts have been made to prevent water pollution in ports. Strict regulations and monitoring systems have been implemented to control the discharge of pollutants from ships, industries, and port facilities. The treatment of ballast water and the proper management of hazardous substances have also been emphasized. As a result, the water quality in ports has been maintained at a satisfactory level, ensuring the ecological balance and the safety of marine life.Furthermore, measures have been taken to manage and reduce solid waste in ports. Waste sorting and recycling programs have been implemented to minimize the amount of waste generated. Waste treatment facilities, such as incinerators and landfill sites, have been improved to ensure proper disposal of waste. These initiatives have not only reduced the environmental impact of port operationsbut also promoted the concept of a circular economy.In addition to the achievements, there are alsochallenges in the port pollution control and environmental protection work. One of the main challenges is the coordination and cooperation among different stakeholders. Port pollution control involves various parties, including port authorities, shipping companies, industries, and local communities. Effective communication and collaboration are essential to address the diverse interests and ensure the implementation of pollution control measures.Another challenge is the enforcement of regulations and the monitoring of compliance. Despite the existence ofstrict regulations, there are still cases of non-compliance and illegal activities. Strengthening the enforcement mechanisms and enhancing the monitoring capabilities are crucial to deter potential violators and maintain a high level of environmental protection in ports.In conclusion, the port pollution control and environmental protection work has achieved significant progress in reducing air pollution, preventing water pollution, and managing solid waste. However, challenges remain in terms of coordination among stakeholders andenforcement of regulations. Continuous efforts and improvements are needed to further enhance the environmental quality of ports and ensure sustainable development.中文回答：港口防污染整治工作环保工作总结。
集装箱港口集群下多港口多泊位联合调度方法
集装箱港口集群下多港口多泊位联合调度方法毕娅;李文锋【期刊名称】《计算机应用》【年(卷),期】2012(32)2【摘要】The current schedule of ports and berths still remains in the single-port multi-berth, while multi-port and multi-berth integrated scheduling based on the container port cluster can achieve the optimal allocation of ports resources, reduce the time in port and improve the resource utilization rate, and at the same time, the optimal transportation cost of the ship company has been taken into account. Therefore, the multi-objective non-linear programming model for multi-port and multi-berth integrated scheduling system was constructed with certain assumptions as premises. Then, a heuristic algorithm for the model was designed according to the specific structure of the model's decision-making space. Finally, the numerical calculation was performed in order to verify the effectiveness and stability of the algorithm. It shows that the decision model is practical and the algorithm is valid.%目前对港口和泊位的调度研究尚停留在单港口多泊位,而在集装箱港口集群条件下对多港口多泊位实行船舶的联合调度可以充分实现港口资源的优化配置.为了充分利用港口资源,实现船舶在港时间最短,且服从船公司运输成本最低的目的,建立了集装箱港口集群下多港口多泊位联合调度的多目标非线性决策模型,并按照模型决策空间所具有的特殊条件,设计了改进的遗传启发式算法,结果表明船舶靠泊成本大幅降低,港口利用率大幅提高.通过大量真实和随机算例验证了算法的有效性和稳定性,证明了模型和算法实用有效.【总页数】4页(P448-451)【作者】毕娅;李文锋【作者单位】武汉理工大学物流工程学院,武汉430063;湖北经济学院物流与工程管理学院,武汉430205;武汉理工大学物流工程学院,武汉430063【正文语种】中文【中图分类】TP181【相关文献】1.集装箱港口连续泊位与岸桥的动态配置 [J], 梁承姬;夏桑;鲁渤2.偏好泊位约束下的集装箱港口离散泊位分配问题 [J], 郑子龙;杨斌;胡志华3.不确定环境下集装箱港口泊位与堆场箱区分配的联合优化研究 [J], 李晓露;贾冰洋4.集装箱港口泊位与堆场分配的联合优化研究 [J], 镇璐;付方九5.集装箱港口装船作业模式下场桥和内集卡跨箱区联合调度优化 [J], 沈汝超因版权原因，仅展示原文概要，查看原文内容请购买。
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Governance In Seaport ClustersPeter W. de Erlangen1. IntroductionApart from well-known physical factors such as the location, maritime accessibility and hinterland infrastructure, the governance of seaports is an important determinant of their performance.An analysis of the governance of seaports has mostly been limited to the role of the port authority. Notwithstanding the central role of port authorities in ports, we argue that an analysis of governance in seaports requires attention for the role of (private) firms. Institutional economic literature offers a useful framework for ana lysing advantages and disadvantages of alternative governance mechanisms and provides a basis for ana lysing the roles of port authorities.In this paper we deal with the issue of cluster governance in seaports and illustrate our approach with an analysis of the port of Rotterdam..First, we briefly discuss the theoretical foundations of the cluster governance concept. Second, we discuss the role of port authorities in the governance of seaports. Third, we present empirical results of a survey among 43 cluster experts in Rotterdam on the governance of Rotterdam’s port cluster. We feminality the paper with conclusions.2.The Quality Of Cluster GovernanceWe define cluster governance as ‘the mix of and relations between various mechanisms of coordination used in a cluster’. The quality of the governance differs between clusters. The quality depends on the level of coordination costs and the ‘scope’ of ‘coordination beyond price’. Low coordination costs and much coordination beyond price improve the quality of governance.When the benefits of coordination are distributed unequally, when (the threat of) opportunistic behaviour prevents coordination or when benefits of coordination are uncertain, coordination beyond price does not arise spontaneously or instantaneously, even when benefits of coordination exceed costs. Therefore thereis in general a shortage of coordination beyond price. More coordination beyond price improves thequality of the governance of clusters.2.1TrustIn clusters where the level of trust is high, (average) transaction costs are relatively low, because of low costs to specify contracts and low monitoring costs. Furthermore, costs of coordination beyond price are lower and as a consequence, more coordination beyond price will arise. The level of trust in a cluster is influenced by the importance of reputation effects in a cluster. If reputation effects are strong, abusing trust has negative effects and therefore a culture of trust is sustained.2.2 IntermediariesThe presence of intermediaries lowers coordination costs and expands the scope of coordination beyond price, for three related reasons. First, they provide a ‘bridging tie’ (Weevily and Zachery, 1999) between two or more otherwise not connected exchange partners. Second, intermediaries reduce coordination costs because they ‘connect cognitions’. Intermediaries can bridge cognitive differences between firms that operate in different market environments. This role of connecting cognitions is especially important in clusters given the fact that clusters are characterism by a ‘cognitive division of Limbourg’ (Belus and Tardigrada, 2000).2.3Leader firmsLeader firms are ‘strategic Centre with superior coordination skills and the ability to steer change’ (Lorenz and Baden fuller, 1995). The behaviour of leader firms influences the performance of the cluster as a whole, because leader firms have both the ability and incentive to invest in the competitiveness of a whole network of firms. We identify three investments of leader firms with positive effects (these can be termed ‘leader firm externalities’) on other firms in the cluster:•Internationalism;•innovation;•contributing to solving collective action problems (Olson, 1971) Thus, leader firms can enable or even enforce cooperation and for that reason add to the performance of clusters.2.4Collective action in clustersThe ‘problem’ of collective action (Olson, 1971) is relevant in c lusters. Even when collective benefits of co-operation to achieve collective goals exceed (collective) costs, such co-operation does not (always) develop spontaneously. Different CAP’s (Collective Action Problems), such as education and training and innovation are relevant in clusters. For each CAP a governance regime arises. In this context, a regime can be defined as a ‘relatively stable collaborative agreement that provides actors with the capacity to overcome collective action problems’.3.Port authorit ies as ‘cluster managers’Even though a variety of actors play a role in the governance of a seaport cluster, the port authority is the most central actor. The term ‘cluster manager’ can be used to describe the role of the port authority. We discuss the role of a cluster manager in general, the institutional position of port authorities and sources of revenue and investment decisions of port authorities.3.1 The role of a ‘cluster manager’A ‘perfect’ cluster manager would be an galvanization with the foll owing four characteristics.1. A cluster manager has incentives to invest in the cluster, because its revenues are related to the performance of the cluster. The ‘perfect’ cluster manager would receive a share of the value added generated in the cluster as revenue, for instance through a ‘cluster tax’.2. A cluster manager invests in activities with cluster benefits (instead of firm specific benefits). Furthermore, the cluster manager aims to invest when ‘cluster benefits’ exceed costs.3. A cluster manager aims to distribute investment costs for investments to those firms that benefit. This involves co-finance arrangements with a specific group of beneficiary firms.4. A cluster manager operates self-sustaining: over time investments equal revenues.The port authority matches all four criteria: they have incentives and resources to invest in the cluster. The port dues and lease revenues are resources to invest in the port cluster. Furthermore, they generally are self-sustaining and invest in the performance of the cluster as a whole. Port authorities invest in activities with general benefits, such as port expansion, safety and dredging. Given their institutional position, most port authorities are not profit driven The port authority owns and exploits the port area and benefits when the port cluster is an attractive location because they can lease more land and charge higher prices. Furthermore, port authorities collect ‘port dues’. Thus, the more ships call a port the higher the port dues. For these two reasons, port authorities have a clear incentive to invest in the performance of the port cluster.Thus, port authorities can be regarded as cluster managers.3.2 Revenues of port authoritiesThe port authority has various sources of revenue. The existence and relative importance of various charges differs between ports (Asar, 2001). In general, port authorities generate revenue from three sources:•charges to shipowners/ ship operators;•charges to tenants in the port, including terminal operators;•charges to cargo-owners.Charges for shipowners/ship operators are termed ‘port dues’ and in most cases related to the size of vessels. These port dues are justified by investments in dredging, safety systems, and investments in port basins. Charges for tenants are lease charges to firms such as terminal operators and warehousing and production firms. Charges for cargo owners are termed wharfage and are mostly related to cargovolume or to the value of goods. Some port authorities do not have wharfage charges, because cargo owners indirectly pay both other charges as well. In such cases, a part of both other charges can be conceived as ‘pseudo-wharfage’.This implies that the port charges do not have to be fully justified on the basis of investments with benefits for either tenants or shipowners. Investments for the benefit of cargo owners, such as investments in hinterland infrastructure, hinterland access or warehousing facilities, can be justified because the cargo owners as users of the port pay the port charges ‘in the end’. Therefore, investments with benefits for these cargo owners are justified, even if port charges are paid only by tenants and shipping firms.3.3 Investment decisions of port authoritiesThe port charges have to be justified by investments of the port authority. ‘Investment appraisal’ –on the basis of which criteria do port authorities decide to invest- is therefore a central issue for port authorities. We claim that the following simple rule is a guideline for investment appraisal of port cluster managers: benefits for the cluster of an investment should exceed costs for the cluster. Cluster benefits are the sum of all benefits of firms in the cluster, cluster costs are the costs of an investment for firms in the cluster. In most cases costs are incurred because port charges are required for cluster investments. Since costs equal revenues, a high investment level requires high port charges.4. Cluster governance in the port of RotterdamIn this section we present an empirical case study of the port of Rotterdam. We interviewed 43 port experts in the port of Rotterdam. First, we deal with the importance of cluster governance for the performance of the cluster. In the next four paragraphs, we discuss the empirical results for the four variables that influence the quality of the cluster governance. Sixth, we briefly discuss the role of the port authority in Rotterdam and end with conclusions.4.1 The importance of cluster governance in Rotterdam’s seaport clusterThese results show that cluster governance is less important than the structure of the cluster and the economic development in general, but more important than national and international policies. The experts were also asked to indicate the relative importance of the four variables of cluster governance, also by ranking them.4.2 Trust in Rotterdam’s port clusterVirtually all cluster experts agree with the proposition that trust is important for the quality of the cluster governance, and as discussed above, argue that trust is the most importan t ‘governance variable’. The cluster experts evaluated the port of Rotterdam and its main competitors, Antwerp and Hamburg, with regard to the presence of trust.4.3 Leader firms in Rotterdam’s port clusterVirtually all cluster experts also agree that the presence of leader firms is an important determinant of the quality of cluster governance. The experts evaluate the three competing ports as follows:significantly better than in worst portAntwerp is evaluated the most positive, Hamburg has the lowest score. In general the experts indicate that all three ports do score relatively good with regard to leader firms.4.4 Intermediaries in Rotterdam’s port clusterWith regard to intermediaries, a significant majority of the experts agree with the presumed positive effect of intermediaries on cluster governance, but nine out of the 43 disagree.4.5 Solutions for CAP’s in Rotterdam’s port clusterFinally, we discuss the quality of solutions for collective action problems. Out of the five proposed CAP’s in seaports, the cluster experts judged four relevant：significant majority4.6 The role of the port authority in RotterdamThe Rotterdam municipal port authority (RMPM) is a public landlord port. The galvanization formally is a part of the municipality Rotterdam but operates to a large extent autonomous. Currently, a modification of the institutional structure, to grant the port authority more autonomy, and to change the monitoring and control function from the city council to an independent board of directors is discussed. However, even when the suggested new structure is approved, the municipality will remain the major shareholder.5. ConclusionsIn this paper we argue that an analysis of the governance in port clusters adds to our understanding port competition, port development and port performance. We have presented an analytic framework for ana lysing (port) cluster governance. The quality of the governance of a cluster depends on the level of transaction costs in a cluster and the ‘scope of coordination beyond price’. Four variables influence both: the presence of leader firms, the presence of intermediaries, the level of trust and solutions to collective action problems. Cluster governance can be evaluated by ana lysing those four variables. In this approach, port authorities are no longer Centre stage; they do play an important role in the governance of the cluster, but their role is interrelated with the activities of private firms, associations and public-private organicists. The scope of activities of the port authority has thus to be ana lysed in this broader framework.港口集群治理Peter W. de Erlangen1、引言除了众所周知的地理因素，如位置、海上交通方便程度和腹地的基础设施，港口治理是其功能发挥的决定性因素。