伍德罗威尔逊的名言

关于共享成果的名言

关于共享成果的名言
1.最大的成功在于最大的付出，而最大的快乐在于与他人共享这种成功。

——比尔·盖茨
2.真正的快乐来自于与他人共享自己的幸
福。

——安德鲁·卡
内基
3.共享知识是进步的
源泉，共享成果是成
功的标志。

——艾伦·图灵
4.一个人的成就不是
真正的成功，除非他
与他人共享这种成就。

——伍德罗·威尔逊
5.最好的成果应该被所有人共享，而不是被少数人独占。

——尼尔·阿姆斯特朗
6.真正的领导者不是那些独自取得成功的人，而是那些与他人共享成功的人。

——约翰·C·麦克斯维尔
7.成功的秘诀在于与他人共享你的知识、
经验和成果。

——托尼·罗宾斯
8.只有当我们愿意与他人共享我们的成果时，我们才能真正地感到满足和快乐。

——迪帕克·乔普拉9.真正的财富不是你所拥有的，而是你所能与他人共享的。

——约翰·D·洛克菲勒
10.与他人共享成果，是一种最美好、最持久、最有意义的成功。

——奥普拉·温弗瑞。

英语名言警句爱国带翻译

英语名言警句爱国带翻译1. "Patriotism is not short, frenzied outbursts of emotion, but the tranquil and steady dedication of a lifetime." —Adlai E. Stevenson II“爱国主义不是短暂的狂热情绪爆发，而是一生平静而坚定的奉献。

” ——阿德莱·史蒂文森二世2. "Our country is not the only thing to which we owe our loyalty and love, but it is the only thing which we are under the obligation to serve." — Woodrow Wilson“我们所忠诚和热爱的不仅仅是我们的国家，但我们有义务为之服务的只有国家。

” ——伍德罗·威尔逊3. "The patriot's blood is the seed of freedom's tree." —Thomas Campbell“爱国者的血液是自由之树的种子。

” ——托马斯·坎贝尔4. "Patriotism is as much a virtue as justice, and is as necessary for the support of societies as natural affectionis for the support of families." — Benjamin Rush “爱国主义是一种美德，与正义一样必要，它对支持社会的作用就像自然情感对支持家庭的作用一样。

” ——本杰明·拉什5. "The only way to deal with an unfree world is to become so absolutely free that your very existence is an act of rebellion." — Albert Camus“应对不自由世界的唯一方式是变得如此绝对自由，以至于你的存在本身就是一种反抗行为。

10句关于朋友的英语名言

10句关于朋友的英语名言English Answers:1. "A true friend is one who overlooks your failures and tolerates your success." Doug Larson.2. " Friendship is the only cement that will hold the world together."Woodrow T. Wilson.3. " The greatest gift of life is friendship, and I have received it." Hubert H. Humphrey.4. " Friendship is not about who you've known the longest, it's about who walked into your life, said 'I'm here for you', and proved it." Unknown.5. "True friends are like stars you don't always see them, but you know they're always there." Unknown.6. "Friendship is the most beautiful thing in theworld." Muhammad Ali.7. "Friends are the family you choose." Jess C. Scott.8. " There is nothing on this earth more to be prized than true friendship." Thomas Aquinas.9. "Friendship is the only thing worth living for." Marcus Tullius Cicero.10. " True friendship is like sound health; the value of it is seldom known until it is lost." Charles Caleb Colton.中文回答：1. 真正的朋友会忽视你的缺点，包容你的优点。

幡然醒悟

事而抽象的质疑。
让我们来重温一下我对美国通胀率计算的质疑。请看以
下两张图表：
正如周日的下午人们正在大竞技场内尽情享乐，而北方
的蛮族早已越过阿尔卑斯山脉南下，目标直指当今的罗马。他们受过更好的教育，工作勤奋，而且愿意为了更好的明天
Ｐｉｆ那样机敏的作家，他最近出版的《钱》一书可谓是ｈＩｐｌｓ坏今年夏天关于经济现状以及我们这些明智的美国人何以会弄到这般地步的最佳读物。
仿—— 我们只在意错误的东西：娱乐而非被告知的权利，琐
我们中的大多数人都相信该投哪个候选人的票，主要还是要看他到底是民主党或是共和党。我们更关心谁会在本周的美国偶像节目中被淘汰，胜过关心我们日趋恶化的医疗保健系统关于替代能源的讨论被琳赛，洛翰或者布兰妮ｔ斯皮尔斯的最新绯闻挤到了一边，然后我们惊奇地发现汽油居然涨
点上，我们的盟邦早已弃之如蔽履。 ” 我们也能做到！我们才是事情的关键，而
好吧，如果是这样，那么
维普资讯当今均一价格的全球市场环境下解释这个现象吗？我觉得不能。有些人正在欺人或者自欺，这一点我不能确定。这里应该没有恶意的串谋美国劳动统计局里有太多的统计和分析人员人员的流动也很频繁，这使得恶意串谋几乎不可能。我只是担心他们中的某些人始终是被蒙在鼓里的．这导致从投资者的角度而言．实际通胀率的计量产生了巨大的误差。美国在如何计量其通胀率方面与世界其他国家有以下不同：１消费品质调整；２以同等住房租金计量房主的住房））支出３几何加权和产品替代。以上三点不同在过去的２年）５

美国威尔逊总统名言格言

美国威尔逊总统名言格言
1. 有自信，然后全力以赴——假如具有这种观念，任何事情十之八九都能成功……
2. 书籍——通过心灵观察世界的窗口。

住宅里没有书，犹如房间里没有窗户。

3. Law is the crystallization of the habit and thought of society.法律是社会习俗和思想的结晶
4. 理解绝对是养育一切友谊之果的土壤。

5. 恶徒也认识真理，只是他见了真理就害怕。

托马斯·伍德罗·威尔逊（Thomas Woodrow Wilson，1856年12月28日－1924年2月3日），美国第28任总统。

作为进步主义时代的一个领袖级知识分子，他曾先后任普林斯顿大学校长，新泽西州州长等职。

1912年总统大选中，由于西奥多·罗斯福和威廉·塔夫脱的竞争分散了共和党选票，以民主党人身份当选总统。

迄今为止，他是唯一一名拥有哲学博士头衔的美国总统（法学博士衔除外），也是唯一一名任总统以前曾在新泽西州担任公职的美国总统。

关于自由的英语名言

关于自由的英语名言woodrow wilson, american president 自由的历史是限制政府权力的历史。

美国总统威尔逊.w。

that freedom and order are not incompatible ;that reverence is the maid of knowledge; that free discussion is the life of truth, and of true unity in a nation.thomas henry huxley, british naturalist 英国博物学家赫胥.t. h.liberty, when it begins to take root, is a plant of rapid growth.ceorge washington, father of the united states 自由一旦生根，便是株迅猛生长的植物。

美国国父华盛顿 .g.none is of freedom or of life deserving unless he daily conquers it anew.erasmus, dutch humanist 只有每天再度战胜生活并夺取自由的人，才配享受生活和自由。

荷兰人文主义者伊拉斯漠those who expect to reap the blessings of freedom must undergo the fatigue of supporting it . 想要收获自由之果的人，必须承受维护自由的劳苦。

thomas paine, british writer 英国作家潘恩。

the truth is cruel ,but it can be loved ,and it makes free those who have loved it.jxartre,american writer 尽管真理是无情的，但也是可爱的，它使爱它的人自由。

关于规划的名言

关于规划的名言1. "如果你计划失败，你就是在计划失败。

" - 本杰明·富兰克林这句话倡导我们为自己的生活制定目标和计划，因为没有计划就意味着没有方向，容易迷失自我，并不会取得成功。

2. "失败，只是成功的延迟。

" - 托马斯·爱迪生这句话告诉我们，尽管我们可能在计划或目标中遇到困难和失败，但我们不应该灰心丧志。

我们应该把这些失败视为学习机会，继续努力，直到我们取得成功。

3. "如果你不制定自己的计划，别人会用你来实现他们的计划。

" - 伯特·伯克这句话强调了个人规划的重要性。

如果我们没有自己的计划，并没有清晰的目标和行动计划，那么我们可能会成为别人计划中的一部分，失去自我控制和自由，不能实现我们真正想要的生活。

4. "没有计划的人就是在计划失败。

" - 温斯顿·丘吉尔这句名言强调了计划的重要性。

如果我们没有明确的计划和策略，我们就很容易陷入混乱和失败的境地，而无法取得成功。

5. "一个目标没有计划就只是一个愿望。

" - 安东尼·罗宾斯这句话告诉我们，仅仅有一个目标还不够。

我们必须制定明确的计划来实现这个目标，才能真正实现我们的愿望。

6. "计划是为了将我们的梦想变成现实。

" - 约翰·C·麦克斯韦这句话强调了计划对于实现梦想的重要性。

我们可以有很多梦想和愿望，但如果没有一份规划来指导我们的行动，我们的梦想就只是空中楼阁。

7. "一个好的计划是成功的一半。

" - 托马斯·伍德罗·威尔逊这句话告诉我们，一个好的计划是取得成功的基础。

只有通过制定明确的目标和行动计划，我们才能有信心和准备去迎接挑战，最终取得成功。

8. "规划是管理时间和资源的艺术。

" - 彼得·德鲁克这句话强调了规划在时间和资源管理中的重要性。

享受过程的名言

享受过程的名言［标签:栏目］，享受过程的名言1、不但事物发展的全过程中的矛盾运动，在其相互联结上，在其各方面情况上，我们必须注意其特点，而且在过程发展的各个阶段中，也有其特点，也必须注意。

一一毛泽东2、战士是永远追求光明的，他并不躺在晴空下面享受阳光，却在暗夜里燃起火炬，给人们照亮道路，使他们走向黎明。

一一巴金3、很多事情的发展注定回迎来结局，不要在乎结果，只要好好享受美丽的过程，擦身而过的时候，我学会了遗忘！一一张爱玲4、正是劳动本身构成了你追求的幸福的主要因素，任何不是靠辛勤努力而获得的享受，很快就会变得枯燥无聊，索然无味。

一一休谟5、毅力是永久的享受。

一一布莱克6、纯朴者是何等有福，因为他们享受着极大的宁静。

一一坎普滕的托马斯7、道德教育过程的两个组成部分应同步进行。

一一苏霍姆林斯基8、生命苦短，便这既不能阻止我们享受生活的乐趣，也不会使我们因其充满艰辛而庆幸其短暂。

一一沃维纳格9、喜爱读书，就等于把生活中寂寞无聊的时光换成巨大享受的时刻。

一一孟德斯鸠10、感到自己是人们所需要的和亲近的人一一这是生活最大的享受，最高的喜悦。

这是真理，不要忘记这个真理，它会给你们无限的幸福。

一一高尔基11、最合于享受人生的理想人物，就是一个热诚的、悠闲的、无恐惧的人。

——林语堂12、生活是一个走向厌倦的漫长过程。

一一塞•巴特勒13、真理是在漫长的发展着的认识过程中被掌握的，在这一过程中，每一步都是它前一步的直接继续。

一一黑格尔14、黑了倦眼都侧耳倾听，让我做只路过蜻蜓，留下能被怀念过程，虚耗着我这便宜生命。

一一林夕15、这是集体的力量，集体的智慧。

整个申奥过程大概要用够拍几十部影片的素材，所以我们等于有几十部电影要拍。

一一张艺谋16、人不像动物，人能领略出生活的唯一目的就是享受生活。

一一巴特勒17、人生最大的快乐不在于占有什么，而在于追求什么的过程。

一一本生18、我们这一代就是施肥的一代，用自己的血灌溉快将实现的乐园，让后代享受人类应有的一切幸福，这就是我们一代的任务。

伍德罗威尔逊总统的悲剧

伍德罗·威尔逊总统的悲剧美国第二十八任总统伍德罗·威尔逊，是位不善于利用妥协艺术的政治家。

他有句名言:"宁肯战败千次，也决不为不光荣的妥协而朝三暮四".为了维护这句名言，威尔逊竟付出了他政治生命中一项重要事业的代价，并最终给自己的政治生涯蒙上了一层失败的阴影。

回顾这段历史，将有助于人们从一个側面去了解妥协在政治上所显示出的重要性。

伍德罗·威尔逊于1913年任美国总统，上台后，他在国内积极推行一系列改革措施，并取得了一些影响和作用。

1918年，第一次世界大战结束后，威尔逊为了使美国在外交政策上能摆脱孤立主义的传统，以使美国在世界范围内能取得领导地位，他先后开展了一系列的外交活动。

1918年1月8日，威尔逊在美国国会提出了被他称为"世界和平纲领''''''''的"十四点"。

"十四点"的内容包括公开外交、海上自由、贸易自由、裁减军备、民族自决等许多原则性问题。

其中，在第十四点即最后一点的内容上，威尔逊倡议成立一个普遍性的国际联合机构，即所谓的国际联盟。

1918年12月，威尔逊赴欧参加巴黎和会。

在这次会议上，他将与英国、法国、意大利和日本三十三国的代表讨论德国战败问题，同时，还将在他提出的"十四点"的内容基础上讨论战后国际问题。

由于威尔逊的"十四点"根本不为英国首相劳合----乔治、法国总理克利孟梭等人所接受，只是在此会议之前，由于威尔逊的亲信顾问豪斯上校一再施加压力的结果，英法等国的代表才勉强同意了以"十四点"作为巴黎和会谈判的基础。

但是，当威尔逊亲自参加会议后，英法等国的代表不仅不遵循"十四点"中的内容，反而利用威尔逊一心想成立国际联盟的心理，在会议上与威尔逊讨价还价，大耍外交手腕。

威尔逊名言14条

威尔逊名言14条
1、一个人要勇于赴义，敢于求真。

2、培养意志是我们生存的目标
3、恶徒也认识真理，只是他见了真理就害怕。

4、从对方的错误当中找出自己的责任是彼此相爱的最好方法。

5、国家的尊严比安全更为重要，比命运更有价值
6、要有自信，然后全力以赴，假如具有这种观念，任何事情十之八九都能成功。

7、法律是社会习俗和思想的结晶。

8、民族不是从上而下更新的。

从无名的人们中出现的天才，才是更新人民的青春和精力的天才。

9、我信仰民主政体，因为它使每个人都能发挥出自己的能力。

10、性格是一种副产品；它产生于完成日常事务的伟大过程之中。

11、政治不过是社会沿着自己最实用，最方便的途径，有秩序地向前发展的一门科学。

12、理解绝对是养育一切友情之果的土壤
13、书籍通过心灵观察世界的窗口。

住宅里没有书，犹如房间里没有窗户。

14、享乐主义是沉醉了的人性，犬儒主义是发疯了的人性，禁欲主义是绝望的人性。

———《论人性》。

友谊的名言名句

友谊的名言名句1. "Friendship is born at that moment when one person says to another, 'What! You too? I thought I was the only one.'" C.S. Lewis。

2. "A real friend is one who walks in when the rest of the world walks out." Walter Winchell。

3. "Friendship is the only cement that will ever hold the world together." Woodrow Wilson。

4. "A friend is someone who knows all about you and still loves you." Elbert Hubbard。

5. "True friendship comes when the silence between two people is comfortable." David Tyson。

6. "In the end, we will remember not the words of our enemies, but the silence of our friends." Martin Luther King Jr.7. "A friend is one that knows you as you are, understands where you have been, accepts what you have become, and still, gently allows you to grow." William Shakespeare。

威尔逊名言

务等。一个人的自由可能影响其他人的自由，这就需要政
府来保障每个人的自由。政府的权力威胁到个体自由。对自由最大的威胁是权力的集中。为了保护我们的自由，政府是必要的；通过政府这一工具我们可以行使我们的自
由；然而，由于权力集中在当权者的手中，它也是自的
威胁。
Liberty
Government
现代政府应做到：
第一，承认并维护公民个人的自由。这是政府的首要职责，具体体现为政府要正确运用公权力对公民的个人自由进行保护。这就要求政府：一方面，禁止滥用公权力对公民的自由造成损害。另一方面，防止他人或组织侵害公民的自由。政府作为公权力的执掌者，要采取必要的措施来保证公民的自由，允许公民有不受他人侵犯的巨大的活动范围。第二，政府决策应得到公民的同意、要听取公民的意见和建议或必要的事宜直接由公民自己做决策。政府是国家权力的中心，它要维持国家内外生存而进行必要的活动，而这些活动必须充分体现公民的自由决策或参与。
Thomas Woodrow Wilson(伍德罗·威尔逊)
The history of liberty is a history of the limitation of governmental power.
自由的历史是限制政府权力的历史。
马美娜
Liberty
Government
自由并不是无政府。自由不是想做什么就做什么，也不是不想做什么就不做什么。自由与许多东西共生，比如道德、纪律、责任、义
The history of liberty is a history of the limitation of governmental power. 自由的历史是限制政府权力的历史。

爱国名人名言英语翻译版

爱国名人名言英语翻译版1. "I am not an Athenian or a Greek, but a citizen of the world." - Socrates"我不是雅典人或希腊人，而是世界公民。

" - 苏格拉底2. "Patriotism is not short, frenzied outbursts of emotion, but the tranquil and steady dedication of a lifetime." - Adlai Stevenson"爱国主义不是短暂的、狂热的情感爆发，而是一生的平静和坚定的奉献。

" - 阿德莱·史蒂文森3. "Our country is not the only thing to which we owe our loyalty and love; it is merely the largest of many." - Woodrow Wilson"我们所忠诚和热爱的不仅仅是我们的国家；它只是众多之中最大的一个。

" - 伍德罗·威尔逊4. "Patriotism is your conviction that this country is superior to all other countries because you were born in it." - George Bernard Shaw"爱国主义就是你的信念，认为这个国家比其他所有国家都优越，因为你是在这里出生的。

" - 乔治·伯纳德·肖5. "The love of country is the first virtue of a civilized man." - Napoleon Bonaparte"爱国是文明人的首要美德。

形容一战的名言有哪些(精选2篇)

形容一战的名言有哪些(精选2篇)形容一战的名言有哪些「篇一」摘要：第一次世界大战是20世纪初期最具标志性的冲突之一。

这场战争涉及到了多个国家和大量的士兵，对全球政治格局、经济以及文化产生了深远的影响。

以下是20句形容一战的名言，展示了当时士兵、领导人以及普通人对这场战争的理解和感受。

正文：1. “这是没有胜利者的战争。

” ——马歇尔·福克斯2. “战争是地狱。

” ——威廉·谢尔曼3. “给我胜利或给我死亡！” ——保罗·冯·海塞尔4. “流血如注的伤亡是一代人的悲剧。

” ——伍德罗·威尔逊5. “无论你身处何地，战争都是人类最大的悲剧。

” ——阿尔伯特·愚公6. “艰难的战斗是士兵灵魂的磨砺。

” ——乔治·S·巴顿7. “战争让普通人变成了英雄。

” ——弗雷德里克·杰夫里斯8. “如果战争是这样的话，我宁愿选择和平。

” ——达库特·索姆斯9. “谁无法记住历史，谁注定要重蹈覆辙。

” ——乔治·桑塔亚纳10. “这是一场伟大国家所犯的伟大错误。

” ——约翰·F·肯尼迪11. “强大的国家会变得更强大，而弱小的国家则会被吞噬。

” ——本杰明·巴顿12. “真正的胜利是永远摒弃战争。

” ——奥古斯特·拉安13. “战争让人类内心的黑暗力量得到了释放。

” ——莎士比亚14. “战争是分割人们的手段。

” ——爱德华·布·李特尔顿15. “战争是贫穷和疾病的母亲。

” ——斯科特·亚当斯16. “战争是精神和道德疲劳的结果。

” ——馬克思·內森17. “战争只是残酷的斗争。

” ——乔治·A·斯密斯18. “战争创造了饥荒和极度贫困。

” ——法布尔19. “战争会让人们更加珍惜和平。

” ——乌·桑那亚20. “战争是人类的蜕变和原始本能的体现。

Peace Without Victory

Woodrow Wilson: Peace Without VictoryOn the 18th of December last, I addressed an identic note to the governments of the nations now at war requesting them to state, more definitely than they had yet been stated by either group of belligerents, the terms upon which they would deem it possible to make peace. I spoke on behalf of humanity and of the rights of all neutral nations like our own, many of whose most vital interests the war puts in constant jeopardy.The Central Powers united in a reply which stated merely that they were ready to meet their antagonists in conference to discuss terms of peace. The Entente Powers have replied much more definitely and have stated, in general terms, indeed, but with sufficient definiteness to imply details, the arrangements, guarantees, and acts of reparation which they deem to be indispensable conditions of a satisfactory settlement. We are that much nearer a definite discussion of the peace which shall end the present war. We are that much nearer the discussion of the international concert which must thereafter hold the world at peace.In every discussion of the peace that must end this war, it is taken for granted that that peace must be followed by some definite concert of power which will make it virtually impossible that any such catastrophe should ever overwhelm us again. Every lover of mankind, every sane and thoughtful man must take that for granted.I have sought this opportunity to address you because I thought that I owed it to you, as the council associated with me in the final determination of our international obligations, to disclose to you without reserve the thought and purpose that have been taking form in my mind in regard to the duty of our government in the days to come, when it will be necessary to lay afresh and upon a new plan the foundations of peace among the nations.It is inconceivable that the people of the United States should play no part in that great enterprise. To take part in such a service will be the opportunity for which they have sought to prepare themselves by the very principles and purposes of their polity and the approved practices of their government ever since the days when they set up a new nation in the high and honorable hope that it might, in all that it was and did, show mankind the way to liberty.They cannot in honor withhold the service to which they are now about to be challenged. They do not wish to withhold it. But they owe it to themselves and to the other nations of the world to state the conditions under which they will feel free to render it.That service is nothing less than this, to add their authority and their power to the authority and force of other nations to guarantee peace and justice throughout the world. Such a settlement cannot now be long postponed. It is right that before it comes, this government should frankly formulate the conditions upon which it would feel justified in asking our people to approve its formal and solemn adherence to a League for Peace. I am here to attempt to state those conditions. The present war must first be ended; but we owe it to candor and to a just regard for the opinion of mankind to say that, so far as our participation in guarantees of future peace is concerned, it makes a great deal of difference in what way and upon what terms it is ended. The treaties and agreements which bring it to an end must embody terms which will create a peace that is worth guaranteeing and preserving, a peace that will win the approval of mankind, not merely a peace that will serve the several interests and immediate aims of the nations engaged.We shall have no voice in determining what those terms shall be, but we shall, I feel sure, have a voice in determining whether they shall be made lasting or not by the guarantees of a universal covenant; and our judgment upon what is fundamental and essential as a condition precedent to permanencyshould be spoken now, not afterwards when it may be too late.No covenant of cooperative peace that does not include the peoples of the New World can suffice to keep the future safe against war; and yet there is only one sort of peace that the peoples of America could join in guaranteeing. The elements of that peace must be elements that engage the confidence and satisfy the principles of the American governments, elements consistent with their political faith and with the practical convictions which the peoples of America have once for all embraced and undertaken to defend.I do not mean to say that any American government would throw any obstacle in the way of any terms of peace the governments now at war might agree upon or seek to upset them when made, whatever they might be. I only take it for granted that mere terms of peace between the belligerents will not satisfy even the belligerents themselves. Mere agreements may not make peace secure. It will be absolutely necessary that a force be created as a guarantor of the permanency of the settlement so much greater than the force of any nation now engaged, or any alliance hitherto formed or projected, that no nation, no probable combination of nations, could face or withstand it. If the peace presently to be made is to endure, it must be a peace made secure by the organized major force of mankind.The terms of the immediate peace agreed upon will determine whether it is a peace for which such a guarantee can be secured. The question upon which the whole future peace and policy of the world depends is this: Is the present war a struggle for a just and secure peace, or only for a new balance of power? If it be only a struggle for a new balance of power, who will guarantee, who can guarantee the stable equilibrium of the new arrangement? Only a tranquil Europe can be a stable Europe. There must be, not a balance of power but a community power; not organized rivalries but a organized, common peace.Fortunately we have received very explicit assurances on this point. The statesmen of both of the groups of nations now arrayed against one another have said, in terms that could not be misinterpreted, that it was no part of the purpose they had in mind to crush their antagonists. But the implications of these assurances may not be equally to all--may not be the same on both sides of the water. I think it will be serviceable if I attempt to set forth what we understand them to be. They imply, first of all, that it must be a peace without victory. It is not pleasant to say this. I beg that I may be permitted to put my own interpretation upon it and that it may be understood that no other interpretation was in my thought. I am seeking only to face realities and to face them without soft concealments. Victory would mean peace forced upon the loser, a victor's terms imposed upon the vanquished. It would be accepted in humiliation, under duress, at an intolerable sacrifice, and would leave a sting, a resentment, a bitter memory upon which terms of peace would rest, not permanently but only as upon quicksand. Only a peace between equals can last. Only a peace the very principle of which is equality and a common participation in a common benefit. The right state of mind, the right feeling between nations, is as necessary for a lasting peace as is the just settlement of vexed questions of territory or of racial and national allegiance.The equality of nations upon which peace must be founded if it is to last must be an equality of rights; the guarantees exchanged must neither recognize nor imply a difference between big nations and small, between those that are powerful and those that are weak. Right must be based upon the common strength, not upon the individual strength, of the nations upon whose concert peace will depend. Equality of territory or of resources there of course cannot be; nor any other sort of equality not gained in the ordinary peaceful and legitimate development of the peoplesthemselves. But no one asks or expects anything more than an equality of rights. Mankind is looking now for freedom of life, not for equipoises of power.And there is a deeper thing involved than even equality of right among organized nations. No peace can last, or ought to last, which does not recognize and accept the principle that governments derive all their just powers from the consent of the governed, and that no right anywhere exists to hand peoples about from sovereignty to sovereignty as if they were property. I take it for granted, for instance, if I may venture upon a single example, that statesmen everywhere are agreed that there should be a united, independent, and autonomous Poland, and that, henceforth, inviolable security of life, of worship, and of industrial and social development should be guaranteed to all peoples who have lived hitherto under the power of governments devoted to a faith and purpose hostile to their own.I speak of this, not because of any desire to exalt an abstract political principle which has always been held very dear by those who have sought to build up liberty in America but for the same reason that I have spoken of the other conditions of peace which seem to me clearly indispensable because I wish frankly to uncover realities. Any peace which does not recognize and accept this principle will inevitably be upset. It will not rest upon the affections or the convictions of mankind. The ferment of spirit of whole populations will fight subtly and constantly against it, and all the world will sympathize. The world can be at peace only if its life is stable, and there can be no stability where the will is in rebellion, where there is not tranquillity of spirit and a sense of justice, of freedom, and of right.So far as practicable, moreover, every great people now struggling toward a full development of its resources and of its powers should be assured a direct outlet to the great highways of the sea. Where this cannot be done by the cession of territory, it can no doubt be done by the neutralization of direct rights of way under the general guarantee which will assure the peace itself. With a right comity of arrangement, no nation need be shut away from free access to the open paths of the world's commerce.And the paths of the sea must alike in law and in fact be free. The freedom of the seas is the sine qua non of peace, equality, and cooperation. No doubt a somewhat radical reconsideration of many of the rules of international practice hitherto thought to be established may be necessary in order to make the seas indeed free and common in practically all circumstances for the use of mankind, but the motive for such changes is convincing and compelling. There can be no trust or intimacy between the peoples of the world without them. The free, constant, unthreatened intercourse of nations is an essential part of the process of peace and of development. It need not be difficult either to define or to secure the freedom of the seas if the governments of the world sincerely desire to come to an agreement concerning it.It is a problem closely connected with the limitation of naval armaments and the cooperation of the navies of the world in keeping the seas at once free and safe. And the question of limiting naval armaments opens the wider and perhaps more difficult. question of the limitation of armies and of all programs of military preparation. Difficult and delicate as these questions are, they must be faced with the utmost candor and decided in a spirit of real accommodation if peace is to come with healing in its wings, and come to stay.Peace cannot be had without concession and sacrifice. There can be no sense of safety and equality among the nations if great preponderating armaments are henceforth to continue here and there to be built up and maintained. The statesmen of the world must plan for peace, and nationsmust adjust and accommodate their policy to it as they have planned for war and made ready for pitiless contest and rivalry. The question of armaments, whether on land or sea, is the most immediately and intensely practical question connected with the future fortunes of nations and of mankind.I have spoken upon these great matters without reserve and with the utmost explicitness because it has seemed to me to be necessary if the world's yearning desire for peace was anywhere to find free voice and utterance. Perhaps I am the only person in high authority among all the peoples of the world who is at liberty to speak and hold nothing back. I am speaking as an individual, and yet I am speaking also, of course, as the responsible head of a great government, and I feel confident that I have said what the people of the United States would wish me to say.May I not add that I hope and believe that I am in effect speaking for liberals and friends of humanity in every nation and of every program of liberty? I would fain believe that I am speaking for the silent mass of mankind everywhere who have as yet had no place or opportunity to speak their real hearts out concerning the death and ruin they see to have come already upon the persons and the homes they hold most dear.And in holding out the expectation that the people and government of the United States will join the other civilized nations of the world in guaranteeing the permanence of peace upon such terms as I have named I speak with the greater boldness and confidence because it is clear to every man who can think that there is in this promise no breach in either our traditions or our policy as a nation, but a fulfillment, rather, of all that we have professed or striven for.I am proposing, as it were, that the nations should with one accord adopt the doctrine of President Monroe as the doctrine of the world: that no nation should seek to extend its polity over any other nation or people, but that every people should be left free to determine its own polity, its own way of development--unhindered, unthreatened, unafraid, the little along with the great and powerful.I am proposing that all nations henceforth avoid entangling alliances which would draw them into competitions of power, catch them in a net of intrigue and selfish rivalry, and disturb their own affairs with influences intruded from without. There is no entangling alliance in a concert of power. When all unite to act in the same sense and with the same purpose, all act in the common interest and are free to live their own lives under a common protection.I am proposing government by the consent of the governed; that freedom of the seas which in international conference after conference representatives of the United States have urged with the eloquence of those who are the convinced disciples of liberty; and that moderation of armaments which makes of armies and navies a power for order merely, not an instrument of aggression or of selfish violence.These are American principles, American policies. We could stand for no others. And they are also the principles and policies of forward-looking men and women everywhere, of every modern nation, of every enlightened community. They are the principles of mankind and must prevail. Source: 64 Congress, 2 Session, Senate Document No. 685: "A League for Peace."。

与智者交谈的名言名句

与智者交谈的名言名句智者和名人们经常使用深思熟虑的言辞来表达他们的思想和观点。

这些名言名句不仅能够启发人们的思考，还具有深远的哲理和智慧。

以下是一些与智者交谈的名言名句，它们能够引导我们走向智慧的道路，并帮助我们在生活中做出明智的选择。

1. “千里之行，始于足下。

” ——老子这是中国古代哲学家老子的名言，意味着任何伟大的事业都需要从小处着手开始。

在与智者交谈时，我们经常会被告知要脚踏实地，从基本的步骤开始，逐步迈向成功。

2. “知己知彼，百战不殆。

” ——孙子这是中国古代军事家孙子的名言，强调了在与他人交往和对抗时的重要原则。

在与智者交谈时，我们被提醒要了解自己和他人，只有这样才能够避免潜在的冲突并取得成功。

3. “真正的智慧是知道自己的无知。

” ——苏格拉底这是古希腊哲学家苏格拉底的名言，它强调了谦虚和对知识的持续追求。

与智者交谈时，他们常常会提醒我们要保持谦逊的态度，并始终意识到我们仍有很多东西可以学习。

4. “行动胜于言辞。

” ——威廉·莎士比亚这是英国剧作家莎士比亚的名言，强调了实际行动的重要性。

与智者交谈时，我们被激励要将想法付诸实践，而不仅仅停留在空谈之中。

5. “有教无类。

” ——孔子这是中国古代思想家孔子的名言，表明了他对教育的坚定信念。

与智者交谈时，我们常常会被提醒教育的普及与平等是实现社会进步的重要基础。

6. “要么找到一条道路，要么闯出一条道路。

” ——伍德罗·威尔逊这是美国前总统伍德罗·威尔逊的名言，强调了创新和冒险的重要性。

在与智者交谈时，我们常常会受到鼓励去追求自己的激情，并勇于开辟新的道路。

7. “学到宽，做到精。

” ——孟子这是古中国思想家孟子的名言，意味着我们应该广泛学习，但在实践中专注于自己的专业领域。

与智者交谈时，我们被告知要充实自己的知识储备，并将其应用于实际生活中。

8. “知识就是力量。

” ——弗朗西斯·培根这是英国哲学家培根的名言，强调了知识对于个人和社会的影响力。

伍德罗·威尔逊

伍德罗·威尔逊维基百科，自由的百科全书跳转到：导航, 搜索汉漢▼▲伍德羅·威爾遜Thomas Woodrow Wilson第28任美國總統任期1913年3月4日–1921年3月4日副總統托馬斯·賴利·馬歇爾前任威廉·霍華德·塔夫脫繼任沃倫·G·哈定出生1856年12月28日維吉尼亞州斯汤顿逝世1924年2月3日（67歲）華盛頓哥倫比亞特區政黨民主党配偶埃倫·路易絲·亞克森伊蒂丝·高尔特信仰長老教會簽名托马斯·伍德罗·威尔逊（Thomas Woodrow Wilson，1856年12月28日－1924年2月3日），美国第28任总统。

作为进步主义时代的一个领袖级知识分子，他曾先后任普林斯顿大学校长，新泽西州州长等职。

1912年总统大选中，由于西奥多·罗斯福和威廉·塔夫脱的竞争分散了共和党选票，以民主党人身份当选总统。

迄今为止，他是唯一一名拥有哲学博士头衔的美国总统（法学博士衔除外），也是唯一一名任总统以前曾在新泽西州担任公职的美国总统。

在第一个任期中，威尔逊支持民主党控制的议会通过联邦储备法案（Federal Reserve Act），克莱顿反托拉斯法案（Clayton Antitrust Act），联邦农田贷款法案（Federal Farm Loan Act），还通过新的收入法在联邦一级开征收入税，以及建立联邦贸易委员会。

但他也同时因为支持在联邦资助的机构中实施种族隔离，导致大批黑人员工被解职，而遭到当时民权运动团体以及后人的批评。

于1916年大选中勉强胜出后，威尔逊第二个任期的中心议题是第一次世界大战。

尽管他在竞选时打出了“他让我们远离了战争”（he kept us out of the war）的口号，美国的中立政策却未能持久。

德国经外交秘书阿瑟·齐默尔曼发送给墨西哥、保证其若两国结盟德国将帮助墨重新获得被美国占领之北方数州的电报，以及发动无限制潜艇战促使威尔逊多次对德国给予警告，并最终于1917年4月要求国会宣战。

一战的名人名言有哪些(精选2篇)

一战的名人名言有哪些(精选2篇)一战的名人名言有哪些「篇一」摘要:在第一次世界大战中，许多杰出的人物通过他们的言论和演讲，为世界留下了深刻的印象。

本文将介绍不低于20句一战时期的名人名言，展示他们的智慧和见解，以及对战争的反思和警示。

正文:1. "战争是人类最悲惨的状态之一，它剥夺了我们人性中最美好的品质。

" - 阿尔伯特·爱因斯坦2. "胜利是暴力行使权力的证明，而非民主的结果。

" - 乔治·奥威尔3. "我们将拼尽一切力量，直到世界都为人类的自由所合并。

"- 温斯顿·丘吉尔4. "在战争中，最强大的武器是真相。

" - 赫伯特·乔治·威尔斯5. "安全得建立在强大的武力之上，还需通过国际合作和智慧来实现。

" - 伍德罗·威尔逊6. "无论是生命、自由还是追求幸福，我们必须抗争到底，决不能放弃。

" - 弗兰克林·D·罗斯福7. "战争是一场人类文明的失败，每个人都应该对此感到羞愧。

" - 卡尔·冯·克劳塞维茨8. "战争从不产生正义，只是纯粹的毁灭。

" - 亨利·阿尔弗雷德·基辛格9. "当人们停止争斗，才能开始建设。

" - 阿尔贝·卡缪10. "战争是草菅人命的罪行，我们应该从历史中吸取教训，防止重蹈覆辙。

" - 亚历山大·弗洛连斯基11. "愚蠢和仇恨才是战争真正的根源，只有通过和平与理解，我们才能消除战争。

" - 爱德华·戴维森12. "勇敢的人并不是不知恐惧，而是能够在恐惧面前挺身而出。

" - 威廉·莎士比亚13. "要想和平，必须做好战争的准备。

公共管理学者事迹传记名言

公共管理学者事迹传记名言以下是一些公共管理学者事迹传记中的名言：1. "政府的目的在于提供公共利益，而不是个人利益。

" - 伍德罗·威尔逊（Woodrow Wilson）2. "有效的公共管理需要具备专业知识和道德操守，以便为社会做出贡献。

" - 安东尼奥·格拉斯菲（Antonio Gramsci）3. "公共管理是一门艺术和科学的结合，需要注重创新和实践。

" - 聂耳（Max Weber）4. "领导力是公共管理中不可或缺的要素，一个优秀的领导者可以带领团队实现艰巨的任务。

" - 玛丽·帕克·福利（Mary Parker Follett）5. "公共管理必须促进公平、效率和责任感，以满足社会的需求。

" - 亚当·斯密（Adam Smith）6. "公共管理必须立足于法治和民主原则，以确保行政决策的透明和公正。

" - 伊曼纽尔·勒南德（Emmanuel Lévinas）7. "公共管理必须与人民的期望和需求保持紧密联系，以实现可持续发展和社会进步。

" - 亨利·福特（Henry Ford）8. "公共管理的目标是提供高质量的公共服务，以提升社会福祉和生活质量。

" - 彼得·德鲁克（Peter Drucker）9. "公共管理必须注重合作和协商，以满足多元利益的平衡。

" - 约翰·罗尔斯（John Rawls）10. "公共管理应该不断追求创新和改革，以适应不断变化的社会和经济环境。

" - 皮埃尔·布尔迪厄（Pierre Bourdieu）。