罗斯福英语演讲稿：四项自由
罗斯福总统演讲The Four Freedoms_演讲稿.doc
罗斯福总统演讲The Four Freedoms_演讲稿mr. president, mr. speaker, members of the 77th congress:i address you, the members of this new congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. i use the word “unprecedented”because at no previous time has american security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.since the permanent formation of our government under the constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. and, fortunately, only one of these -- the four-year war between the states -- ever threatened our national unity. today, thank god, 130,000,000 americans in 48 states have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.it is true that prior to 1914 the united states often has been disturbed by events in other continents. we have even engaged in two wars with european nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the west indies, in the mediterranean and in the pacific, for the maintenance of american rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. but in no case had a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.what i seek to convey is the historic truth that the united states as a nation has at all times maintained opposition -- clear, definite opposition -- to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancientchinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the americas.that determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for example, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the french revolution. while the napoleonic struggles did threaten interests of the united states because of the french foothold in the west indies and in louisiana, and while we engaged in the war of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither france nor great britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.and in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914 -- ninety-nine years -- no single war in europe or in asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other american nation.except in the maximilian interlude in mexico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. and the strength of the british fleet in the atlantic has been a friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.even when the world war broke out in 1914, it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own american future. but as time went on, as we remember, the american people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.we need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace ofversailles. we need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. we should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today. the american people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.i suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world -- assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace. during 16 long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. and the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.therefore, as your president, performing my constitutional duty to “give to the congress information of the state of the union,”i find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. if that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of europe and asia, and africa and austral-asia will be dominated by conquerors. and let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the totalof those populations and their resources greatly exceed the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the western hemisphere -- yes, many times over.in times like these it is immature -- and, incidentally, untrue -- for anybody to brag that an unprepared america, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.no realistic american can expect from a dictator's peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion -- or even good business. such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.as a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. we must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the “ism”of appeasement. we must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the american eagle in order to feather their own nests.i have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually expect if the dictator nations win this war.there is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. obviously, as long as thebritish navy retains its power, no such danger exists. even if there were no british navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the united states from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.but we learn much from the lessons of the past years in europe -- particularly the lesson of norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years. the first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. the necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes -- and great numbers of them are already here and in latin america. as long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.and that is why the future of all the american republics is today in serious danger. that is why this annual message to the congress is unique in our history. that is why every member of the executive branch of the government and every member of the congress face great responsibility, great accountability. the need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily -- almost exclusively -- to meeting this foreign peril. for all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairshas been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small. and the justice of morality must and will win in the end.our national policy is this:first, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.secondly, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. by this support we express our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principles of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. we know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's freedom.in the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. no issue was fought out on this line before the american electorate. and today it is abundantly evident that american citizenseverywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. goals of speed have been set. in some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. in some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. and in some cases -- and, i am sorry to say, very important cases -- we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.the army and navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. and today's best is not good enough for tomorrow.i am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. the men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability, and in patriotism. they are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. none of us will be satisfied until the job is done.no matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.to give you two illustrations:we are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes. we are working day and night to solve the innumerable problemsand to catch up.we are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.to change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. and the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.the congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. however, there is certain information, as the congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.new circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. i shall ask this congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.i also ask this congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. they do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars' worth of theweapons of defense.the time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. we cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.i do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons -- a loan to be repaid in dollars.i recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the united states, fitting their orders into our own program. and nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.for what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need.let us say to the democracies: “we americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. we are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. we shall send you inever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. that is our purpose and our pledge.”in fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. such aid -- such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.and when the dictators -- if the dictators -- are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.they did not wait for norway or belgium or the netherlands to commit an act of war. their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression. the happiness of future generations of americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. no one can tell the exact character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. the nation's hands must not be tied when the nation's life is in danger.yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency -- almost as serious as war itself -- demands. whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations of any kind, must give way to the national need.a free nation has the right to expect full cooperation fromall groups. a free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor, and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own group.the best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.as men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. the mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.the nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in america. those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. for there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.the basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. they are:equality of opportunity for youth and for others.jobs for those who can work.security for those who need it.the ending of special privilege for the few.the preservation of civil liberties for all.the enjoyment -- the enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.these are the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world. the inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. as examples:we should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.we should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.we should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.i have called for personal sacrifice, and i am assured of the willingness of almost all americans to respond to that call. a part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. in my budget message i will recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying for today. no person should try, or be allowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.if the congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their applause.in the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.the first is freedom of speech and expression -- everywhere in the world.the second is freedom of every person to worship god in his own way -- everywhere in the world.the third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants -- everywhere in the world.the fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor -- anywhere in the world.that is no vision of a distant millennium. it is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. that kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called “new order”of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.to that new order we oppose the greater conception -- the moral order. a good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.since the beginning of our american history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly, adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. the world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.this nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of god. freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. our strength is our unity ofpurpose.to that high concept there can be no end save victory.。
罗斯福“四大自由”演讲（中英文）
Franklin D. RooseveltThe Four Freedoms富兰克林．罗斯福四大自由在一九四一年一月六日致国会的咨文中，富兰克林．罗斯福总统要求国会根据租借法案，把必要的武器装备提供给那些总统认为其防御对美国利益至关重要的国家。
由于战争逼近，他宣布了四项「人类的基本自由」这项宣布，被认为是关于美国人民准备为之奋斗的原则的最简要声明。
……世界大战在一九一四年骤然爆发的时候，这场战争对我们美国本身的前途似乎仅有轻微的威胁。
但是，随着时间的推移，美国人民开始体会到各民主国家的沦陷对我们美国的民主制度会意味着什么。
我们无须过分强调凡尔赛和约的缺陷。
我们也无须反复谈论各民主国家处理世界性破坏问题的失效。
我们应该记住，一九一九年的和约与早在慕尼黑会议以前就开始的「和解」（facification）相比，其不公正的程度要小得多；而在那力图向世界各大洲扩展的暴政新秩序下，这种「和解」仍在延续着。
美国人民坚定不移地反对那种暴政。
每一个现实主义者都知道，民主的生活方式目前正在世界各地遭到直接的进攻－－或者是武力的进攻，或者是秘密散布的恶毒宣传的进攻。
散布这种宣传的是那些企图在仍然维持着和平的国家中破坏团结挑起不和的人。
十六个月来，这种进攻已在数目惊人的一批大小独立国家中毁掉了整个民主生活的方式。
进攻者仍在步步进逼，威胁着大大小小的其它国家。
……作为你们的总统，执行宪法加诸于我的「向国会报导联邦情况」的责任，我认为必须向你们报告，我们国家和我们民主政治的前途与安全，已经和远离我们国境的许多事件不可抗拒地牵连在一起了。
以武力保卫民主生存的战争，现正在四大洲英勇地进行。
倘若这场保卫战失败，所有在欧洲、亚洲、非洲和澳洲的人口和一切资源，均将为征服者所控制。
这些人口和资源合计起来，远超过整个西半球的全部人口和资源的总数－－超过很多倍……任何现实的美国人都不能期望从一个独裁者的和平中获得国际上的宽容，或真正独立的恢复，或世界性裁军，或言论自由，或宗教信仰自由，或者甚至公平的贸易。
《罗斯福：四项自由》英语演讲稿在当今社会的重要意义
《罗斯福：四项自由》英语演讲稿在当今社会的重要意义Ladies and Gentlemen,It gives me immense pleasure to address you all on the topic "The Importance of Roosevelt's Four Freedoms in Today's Society." The Four Freedoms were outlined by the 32nd President of the United States, Franklin D. Roosevelt, back in 1941, and they have stood the test of time to become an integral part of democratic ideology in modern times. They include freedom of speech, freedom of worship, freedom from want, and freedom from fear, and they are as relevant today as they were almost eighty years ago.Freedom of speech is the most fundamental right that we have as human beings; it is enshrined in the First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, and it is an essential component of any democratic society. People must be able to express their opinions without fear of retribution, and they must be able to criticize their government without fear of persecution. The internet has provided us with new and innovative ways to communicate, and it is essential that we use it to enhance our freedom of speech.The freedom of worship is another important right that Roosevelt outlined in his Four Freedoms speech. Today, it is as vital as it was back then. People must be allowed to practice their faith without fear of discrimination or persecution, and we must embrace diversity and tolerance in society. Religious freedom is not just the freedom topractice one's own religion but also the right to not have a particular religion imposed on individuals.Freedom from want is something that every human being deserves. In today's world, however, want has taken on a new meaning. People are no longer just hungry for food; they are hungry for opportunities, equality, and security. The current pandemic has exposed the inadequacies of our global health and economic systems, and it is now more important than ever that we work towards providing better access to education, healthcare, and job opportunities.Lastly, freedom from fear is perhaps the most critical freedom of all. People should not have to live in fear of violence, terrorism or war. In today's society, however, with the ever-increasing incidence of hate crimes, cyberbullying, and social injustice, it is more important than ever that we work towards building safer communities and societies.In conclusion, Roosevelt's Four Freedoms are as crucial today as they were in 1941. The world has changed significantly since then, but the principles of freedom and democracy are timeless. If we are to build a society that is inclusive, tolerant, and just, then we must embrace these freedoms and work towards their continued promotion and protection. Thank you.。
罗斯福就职演讲稿英文_竞聘演讲稿_
罗斯福就职演讲稿英文president hoover mister chief justice, my friends:this is a day of national consecration, and i am certain that on this day my fellow americans expect that on my induction in the presidency i will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impeis. this is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly nor need we shrink from honestly facing the conditions facing our country today this great nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper so first of all, let me express my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself - nameless, unreasoning, un justified terror, which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. in every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves, which is essential to victory and i am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.in such a spirit on my part and on yours, we face our common difficulties. they concern, thank god, only material things. values have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen, our ability to pay has fallen, government of all kinds is faced by serious curta 您正在查看《罗斯福就职英文》iiment of income, the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side, farmers find no markets for their produce, and the savings of many years and thousands of families are gone.more important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equal and great number toil with little return. only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities ofthe moment.and yet, our distress comes from no failure of substance, we are stricken by no plague of locusts. compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have so much to be thankful for nature surrounds us with her bounty and human, efforts have multiplied it. plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of man kind’s goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure and have abdicated. practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.true, they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the patten您正在查看《罗斯福就职演讲稿英文》of an outworn tradition. faced by a failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money stripped of the lure of profit by which they induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortation, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. they only know the rules of a generation of self seekers. they have no vision, and when there is no vision, the people perish.yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civiiization. we may now restore that temp1e to the ancient truths. a measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social value, more noble than mere monetary profits.happiness lies not in the mere possession of money it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative efforts, the joy andmoral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. these dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us, if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered on to, but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of a false belief that public office and high political position are to be val 您正在查看《罗斯福就职演讲稿英文》ued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profits, and there must be an end to our conduct in banking and in business, which too of ten has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrong-doing. small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty on honon on the sacredness of our obligation, on faithful protection and on unselfish performance. without them it cannot live.restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. this nation is asking for action, and action now.our greatest primary task is to put people to work. this is no unsolvable problem if we take it wise1y and courageously it can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.hand in hand with that, we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution in an effort to provide better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.yes the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise thevalue您正在查看《罗斯福就职演讲稿英文》of the agricultural product and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. it can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing losses through fore closures of our small homes and our farms. it can be helped by insistence that the federal, the state, and the local government act forthwith on the demands that their costs be drastically reduce. it can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are of ten scattered, uneconomical, unequal. it can be helped by national planning for, and supervision of all forms of transportation, and of communications, and other utilities that have a definitely public character. there are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by mere1y talking about it. we must act, we must act quickly.and finally in our progress toward a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against the return of the evils of the old order; there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments; there must be an end to speculation with other people-s money; and there must be provisions for an adequate but sound currency.these, my friends, are the lines of attack. i shall presently urge upon a new congress in special session, detailed measures for their ful您正在查看《罗斯福就职演讲稿英文》of the agricultural product and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. it can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing losses through fore closures of our small homes and our farms. it can be helped by insistence that the federal, the state, and the local governmentact forthwith on the demands that their costs be drastically reduce. it can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are of ten scattered, uneconomical, unequal. it can be helped by national planning for, and supervision of all forms of transportation, and of communications, and other utilities that have a definitely public character. there are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by mere1y talking about it. we must act, we must act quickly.and finally in our progress toward a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against the return of the evils of the old order; there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments; there must be an end to speculation with other people-s money; and there must be provisions for an adequate but sound currency.these, my friends, are the lines of attack. i shall presently urge upon a new congress in special session, detailed measures for their ful您正在查看《罗斯福就职演讲稿英文》gation, and respects the sanctity of his agreement, in and with, a world of neighbor.if i read the temper of our people correctly we now realize what we have never realized before, our inter-dependence on each other, that we cannot merely take, but we must give as well. that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discip1ine, no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective. we are all ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline because it makes possible a 1eadership which aims at the larger good. this, i propose to offet we are going to larger purposes, bind upon us,bind upon us all, as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.with this pledge taken, i assume unhesitatingly, the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems. action in this image, action to this end, is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from my ancestors. our constitution is so simple, so practical, that it is possible always, to meet extraordinary needs, by changes in emphasis and arrangements without loss of a cen您正在查看《罗斯福就职演讲稿英文》tral form, that is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen. it has met every stress of vast expansion of territory of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.and it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority wi1l be fully equal, fully adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. but it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for underlay action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.we face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity in the clearest consciousness of seeking all and precious moral values, with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike, we aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.we do not distrust the future of essential democracy the people of the united states have not failed. in their need, theyhave registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. they have asked for discipline, and direction under leadership, they have made me the present instrument of their wishes. in the spirit of the gift, i take it.in this ded您正在查看《罗斯福就职演讲稿英文》ication, in this dedication of a nation, we humbly ask the b1essings of god, may he protect each and every one of us, may he guide me in the days to come.。
论四大自由 The Four Freedom 富兰克林 罗斯福
The Four Freedoms论四大自由富兰克林．罗斯福I address you, the Members of the Seventy-Seventh Congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the Union. I use the word "unprecedented," because at no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today...It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often had been disturbed by events in other Continents. We had even engaged in two wars with European nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean and in the Pacific for the maintenance of American rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. In no case, however, had a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our independence.What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a nation has at all times maintained opposition to any attempt to lock us behind an ancient Chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. Today, thinking of our children and their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any part of the Americas.Even when the World War broke our in 1914, it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own American future. But, as time went on, the American people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.We need not over-emphasize imperfections in the Peace of Versailles. We need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world deconstruction. We should remember that the Peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of "pacification" which began even before Munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today. The American people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.Every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world - assailed either by arms, or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations still at peace. During sixteen months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. The assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.Therefore, as your president, performing my constitutional duty to "give to the Congress information of the state of the Union," I find it necessary to report that the future and safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged on four continents. If that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of Europe, Asia, Africa, andAustralasia will be dominated by the conquerors. The total of those populations and their resources greatly exceeds the sum total of the population and resources of the whole of the Western Hemisphere - many times over.In times like these it is immature - and incidentally unture - for anybody to brag that an unprepared America, single-handed, and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.No realistic American can expect from a dictator's peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion - or even good business. Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. "Those, who would give up essential liberty to purchase the little temporary safety, deserve neither liberty nor safety." As a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-hearted. We must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and the tinkling cymbal preach the "ism" of appeasement. We must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the American eagle in order to feather their own nests.I have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must expect if the dictator nations win this war.There is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. Obviously, as long as the British Navy retains its power, no such danger exists. Even if there were no British Navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack by landing troops in the United States from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate. But we learn much from the lessons of the past years in Europe - particularly the lesson of Norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years. The first phase of the invasion of this Hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. The necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and their dupes - great numbers of them are already here, and in Latin America.As long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive, they - not we - will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack. That is why the future of all American Republics is today in serious danger. That is why this Annual Message to the Congress is unique in our history. That is why every member of the Executive Branch of the government and every member of Congress face great responsibility - and great accountability.The need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily - almost exclusively - to meeting the foreign peril. For all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency. Just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and dignity of all our fellowmen within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and dignity of all nations, large and small. And the justice of morality must and will win in the end.Our national policy is this.First, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.Second, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute peoples, everywhere, who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our Hemisphere. By this support, we express our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail; and we strengthen the defense and security of our own nation.Third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principles of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. We know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's freedom.In recent national elections there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. No issue was fought out on this line before the American electorate. Today, it is abundantly evident that American citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger. Therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production...Our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. They do not need man power. They do need billions of dollars worth of the weapons of defense...Let us say to the democracies: "we Americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. We are putting forth our energies, our resources and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. We shall send you, in ever increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. This is our purpose and our pledge." In fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law and as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare resist their aggression. such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be. When the dictators are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part. They did not wait for Norway or Belgium or the Netherlands to commit an act of war. Their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance, and, therefore, becomes and instrument of oppression.The happiness of future generations of Americans may well depend upon how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. No one can tell the exact character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. The Nation's hands must not be tied when the Nation's life is in danger. We must prepare to make the sacrifices that the emergency - as serious as war itself - demands. Whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense preparations must give way to the national need.A free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups. A free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor, and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own groups. The best way ofdealing with the few slackers or trouble makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.As men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. Those who man our defenses, and those behind them who build our defenses, must have the stamina and courage which come from an unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. The mighty action which we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all things worth fighting for.The Nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in America. Those things have toughened the fibre of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect. Certainly this is no time to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world.There is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy. The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. They are: equality of opportunity for youth and for others; jobs for those who can work; security for those who need it; the ending of special privilege fro the few; the preservation of civil liberties for all; the enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.These are the simple and basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world. The inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. As examples: We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old age pensions and unemployment insurance. We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care. We should plan a better system by which person deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.I have called for personal sacrifice. I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond to that call...In the future day,which we seek to make secure,we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedom.The first is freedom of speech and expression—everywhere in the world.The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way—everywhere in the world.The third is freedom from want—which,translated into world term,means economic understandings which will secure to everywhere in the world.The fourth is freedom from fear—which,translated into world terms,means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a through fation that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor—anywhere in the world.That is no vision of a distant millennium.It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation.That kind of world is the veryantithesis of the so-called new order of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.To that new order we oppose the greater conception—the moral order.A good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.Since the beginning of our American history we have been engaged in change—in a perpetual revolution—a revolution which goes on steadily,quietly adjusting itself to changing conditions—without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch.The world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries,working together in a friendly civilized society.This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women;and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God.Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere.Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them.Our strength is in our unity of purpose.To that high concept there can be no end save victory.本文源自美国第32任总统富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福（Franklin Delano Roosevelt）于1941年1月6日致美国国会的国情咨文。
论《罗斯福：四项自由》英语演讲稿对全球民主的启示作用
论《罗斯福：四项自由》英语演讲稿对全球民主的启示作用Ladies and gentlemen,It is my honor and pleasure to speak to you today aboutthe significant role that President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s “Four Freedoms” speech played in promoting global democracy. The speech gave hope to many people around the world who were struggling to achieve democracy in their own countries. Inthis speech, Roosevelt advocated for four basic freedoms that he believed every individual should be entitled to: freedomof speech and expression, freedom of worship, freedom from want, and freedom from fear. These freedoms represent notonly the American way of life, but also the cornerstone of a thriving and just society.The “Four Freedoms” speech was given by Roosevelt in January of 1941, when the world was on the brink of war. Roosevelt articulated his vision for a better world, not for just Americans, but for all people. The speech was not only a call to arms for America to enter World War II, but also a message of hope for all those who were disenfranchised, impoverished, and terrorized by war and oppressive regimes. The four freedoms that Roosevelt outlined in his speech wereperceived as universal principles that could guide allnations toward peace, prosperity, and democracy.The first freedom that Roosevelt discussed was freedom of speech and expression. He believed that without this freedom, people no longer had the ability to peacefully voice their opinions and grievances, which would ultimately lead to a society built on oppression and fear. Roosevelt argued that every individual must be free to speak and express themselves as they see fit, without fear of persecution. This freedom is essential for a healthy democracy, as free speech is the foundation of political debate, the marketplace of ideas anda robust press and media.Secondly, Roosevelt argued for freedom of worship, emphasizing that every individual must be free to practicetheir religion or beliefs without interference or coercionfrom others. This is an essential freedom because it allows individuals to live according to their own values and beliefs, and also fosters a more tolerant and pluralistic society.Thirdly, Roosevelt spoke of freedom from want and emphasized that every individual has the right to a basiclevel of economic security that ensures they can live a lifewith dignity. This includes access to education, healthcare, and adequate food and shelter. A society that provides forthe basic needs of its people has the ability to reduce inequality and create a stronger middle class, which in turn can lead to greater social mobility.The fourth freedom is perhaps the most poignant, as Roosevelt discussed freedom from fear, emphasizing that every individual must be protected from tyranny or oppression, a threat which can lead to fear and paranoia. This freedom is essential for preventing totalitarian regimes from takinghold and suppressing the rights of individuals. It is also necessary for promoting a sense of security and confidence among people, allowing them to make sound choices in their daily lives and to engage fully in their democratic societies.Overall, Roosevelt’s message of the “Four Freedoms”was inspirational to people around the globe, as itarticulated a new vision for the world that emphasized the importance of freedom, dignity, and democracy. The speech was a powerful force for promoting democracy, as it sent a clear message that people everywhere are entitled to basic freedoms and rights, regardless of their nationality, social position, or religion.In conclusion, Roosevelt’s “Four Freedoms” was a profound and historic speech that had a significant impact on the world. It provided a new vision for a world built on democracy and freedom, and helped to inspire manyinternational movements for social and political change. Moreover, it served as a beacon of hope for individuals and groups struggling against tyranny and oppression, and gave them the courage to fight for their own freedoms and rights.In that sense, the “Four Freedoms” is more than just a speech - it is a legacy that continues to inspire generations, even to this day. Thank you.。
必看!深度解析罗斯福四项自由英语演讲稿
必看！深度解析罗斯福四项自由英语演讲稿2021年是美国总统富兰克林·罗斯福发表“四项自由”演讲的80周年。
这个演讲在全球范围内广为传播，成为当时世界上最重要的演讲之一。
在演讲中，罗斯福提出了四项自由，包括言论自由、宗教自由、免于贫穷和免于恐惧。
这些自由被认为是现代自由和人权的基石，深刻影响了当时及后来的世界政治、经济和社会发展。
今天，我们来深度解析罗斯福四项自由英语演讲稿，探讨这个伟大的演讲和其中蕴含的思想内涵。
一、言论自罗斯福说，“我们所追求的言论自由不仅是允许说话，而且是一种必要条件，以使真相得以浮出水面。
”言论自由是民主社会必不可少的一项自由。
没有言论自由，真相无法被揭示，虚假信息和谎言会占据公共空间，社会活力和创造力会受到限制。
言论自由的核心是批评权和监督权。
只有通过公开的辩论和批评，才能不断纠正和完善社会制度，确保社会进步和民主健康。
然而，言论自由也有其限制。
对于个人和社会的伤害、侮辱和歧视等言论，应当受到法律的限制和惩罚。
同时，虚假的信息和谣言也应当予以制止和约束。
言论自由的实现需要社会的理性和公正，需要法律的保障和约束，需要个人的责任和自律。
二、宗教自由罗斯福说，“宗教自由意味着不受官方宗教信仰束缚，不受宗教歧视对待，而是享有选定自己宗教信仰的权利。
”宗教自由是个人的基本自由之一。
每个人都有自己信仰和思想的自由，而且应该获得平等和尊重。
宗教自由的实现需要政府的中立和保障、社会的宽容和包容，需要个人的自由和责任。
但是，宗教自由也需要注意到一些问题。
一方面，宗教自由不能成为滥用和攻击其他权利的借口。
表达宗教信仰的行为不能伤害和侵害其他人或社会的公共利益。
另一方面，宗教自由需要注意到迷信、盲从、教条主义对个人自由和社会进步的危害。
宗教自由的实现需要科学、启蒙和人文的精神，需要个人的批判和自由。
三、免于贫穷罗斯福说，“免于贫穷意味着人人都有充份保障的机会，以生活体面的人道方式生存和发展。
罗斯福英语演讲稿：四项自由[页2]
![罗斯福英语演讲稿：四项自由[页2]](https://img.taocdn.com/s3/m/78c6536ba6c30c2258019e43.png)
罗斯福英语演讲稿：四项自由[页2]to change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, and new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.the congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. however, there is certain information, as the congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.new circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. i shall ask this congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.i also ask this congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and warsupplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. they do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars worth of the weapons of defense.the time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. we cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.i do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons -- a loan to be repaid in dollars. i recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the united states, fitting their orders into our own program. and nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.for what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need.let us say to the democracies: we americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. we are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. we shall send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. this is our purpose and our pledge.in fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.and when the dictators-if the dictators--are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.they did not wait for norway or belgium or the netherlands to commit an act of war. their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument ofoppression. the happiness of future generations of americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. no one can tell the exact character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. the nation's hands must not be tied when the nation's life is in danger.yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency-almost as serious as war itself--demands. whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations at any time, must give way to the national need.a free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups. a free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own groups.the best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.as men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. those who man our defenses and thosebehind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from an unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. the mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.the nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in america. those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. for there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.the basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. they are:equality of opportunity for youth and for others.jobs for those who can work.security for those who need it.the ending of special privilege for the few.the preservation of civil liberties for all.the enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.these are the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world. the inner and abiding straight of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. as examples:we should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.we should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.we should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.i have called for personal sacrifice, and i am assured of the willingness of almost all americans to respond to that call.a part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. in my budget message i will recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying for today. no person should try, orbe allowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.if the congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their applause.in the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.the first is freedom of speech and expression--everywhere in the world.the second is freedom of every person to worship god in his own way everywhere in the world.the third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants--everywhere in the world.the fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor -- anywhere in the world.that is no vision of a distant millennium. it is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. that kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called new order of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.to that new order we oppose the greater conception -- the moral order. a good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.since the beginning of our american history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. the world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.this nation has placed its destiny in the hands, heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of god. freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. our strength is our unity of purpose.to that high concept there can be no end save victory.相关。
罗斯福四项自由英语演讲稿
罗斯福四项自由英语演讲稿Ladies and gentlemen,I am honored to speak to you today about a topic very dear to me –the four freedoms that are essential to a free and democratic society. These freedoms, which were articulated by the late President Franklin D. Roosevelt in his famous speech on January 6, 1941, have served as an inspiration to generations of Americans and people all over the world. Today, I would like to share with you my thoughts on each of these four freedoms.First and foremost, there is freedom of speech. This freedom is vital to the functioning of a democratic society. When individuals are free to speak their minds, they can hold those in power accountable and bring about change. But freedom of speech is not just about criticizing those in power. It is also about allowing different voices to be heard, even if they are unpopular or controversial. We must always remember that our freedom to speak does not give us the right to harm others, and we must respect the rights and dignity of others even as we express our own views.Secondly, there is freedom of worship. This freedom ensures that all individuals are able to worship as they see fit, without fear of persecution or discrimination. It is a fundamental human right that must be protected. In a diverse society such as ours, it is important that we respect the religious beliefs of others, and that we remain committed to the idea that all individuals have the right to practice their faith without interference from the state.Thirdly, there is freedom from want. This freedom recognizes that all individuals should have access to the basic necessities of life –food, shelter, healthcare, and education. It is not enough to simply protect individuals from harm; we must also work to create a society that provides opportunities for all. This means creating policies and systems that address poverty, inequality, and social exclusion. Only then can we truly say that we are a society that values freedom and social justice.Finally, there is freedom from fear. This freedom recognizes that all individuals have the right to live without fear of violence, persecution or oppression. It requires that we work to promote peace and security, both at home and abroad. It means fighting against racism, sexism, homophobia, and other forms of discrimination. We must also work to ensure that our legal systems are fair and just, and that they protect the rights of all individuals, regardless of their race, gender, or socio-economic status.In conclusion, the four freedoms articulated by President Roosevelt remind us that our freedom is not just about individual rights, but also about the collective responsibilities that we share as citizens of a free and democratic society. We must work to build a society that values these freedoms and that seeks to protect them for all individuals, regardless of their race, gender, or socio-economic status. Only then can we truly say that we are a country that values freedom, justice, and equality for all. Thank you.。
罗斯福英语演讲稿：四项自由三篇
罗斯福英语演讲稿：四项自由三篇演讲稿一：自由言论的重要性尊敬的各位听众们，我很荣幸能够站在这里，与大家分享我对自由言论的理解和重要性的观点。
自由言论是我们所享有的最基本的人权之一，它对于一个民主社会的发展至关重要。
自由言论不仅是一个人表达自己观点的权利，更是一个国家进步的源泉。
通过自由言论，人们可以交流思想，分享知识，从而推动社会的发展。
想象一下，如果我们没有自由言论的权利，我们将无法表达自己的不满和建议，我们将无法知道别人的观点和思想，我们也将无法改变自己的观点和思想。
正是因为自由言论的存在，我们才能够进步，我们才能够实现自己的梦想。
然而，自由言论也需要我们去保护和维护。
我们不应该滥用自由言论的权力，去伤害他人的利益和尊严。
言论自由并不意味着我们可以说任何话，做任何事。
我们应该尊重他人的观点和意见，遵守社会的道德规范。
只有在这样的前提下，我们才能够真正实现自由言论的价值和意义。
在此，我呼吁每一个人，无论是政府、媒体、还是个人，都应该尊重和保护自由言论的权利。
政府应该制定相关法律和政策，保障人民的自由言论权利；媒体应该秉持客观公正的原则，传递真实的信息；个人应该发扬勇敢和负责任的精神，勇于表达自己的观点和批评。
利，用我们的言论去推动社会的进步，去实现我们的梦想。
让我们共同努力，为一个自由、公正、和谐的社会而奋斗。
谢谢大家！演讲稿二：自由信仰的重要性尊敬的各位听众们，今天我想与大家分享的是关于自由信仰的重要性。
自由信仰是每个人的基本权利，它不仅是个人精神追求的自由，更是一个社会进步的动力。
自由信仰是人类文明的基石。
不同的人有不同的宗教信仰和价值观念，这是多样性和丰富性的体现。
通过自由信仰，人们可以寻找自己的精神寄托，获得内心的平静和力量。
宗教信仰也是人类文化的重要组成部分，它们传承着人类智慧和经验，对社会的发展和进步起着重要作用。
然而，自由信仰也需要我们去尊重和包容。
每个人都有权利选择自己的信仰，但我们不能因为自己的信仰而歧视或排斥其他人的信仰。
通过《罗斯福：四项自由》英语演讲稿了解美国历史
通过《罗斯福：四项自由》英语演讲稿了解美国历史Ladies and gentlemen,We are here today to discuss one of the most famous and influential speeches in American history, Franklin D. Roosevelt's "Four Freedoms" speech. Given on January 6th, 1941, this address to Congress marked an important moment in American history, as the world began to anticipate thecountry's future role in the Second World War.In his speech, FDR laid out his vision of a world basedon four essential freedoms: freedom of speech and expression, freedom of religion, freedom from want, and freedom from fear. For a man who had inherited a country mired in economic depression and rapidly building international tensions, these four freedoms represented a bold and ambitious plan for a new global order.But what do these freedoms really mean? What wasRoosevelt trying to achieve with his speech, and how did it impact the course of American history in the years to come?To answer these questions, we must first look at the historical context that gave rise to FDR's Four Freedoms speech. At the time, America was still trying to find its place in the world following the devastation of the Great Depression. Unemployment was high, the country's industrial base was weakened, and many Americans were struggling just to put food on the table.Meanwhile, overseas, Europe was on the brink of war. Hitler's Nazi regime had already conquered much of Western Europe and was threatening to spread its influence even further. The American people were uneasy about the conflict, but many were still wary of getting involved in another foreign war.It was in this context that Roosevelt delivered his Four Freedoms speech, using it as an opportunity to rally Americans to the cause of democracy and freedom. By highlighting the importance of these fundamental freedoms, he sought to create a new vision of America as a beacon of hope in an uncertain world.Of course, FDR's Four Freedoms speech was just the beginning of a long and difficult road toward victory inWorld War II. But it would prove to be a crucial turning point in American history, helping to galvanize the countryin the fight against fascism and setting the stage for a new era of international relations.Looking back on FDR's Four Freedoms speech today, it's clear that its message still has relevance in our modern world. The freedoms of speech, religion, want, and fear remain central to our understanding of what it means to be a free and democratic society. And as we face new challenges and threats on the global stage, it's more important than ever to remember the ideals that FDR so eloquentlyarticulated over 70 years ago.In conclusion, FDR's Four Freedoms speech serves as a powerful reminder of America's role as a stalwart defender of democracy and freedom. It helped to carve out a new place for the United States in the world, and it continues to inspire new generations of Americans to fight for what is right and just. In uncertain times, it can be difficult to know what the future holds. But by looking back on our history and the achievements of great leaders like Franklin D. Roosevelt, we can find the strength and wisdom to forge a brighter tomorrow for ourselves and our posterity. Thank you.。
演讲能手罗斯福：四项自由英语演讲稿欣赏
演讲能手罗斯福：四项自由英语演讲稿欣赏演讲能手罗斯福：四项自由英语演讲稿欣赏Franklin D. Roosevelt, commonly referred to as FDR, served as the 32nd President of the United States from 1933 until his death in 1945. However, his leadership went beyond just the years he held the presidential office. FDR was also an outstanding orator who used his speaking talents to rally American citizens during times of great crisis, such as the Great Depression and World War II.One of Roosevelt’s most famous speeches is the Four Freedoms speech he delivered to the United States Congress on January 6, 1941. This speech addressed the threat of Nazi Germany and emphasized four essential human freedoms that he believed were necessary for everyone to enjoy, including freedom of speech and religion, freedom from want, and freedom from fear. Roosevelt argued that these freedoms were the basis for a just and peaceful world and that the United States had a responsibility to protect them.Here, we will analyze four key portions of the Four Freedoms speech and examine their relevance and impact on society today.Freedom of SpeechIn his speech, Roosevelt stated, “The first is freedom of speech and expression—everywhere in the world. The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way—everywhere in the world.” These two essential freedoms are critical not only for maintaining democracy but also for promoting creativity and innovation. Freedom of speech allows people to express their opinions and ideas without fear of persecution, censorship, or retaliation. This freedom enables the free exchange of ideas that can lead to progress and development, something that is essential in democratic societies. The ongoing challenges we see today with regard to censorship on social media demonstrate the relevance of this freedom today.Freedom from WantRoosevelt went on to discuss “the third freedom, which, translated into world terms, means economicunderstanding…the right of every nation to develop its resources and markets.” Freedom from want is perhaps the most obvious of the Four Freedoms because it addresses the fundamental need for people to have access to basic necessities such as food, shelter, and clothing. Poverty remains one of the most significant challenges faced by nations around the world. Based on the principles of this freedom, countries must ensure that their citizens have access to essential resources and the opportunity to grow economically.Freedom from FearRoosevelt emphasized “the fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor—anywhere in the world.” This freedom recognizes the importance o f peace and security and the need for nations to work together to ensure that all people feel safe in their communities. Even today, we see incidents of violence, including terrorism, conflict, and hostility between countries. Understanding the importanceof freedom from fear and working towards peace is essentialin creating a just and secure global community.ConclusionThroughout his presidency, FDR’s speeches and leadership style were characterized by compassion, empathy, and an unwavering commitment to principles of freedom, justice, and human dignity. The Four Freedoms speech delivered by Roosevelt continues to inspire and challenge us today, as we continue to face new challenges in society. By understanding and appreciating the principles of freedom outlined in this speech, we can work together to build a fair, just, and peaceful global community.。
【精品文档】名人英语演讲稿范文：罗斯福-四项自由-优秀word范文 (10页)
本文部分内容来自网络整理，本司不为其真实性负责，如有异议或侵权请及时联系，本司将立即删除！== 本文为word格式，下载后可方便编辑和修改！ ==名人英语演讲稿范文：罗斯福-四项自由罗斯福-四项自由英语演讲稿Mr. Speaker, members of the 77th Congress:I address you, the members of this new Congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. I use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.Since the permanent formation of our government under the Constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. And, fortunately, only one of these-the four-year war between the States-ever threatened our national unity. Today, thank God, 130,000,000 Americans in forty-eight States have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often has been disturbed by events in other continents. We have even engaged in two wars with European nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean and in the Pacific, for the maintenance of American rights and for the Principles of peaceful commerce. But in no case has a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a nation has at all times maintained opposition-clear, definite opposition-to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient Chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. Today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the Americas.That determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for example, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the French Revolution. While the Napoleonic struggledid threaten interests of the United States because of the French foothold in the West Indies and in Louisiana, and while we engaged in the War of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither France nor Great Britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.And in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914-ninety-nine years-no single war in Europe or in Asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other American nation.Except in the Maximilian interlude in Mexico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. And friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.Even when the World War broke out in 1914 it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own American future. But as time went on, as we remember, the American people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.We need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of Versailles. We need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. We should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before Munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today.The American people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.I suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way oflife is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world-assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace.During sixteen long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. And the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional duty to “give to the Congress information of the state of the union,” I find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. If that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of Europe and Asia, Africa and Australia will be dominated by conquerors. And let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly exceeds the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the Western Hemisphere-yes, many times over.In times like these it is immature- and, incidentally, untrue-for anybody to brag that an unprepared America, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.No realistic American can expect from a dictator’s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion-or even good business. Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. Those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.As a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. We must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the ism of appeasement. We must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the American eagle in order to feather their own nests.I have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually expect if the dictator nation win this war.There is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate anddirect invasion from across the seas. Obviously, as long as the British Navy retains its power, no such danger exists. Even if there were no British Navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the United States from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.But we learn much from the lessons of the past years in Europe-particularly the lesson of Norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years.The first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. The necessary strategic points would。
罗斯福著名演讲
The third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants -- everywhere in the world.
This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. Our strength is our unity of purpose.
To that high concept there can be no end save victory.
To that new order we oppose the greater conception -- the moral order. A good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.
That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called “new order” of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.
罗斯福英语演讲稿：四项自由
罗斯福英语演讲稿：四项自由Ladies and gentlemen,Today, I stand before you to talk about an idea that is at the very core of America's values and beliefs – the Four Freedoms. These freedoms were first articulated by President Franklin D. Roosevelt in his 1941 State of the Union address, at a time when America and the world were in the midst of an unprecedented crisis.The Four Freedoms are: freedom of speech, freedom of worship, freedom from want, and freedom from fear. These freedoms represent the basic rights and values that every human being should enjoy and have the opportunity to pursue. Let me explain each of these freedoms in turn.Firstly, freedom of speech. This is a fundamental right that ensures that every individual has the right to express their thoughts, opinions, and beliefs without fear of retribution or persecution. It is the foundation of democracy and the cornerstone of a free and open society. Without freedom of speech, there can be no critical thinking, no progress, and no dialogue.Secondly, freedom of worship. Religious freedom is a right that allows individuals to practice their own religion, or none at all, without fear of persecution or discrimination. It is a fundamental human right that is essential to the wellbeing of individuals and communities alike. Without religious freedom, people cannot express or practice their beliefs openly, and society will be divided by religious barriers.Thirdly, freedom from want. This is the right to live a life free from poverty, squalor, and deprivation. It is a right that ensures every person can have access to basic life necessities such as food, housing, and healthcare. Freedom from want is essential to human dignity and well-being, without it, we cannot live a fulfilling life.Lastly, freedom from fear. This is the right to live in peace and security without fear of violence or aggression. It is a right that everyone should enjoy, but in many parts of the world, it is a right that is not guaranteed. Freedom from fear protects our basic human rights and allows us to live in an environment conducive to growth and prosperity.These four freedoms are not just American values, they are universal values that everyone should be entitled to. As President, I pledge to uphold these values both at home and abroad. It is my duty as president to ensure that these freedoms are protected and upheld, and I will work tirelessly to ensure that America remains a beacon of hope, freedom, and democracy to the world.In conclusion, as we face the challenges of our time, let us remember the Four Freedoms and their importance to our lives and our society. They provide a framework for the basic human rights that every individual should enjoy and strive to achieve. The Four Freedoms are not just a moment in history, but a continuing call to action that we must respond to with passion, courage, and determination. Thank you.。
罗斯福总统演讲The Four Freedoms
罗斯福总统演讲The Four Freedomsi address you, the members of this new congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. i use the word unprecedented because at no previous time has american security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.since the permanent formation of our government under the constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. and, fortunately, only one of these -- the four-year war between the states -- ever threatened our national unity. today, thank god, 130,000,000 americans in 48 states have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.it is true that prior to 1914 the united states often has been disturbed by events in other continents. we have even engaged in two wars with european nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the west indies, in the mediterranean and in the pacific, for the maintenance of american rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. but in no case had a serious threat been raised against our national safety or ourcontinued independence.what i seek to convey is the historic truth that the united states as a nation has at all times maintained opposition -- clear, definite opposition -- to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the americas.that determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for example, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the french revolution. while the napoleonic struggles did threaten interests of the united states because of the french foothold in the west indies and in louisiana, and while we engaged in the war of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither france nor great britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.and in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914 -- ninety-nine years -- no single war in europe or in asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other american nation.except in the maximilian interlude in mexico, no foreignpower sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. and the strength of the british fleet in the atlantic has been a friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.even when the world war broke out in 1914, it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own american future. but as time went on, as we remember, the american people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.we need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of versailles. we need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. we should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today. the american people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.i suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world -- assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace. during 16 long months this assault has blotted out thewhole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. and the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.therefore, as your president, performing my constitutional duty to give to the congress information of the state of the union, i find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. if that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of europe and asia, and africa and austral-asia will be dominated by conquerors. and let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly exceed the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the western hemisphere -- yes, many times over.in times like these it is immature -- and, incidentally, untrue -- for anybody to brag that an unprepared america, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.no realistic american can expect from a dictator s peaceinternational generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion -- or even good business. such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.as a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. we must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the ism of appeasement. we must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the american eagle in order to feather their own nests.i have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually expect if the dictator nations win this war.there is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. obviously, as long as the british navy retains its power, no such danger exists. even if there were no british navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in theunited states from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.but we learn much from the lessons of the past years in europe -- particularly the lesson of norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years. the first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. the necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes -- and great numbers of them are already here and in latin america. as long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.and that is why the future of all the american republics is today in serious danger. that is why this annual message to the congress is unique in our history. that is why every member of the executive branch of the government and every member of the congress face great responsibility, great accountability. the need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily -- almost exclusively -- to meeting this foreign peril. for all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.just as our national policy in internal affairs has beenbased upon a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small. and the justice of morality must and will win in the end.our national policy is this:first, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.secondly, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. by this support we express our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principles of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. we know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of otherpeople s freedom.in the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. no issue was fought out on this line before the american electorate. and today it is abundantly evident that american citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. goals of speed have been set. in some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. in some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. and in some cases -- and, i am sorry to say, very important cases -- we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.the army and navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. and today s best is not good enough for tomorrow.i am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. the men in charge of the program represent the best in training, inability, and in patriotism. they are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. none of us will be satisfied until the job is done.no matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.to give you two illustrations:we are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes. we are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.we are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.to change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. and the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.the congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. however, there is certain information, as the congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security andthose of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.new circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. i shall ask this congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.i also ask this congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. they do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars worth of the weapons of defense.the time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. we cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.i do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons -- a loan to be repaid in dollars. i recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the united states, fitting their orders into our own program. and nearly all oftheir material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.for what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need.let us say to the democracies: we americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. we are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. we shall send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. that is our purpose and our pledge.in fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. such aid -- such aid is notan act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.and when the dictators -- if the dictators -- are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.they did not wait for norway or belgium or the netherlands to commit an act of war. their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression. the happiness of future generations of americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. no one can tell the exact character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. the nation s hands must not be tied when the nation s life is in danger.yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency -- almost as serious as war itself -- demands. whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations of any kind, must give way to the national need.a free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups. a free nation has the right to look to theleaders of business, of labor, and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own group.the best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.as men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. the mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.the nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in america. those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the rootcause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. for there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.the basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. they are:equality of opportunity for youth and for others.jobs for those who can work.security for those who need it.the ending of special privilege for the few.the preservation of civil liberties for all.the enjoyment -- the enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.these are the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world. the inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. as examples:we should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.we should widen the opportunities for adequate medicalcare.we should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.i have called for personal sacrifice, and i am assured of the willingness of almost all americans to respond to that call.a part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. in my budget message i will recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying for today. no person should try, or be allowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.if the congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their applause.in the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.the first is freedom of speech and expression -- everywhere in the world.the second is freedom of every person to worship god in his own way -- everywhere in the world.the third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants -- everywhere in the world.the fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor -- anywhere in the world.that is no vision of a distant millennium. it is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. that kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called new order of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.to that new order we oppose the greater conception -- the moral order. a good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.since the beginning of our american history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly, adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. the world order which we seek is thecooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.this nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of god. freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. our strength is our unity of purpose.to that high concept there can be no end save victory.。
2021年罗斯福 四项自由英语演讲稿(3)
罗斯福四项自由英语演讲稿(3)罗斯福：四项自由英语演讲稿We are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.We are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.To change a whole nation from a basis of pea ___time production of implements of pea ___ to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no s ___ll task. The greatest difficulty es at the beginning of the program, when new tools, and new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual ___terial begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.The Congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. However, there is ___rtain infor ___tion, as the Congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our ownsecurity and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confiden ___.New circumstan ___s are constantly begetting new needsfor our safety. I shall ask this Congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds sufficient to ___nufacture additional munitions and war supplies of ___ny kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. Our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. They do not need ___npower, but they do need billions of dollars’ worth of the weapons of defense.The time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. We cannot, and we will not, ___ them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.I do not remend that we ___ke them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons -- a loan to be repaid in dollars. I remend that we ___ke it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war ___terials in the United States, fitting their orders into our own program. And nearly all of their ___terial would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.Taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistan ___, are giving us time in which to ___ke ready our own defense.For what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar ___terials, or at our option in other goods of ___ny kinds which they can produ ___ and which we need.Let us say to the democracies: "We Americans are vitally con ___rned in your defense of ___. We are putting forth our energies, our resour ___s, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and ___intain a free world. We shall send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. This is our purpose and our pledge."In fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. Such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.And when the dictators-if the dictators--are ready to___ke war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.They did not wait for Norway or Belgium or the Netherlands to mit an act of war. Their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observan ___ and therefore bees an instrument ofoppression. The happiness of future generations of Americans ___y well depend on how effective and how immediate we can ___ke our aid felt. No one can ___ the exact character of the emergency situations that we ___y be called upon to meet. The nation's hands must not be tied when the nation's life is in danger.Yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to ___ke the sacrifi ___s that the emergency-almost as serious as war itself--de ___nds. Whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations at any time, must give way to the national need.A free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups. A free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own groups.The best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble- ___kers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patrioticexample, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of gover ___ent to save gover ___ent.As men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by ar ___ments alone. Those who ___n our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which e from an unshakable belief in the___nner of life which they are defending. The mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.模板,内容仅供参考。
2021年名人英语演讲稿 罗斯福四项自由
名人英语演讲稿罗斯福四项自由名人英语演讲稿范文：罗斯福-四项自由I address you, the members of this new Congress, at a moment unpre ___dented in the history of the union. I use the word “unpre ___dented” because at no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.Sin ___ the per ___nent for ___tion of our gover ___ent under the Constitution in 17 ___, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. And, fortunately, only one of these-the four-year war between the States-ever threatened our national unity. Today, thank God, 130,000,000 Americans in forty-eight States have forgotten points of the pass in our national unity.It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often has been disturbed by events in other continents. We have even engaged in two wars with European nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the West In ___s, in theMediterranean and in the Pacific, for the ___intenan ___ of American rights and for the Principles of pea ___ful mer___. But in no case has a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independen___.What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a nation has at all times ___intained opposition-clear, definite opposition-to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient Chinese wall while the pro___ssion of civilization went past. Today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enfor ___d isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the Americas.That determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for example, in the early days during the quarter ___ntury of wars following the French Revolution. While the Napoleonic struggle did threaten interests of the United States because of the French foothold in the West In ___s and in Louisiana, and while we engaged in the War of 1812 to vindicate our right to pea___ful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither Fran___ nor Great Britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.And in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914-niy-nine years-no single war in Europe or in Asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other American nation.Ex ___pt in the Maximilian interlude in Mexico, noforeign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. And friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.Even when the World War broke out in 1914 it seemed to contain only s ___ll threat of danger to our own American future. But as time went on, as we remember, the American people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.We need not overemphasize imperfections in the pea ___ of Versailles. We need not harp on failure of the democraciesto deal with problems of world reconstruction. We should remember that the pea ___ of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before Munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today.The American people have unalterably set their fa ___s against that tyranny.I suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world-assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at pea ___.During sixteen long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and s ___ll. And the assailants are still on the ___rch, threatening other nations, great and s ___ll.Therefore, as your President, performing myconstitutional duty to “give to the Congress infor ___tion of the state of the union,” I find it unhappily ne___ssary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.Armed defense of democratic existen ___ is now being gallantly waged in four continents. If that defense fails, all the population and all the resour ___s of Europe and Asia, Africa and Australia will be dominated by conquerors. And let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resour ___s greatly ex ___eds the sum total of the population and the resour ___s of the whole of the Western Hemisphere-yes, ___ny times over.In times like these it is im ___ture- and, incidentally, untrue-for anybody to brag that an unprepared America, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.No realistic American can expect from a dictator’s pea ___ international generosity, or return of true independen ___, or world disar ___ment, or ___ of expression, or ___ of religion-or even good business. Such a pea ___ would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. Those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.模板,内容仅供参考。
罗斯福四项自由英语演讲稿_英语演讲稿_
罗斯福四项自由英语演讲稿下面是小编为你精心编辑整理的罗斯福-四项自由英语，希望对你有所帮助!mr. speaker, members of the 77th congress:i address you, the members of this new congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. i use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has american security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.since the permanent formation of our government under the constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. and, fortunately, only one of these-the four-year war between the states-ever threatened our national unity. today, thank god, 130,000,000 americans in forty-eight states have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.it is true that prior to 1914 the united states often has been disturbed by events in other continents. we have even engaged in two wars with european nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the west indies, in the mediterranean and in the pacific, for the maintenance of american rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. but in no case has a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.what i seek to convey is the historic truth that the united states as a nation has at all times maintained opposition-clear, definite opposition-to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of theamericas.that determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for example, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the french revolution. while the napoleonic struggle did threaten interests of the united states because of the french foothold in the west indies and in louisiana, and while we engaged in the war of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither france nor great britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.and in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914-ninety-nine years-no single war in europe or in asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other american nation.except in the maximilian interlude in mexico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. and friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.even when the world war broke out in 1914 it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own american future. but as time went on, as we remember, the american people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.we need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of versailles. we need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. we should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today.the american people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.i suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world-assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace.during sixteen long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. and the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.therefore, as your president, performing my constitutional duty to “give to the congress information of the state of the union,” i find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. if that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of europe and asia, africa and australia will be dominated by conquerors. and let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly exceeds the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the western hemisphere-yes, many times over.in times like these it is immature- and, incidentally, untrue-for anybody to brag that an unprepared america, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.no realistic american can expect from a dictator’s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion-or even good business. such a peace would bring no security forus or for our neighbors. those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.as a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. we must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the ism of appeasement. we must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the american eagle in order to feather their own nests.i have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually expect if the dictator nation win this war.there is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. obviously, as long as the british navy retains its power, no such danger exists. even if there were no british navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the united states from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.but we learn much from the lessons of the past years in europe-particularly the lesson of norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years.the first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. the necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes-and great numbers of them are already here and in latin america.as long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.and that is why the future of all the american republics is today in serious danger. that is why this annual message to the congress is unique in our history. that is why every member of the executive branch of the government and every member of the congress face great responsibility-great accountability.the need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily-almost exclusively-to meeting this foreign peril. for all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small. and the justice of morality must and will win in the end.our national policy is this:first, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.second, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. by this support we express our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principle of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictatedby aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. we know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's freedom.in the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. no issue was fought out on the line before the american electorate. and today it is abundantly evident that american citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. goals of speed have been set. in some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. in some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. and in some cases-and, i am sorry to say, very important cases -- we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.the army and navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. and today's best is not good enough for tomorrow.i am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. the men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability and in patriotism. they are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. none of us will be satisfied until the job is done.no matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.to give you two illustrations:we are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes.we are working day and night to solve the innumerableproblems and to catch up.we are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.to change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, and new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.the congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. however, there is certain information, as the congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.new circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. i shall ask this congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.i also ask this congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. they do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars’ worth of the weapons of defense.the time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. we cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.i do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons -- a loan to be repaid in dollars. i recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the united states, fitting their orders into our own program. and nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.for what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need.let us say to the democracies: "we americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. we are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. we shall send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. this is our purpose and our pledge."in fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.and when the dictators-if the dictators--are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.they did not wait for norway or belgium or the netherlandsto commit an act of war. their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression. the happiness of future generations of americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. no one can tell the exact character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. the nation's hands must not be tied when the nation's life is in danger.yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency-almost as serious as war itself--demands. whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations at any time, must give way to the national need.a free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups. a free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own groups.the best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.as men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from an unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. the mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.the nation takes great satisfaction and much strength fromthe things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in america. those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. for there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.the basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. they are:equality of opportunity for youth and for others.jobs for those who can work.security for those who need it.the ending of special privilege for the few.the preservation of civil liberties for all.the enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.these are the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world. the inner and abiding straight of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. as examples:we should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.we should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.we should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.i have called for personal sacrifice, and i am assured of the willingness of almost all americans to respond to that call. a part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. in my budget message i will recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying for today. no person should try, or be allowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.if the congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their applause.in the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.the first is freedom of speech and expression--everywhere in the world.the second is freedom of every person to worship god in his own way everywhere in the world.the third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants--everywhere in the world.the fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor -- anywhere in the world.that is no vision of a distant millennium. it is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation.that kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called “new order” of tyranny which the dic tators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.to that new order we oppose the greater conception -- the moral order. a good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.since the beginning of our american history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. the world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.this nation has placed its destiny in the hands, heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of god. freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. our strength is our unity of purpose.to that high concept there can be no end save victory.。
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罗斯福英语演讲稿：四项自由mr. speaker, members of the7th congress:i address you, the members of this new congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. i use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has american security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.since the permanent formation of our government under the constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. and, fortunately, only one of these-the four-year war between the states-ever threatened our national unity. today, thank god, 130,000,000 americans in forty-eight states have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.it is true that prior to 1914 the united states often has been disturbed by events in other continents. we have even engaged in two wars with european nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the west indies, in the mediterranean and in the pacific, for the maintenance of american rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. but in no case has a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.what i seek to convey is the historic truth that the united states as a nation has at all times maintained opposition-clear, definite opposition-to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the americas.that determination of ours, extendingover all these years, was proved, for example, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the french revolution. while the napoleonic struggle did threaten interests of the united states because of the french foothold in the west indies and in louisiana, and while we engaged in the war of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither france nor great britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.and in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914-ninety-nine years-no single war in europe or in asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other american nation.except in the maximilian interlude in mexico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. and friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.even when the world war broke out in 1914 it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own american future. but as time went on, as we remember, the american people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.we need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of versailles. we need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. we should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today.the american people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.i suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at thismoment being directly assailed in every part of the world-assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace.during sixteen long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. and the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.therefore, as your president, performing my constitutional duty to “give to the congress information of the state of the union,” i find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged infour continents. if that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of europe and asia, africa and australia will be dominated by conquerors. and let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly exceeds the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the western hemisphere-yes, many times over.in times like these it is immature- and, incidentally, untrue-for anybody to brag that an unprepared america, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.no realistic american can expect from a dictator’s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion-or even good business. such a peace would bring no security forus or for our neighbors. those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.as a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. we must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the ism of appeasement. we must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the american eagle in order to feather their own nests.i have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually expect if the dictator nation win this war.there is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. obviously, as long as the british navy retains its power,no such danger exists. even if there were no british navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the united states from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.but we learn much from the lessons of the past years in europe-particularly the lesson of norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years.the first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. the necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes-and great numbers of them are already here and in latin america.as long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.and that is why the future of all the american republics is today in serious danger. that is why this annual message to the congress is unique in our history. that is why every member of the executive branch of the government and every member of the congress face great responsibility-great accountability.the need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily-almost exclusively-to meeting this foreign peril. for all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small. and the justice of morality must and willwin in the end.our national policy is this:first, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.second, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. by this support we express our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principle of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peacedictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. we know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people”s freedom.in the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. no issue was fought out on the line before the american electorate. and today it is abundantly evident that american citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. goals of speed have been set. in some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. in some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. and in some cases-and, i am sorry to say,very important cases -- we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.the army and navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. and today”s best is not good enough for tomorrow.i am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. the men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability and in patriotism. they are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. none of us will be satisfied until the job is done.no matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.to give you two illustrations:we are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes.we are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.we are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.。