1981年里根就职演讲稿-中英文对照
美国总统罗纳德-里根就职演讲稿(上)
美国总统罗纳德-里根就职演讲稿（上）议员海特菲尔德先生、法官先生、总统先生、副总统布什、蒙代尔先生、议员贝克先生、发言人奥尼尔先生、尊敬的摩麦先生，以及广大支持我的美国同胞们：今天对于我们中间的一些人来说，是一个非常庄严隆重的时刻。
当然，对于这个国家的历史来说，却是一件普通的事情。
按照宪法要求，政府权利正在有序地移交，我们已经如此“例行公事”了两个世纪，很少有人觉得这有什么特别的。
但在世界上更多人看来，这个我们已经习以为常的四年一次的仪式，却实在是一个奇迹。
总统先生，我希望我们的同胞们都能知道你为了这个传承而付出的努力。
通过移交程序中的通力合作，你向观察者展示了这么一个事实：我们是发誓要团结起来维护这样一个政治体制的团体，这样的体制保证了我们能够得到比其他政体更为广泛的个人自由。
同时我也要感谢你和你的伙伴们的帮助，因为你们坚持了这样的传承，而这恰恰是我们共和国的根基。
我们国家的事业在继续前进。
合众国正面临巨大的经济困难。
我们遭遇到我国历史上历时最长、最严重之一的通货膨胀，它扰乱着我们的经济决策，打击着节俭的风气，压迫着正在挣扎谋生的青年人和收入固定的中年人，威胁着要摧毁我国千百万人民的生计。
停滞的工业使工人失业、蒙受痛苦并失去了个人尊严。
即使那些有工作的人，也因税收制度的缘故而得不到公正的劳动报酬，因为这种税收制度使我们无法在事业上取得成就，使我们无法保持充分的生产力。
尽管我们的纳税负担相当沉重，但还是跟不上公共开支的增长。
数十年来，我们的赤字额屡屡上升，我们为图目前暂时的方便，把自己的前途和子孙的前途抵押出去了。
这一趋势如果长此以往，必然引起社会、文化、政治和经济等方面的大动荡。
作为个人，你们和我可以靠借贷过一种人不敷出的生活，然而只能维持一段有限的时期，我们怎么可以认为，作为一个国家整体，我们就不应受到同样的约束呢？为了保住明天，我们今天就必须行动起来。
大家都要明白无误地懂得——我们从今天起就要采取行动。
里根就职演讲稿
first inaugural address of ronald reagan里根第一任总统就职演说tuesday, january 20, 1981 第40任总统(1981年-1989年) （一）senator hatfield, mr. chief justice, mr. president, vice president bush,vicepresident mondale, senator baker, speaker oneill, reverend moomaw, and my fellow citizens: to a few of us here today, this is a solemn and most momentous occasion;and yet,authority as called for in the constitution routinely takes place as it has foralmost twocenturies and few of us stop to think how unique we really are. in the eyes ofmany in theworld, this every-4-year ceremony we accept as normal is nothing less than amiracle.议员海特菲尔德先生、法官先生、总统先生、副总统布什、蒙代尔先生、议员贝克先生、发言人奥尼尔先生、尊敬的摩麦先生，以及广大支持我的美国同胞们：今天对于我们中间的一些人来说，是一个非常庄严隆重的时刻。
当然，对于这个国家的历史来说，却是一件普通的事情。
按照宪法要求，政府权利正在有序地移交，我们已经如此“例行公事”了两个世纪，很少有人觉得这有什么特别的。
但在世界上更多人看来，这个我们已经习以为常的四年一次的仪式，却实在是一个奇迹。
历届美国总统就职演说中英双语
历届美国总统就职演说中英双语第一篇范文：美国历届总统就职演讲稿First Inaugural Address of George WashingtonTHE CITY OF NEW YORK__Y, APRIL 30, 1789Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives: Among the vicissitudes incident to life no event could have filled me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was transmitted by your order, and received on the 14th day of the present month. On the one hand, I was summoned by my Country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylum of my declining years―a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time. On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence one who (inheriting inferior endowments from nature and unpracticed in the duties of civil administration) ought tobe peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies. In this conflict of emotions all I dare aver is that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected. All I dare hope is that if, in executing this task, I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me, my error will be palliated by the motives which mislead me, and its consequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality in which they originated.Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that His benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States a Government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and private good, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than myown, nor those of my fellow- citizens at large less than either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the Invisible Hand which conducts the affairs of men more than those of the United States. Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency; and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities from which the event has resulted can not be compared with the means by which most governments have been established without some return of pious gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage. These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence. By the article establishing the executive department it is made the duty of the President “to recommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient." The circumstances under which I now meet you will acquit me from entering into that subject further than to refer to the great constitutional charter under which you are assembled, and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given. It will be more consistent with thosecircumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of a recommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents,the rectitude, and the patriotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them. In these honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges that as on one side no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views nor party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests, so, on another, that the foundation of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality, and the preeminence of free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens and command the respect of the world. I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country can inspire, since there is no truth more thoroughly established than that there exists in the economy and courseof nature an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness; between duty and advantage; between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity; since we ought to be no less persuaded that the propitious smiles of Heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right which Heaven itself has ordained; and since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republicanmodel of government are justly considered, perhaps, as deeply, as finally, staked on the experiment entrusted to the hands of the American people.Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your care, it will remain with your judgment to decide how far an exercise of the occasional power delegated by the fifth article of the Constitution is rendered expedient at the present juncture by the nature of objections which have been urged against the system, or by the degree of inquietude which has given birth to them. Instead of undertaking particular recommendations on this subject, in which I could be guided by no lights derived from official opportunities, I shall again give way to my entire confidence in your discernment and pursuit of the public good; for I assure myself that whilst you carefully avoid every alteration which might endanger the benefits of an united and effective government, or which ought to await the future lessons of experience, a reverence for the characteristic rights of freemen and a regard for the public harmony will sufficiently influence your deliberations on the question how far the former can be impregnably fortified or the latter be safely and advantageously promoted.To the foregoing observations I have one to add, which will be most properly addressed to the House of Representatives. It concerns myself, and will therefore be as brief as possible. When I was first honored with a call into the service of my country, then on the eve of an arduous struggle for its liberties, the light in which I contemplated my duty required that Ishould renounce every pecuniary compensation. From this resolution I have in no instance departed; and being still under the impressions which produced it, I must decline as inapplicable to myself any share in the personal emoluments which may be indispensably included in a permanent provision for the executive department, and must accordingly pray that the pecuniary estimates for the station in which I am placed may during my continuance in it be limited to such actual expenditures as the public good may be thought to require.Having thus imparted to you my sentiments as they have been awakened by the occasion which brings us together, I shall take my present leave; but not without resorting once more to the benign Parentof the Human Race in humble supplication that, since He has been pleased to favor the American people with opportunities for deliberating in perfect tranquillity, and dispositions for deciding with unparalleled unanimity on a form of government for the security of their union and the advancement of their happiness, so His divine blessing may be equally conspicuous in the enlarged views, the temperate consultations, and the wise measures on which the success of this Government must depend.Second Inaugural Address of George WashingtonTHE CITY OF __LPHIAMONDAY, MARCH 4, 1793Fellow Citizens:I am again called upon by the voice of my country to execute the functions of its Chief Magistrate. When the occasion proper for it shall arrive, I shall endeavor to express the high sense I entertain of this distinguished honor, and of the confidence which has been reposed in me by the people of united America.Previous to the execution of any official act of the President the Constitution requires an oath of office. This oath I am now about to take, and in your presence: That if it shall be found during my administration of the Government I have in any instance violated willingly or knowingly the injunctions thereof, I may (besides incurring constitutional punishment) be subject to the upbraidings of all who are now witnesses of the present solemn ceremony.Inaugural Address of John Adams__AL __ IN THE CITY OF __LPHIA__Y, MARCH 4, 1797When it was first perceived, in early times, that no middle course for America remained between unlimited submission to a foreign legislature and a total independence of its claims, men of reflection were less apprehensive of danger from the formidable power of fleets and armies they must determine to resist than from those contests and dissensions which would certainly arise concerning the forms of government to be instituted over the whole and over the parts of this extensive country.Relying, however, on the purity of their intentions, the justice of their cause, and the integrity and intelligence of the people, under an overruling Providence which had so signally protected this country from the first, the representatives of this nation, then consisting of little more than half its present number, not only broke to pieces the chains which were forging and the rod of iron that was lifted up, but frankly cut asunder the ties which had bound them, and launched into an ocean of uncertainty.The zeal and ardor of the people during the Revolutionary war, supplying the place of government, commanded a degree of order sufficient at least for the temporary preservation of society. The Confederation which was early felt to be necessary was prepared from the models of the Batavian and Helvetic confederacies, the only examples which remain with any detail and precision in history, and certainly the only ones which the people at large had ever considered. But reflecting on the striking difference in so many particulars between this country and those where a courier may go from the seat of government to the frontier in a single day, it was then certainly foreseen by some who assisted in Congress at the formation of it that it could not be durable.Negligence of its regulations, inattention to its recommendations, if not disobedience to its authority, not only in individuals but in States, soon appeared with their melancholy consequences― universal languor, jealousies and rivalries of States, decline of navigation and commerce,discouragement of necessary manufactures, universal fall in the value of lands and their produce, contempt of public and private faith, loss of consideration and credit with foreign nations, and at length in discontents, animosities, combinations, partial conventions, and insurrection, threatening some great national calamity.In this dangerous crisis the people of America were not abandoned by their usual good sense, presence of mind, resolution, or integrity. Measures were pursued to concert a plan to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty. The public disquisitions, discussions, and deliberations issued in the present happy Constitution of Government.Employed in the service of my country abroad during the whole course of these transactions, I first saw the Constitution of the United States in a foreign country. Irritated by no literary altercation, animated by no public debate, heated by no party animosity, I read it with great satisfaction, as the result of good heads prompted by good hearts, as an experiment better adapted to the genius, character, situation, and relations of this nation and countrythan any which had ever been proposed or suggested. In its general principles and great outlines it was conformable to such a system of government as I had ever most esteemed, and in some States, my ownnative State in particular, had contributed to establish. Claiming a right of suffrage, in common with my fellow-citizens, in the adoption or rejection of a constitution which was to rule me and my posterity, as well as them and theirs, I did not hesitate to express my approbation of it on all occasions, in public and in private. It was not then, nor has been since, any objection to it in my mind that the Executive and Senate were not more permanent. Nor have I ever entertained a thought of promoting any alteration in it but such as the people themselves, in the course of their experience, should see and feel to be necessary or expedient, and by their representatives in Congress and the State legislatures, according to the Constitution itself, adopt and ordain.Returning to the bosom of my country after a painful separation from it for ten years, I had the honor to be elected to a station under the new order of things, and I have repeatedly laid myself under the most serious obligations to support the Constitution. The operation of it has equaled the most sanguine expectations of its friends, and from an habitual attention to it, satisfaction in its administration, and delight in its effects upon the peace, order, prosperity, and happiness of the nation I have acquired an habitual attachment to it and veneration for it.What other form of government, indeed, can so well deserve our esteem and love?There may be little solidity in an ancient idea that congregations ofmen into cities and nations are the most pleasing objects in the sight of superior intelligences, but this is very certain, that to a benevolent human mind there can be no spectacle presented by any nation more pleasing, more noble, majestic, or august, than an assembly like that which has so often been seen in this and the other Chamber of Congress, of a Government in which the Executive authority, as well as that of all the branches of the Legislature, are exercised by citizens selected at regular periods by their neighbors to make and execute laws for the general good. Can anything essential, anything more than mere ornament and decoration, be added to this by robes and diamonds? Can authority be more amiable and respectable when it descends from accidents or institutions established in remote antiquity than when it springs fresh from the hearts and judgments of an honest and enlightened people? For it is the people only that are represented. It is their power and majesty that is reflected, and only for their good, in every legitimate government, under whatever form it may appear. The existence of such a government as ours for any length of time is a full proof of a general dissemination of knowledge and virtue throughout the whole body of the people. And what object or consideration more pleasing than this can be presented to the human mind? If national pride is ever justifiable or excusable it is when it springs, not from power or riches, grandeur or glory, but from conviction of national innocence, information, and benevolence.In the midst of these pleasing ideas we should be unfaithful to ourselves if we should ever lose sight of the danger to our liberties if anything partial or extraneous should infect the purity of our free, fair, virtuous, and independent elections. If an election is to be determined by a majority of a single vote, and that can be procured by a party through artifice or corruption, the Government may be the choice of a party for its own ends, not of the nation for the national good. If that solitary suffrage can be obtained by foreign nations by flattery or menaces, by fraud or violence, by terror, intrigue, or venality, the Government may not be the choice of the American people, but of foreign nations. It may be foreign nations who govern us, and not we, the people, who govern ourselves; and candid men will acknowledge that in such cases choice would have little advantage to boast of over lot or chance. Such is the amiable and interesting system of government (and such are some of the abuses to which it may be exposed) which the people of America have exhibited to the admiration and anxiety of the wise and virtuous of all nations for eight years under the administration of a citizen who, by a long course of great actions, regulated by prudence, justice, temperance, and fortitude, conducting a people inspired with the same virtues and animated with the same ardent patriotism and love of liberty to independence and peace, to increasing wealth and unexampled prosperity, has merited the gratitude of his fellow-citizens, commanded the highest praises of foreign nations, andsecured immortal glory with posterity.In that retirement which is his voluntary choice may he long live to enjoy the delicious recollection of his services, the gratitude of mankind, the happy fruits of them to himself and the world, which are daily increasing, and that splendid prospect of the future fortunes of this country which is opening from year to year. His name may be still a rampart, and the knowledge that he lives a bulwark, against all open or secret enemies of his country's peace. This example has been recommended to the imitation of his successors by both Houses of Congress and by the voice of the legislatures and the people throughout the nation.On this subject it might become me better to be silent or to speak with diffidence; but as something may be expected, the occasion, I hope, will be admitted as an apology if I venture to say that if a preference, upon principle, of a free republican government, formed upon long and serious reflection, after a diligent and impartial inquiry after truth; if an attachment to the Constitution of the United States, and a conscientious determination to support it until it shall be altered by the judgments and wishes of the people, expressed in the mode prescribed in it; if a respectful attention to the constitutions of the individual States and a constant caution and delicacy toward the State governments; if an equal and impartial regard to the rights, interest, honor, and happiness of all the States in the Union,without preference or regard to a northern or southern, an eastern or western, position, their various political opinions on unessential points or their personal attachments; if a love of virtuous men of all parties and denominations; if a love of science and letters and a wish to patronize every rational effort to encourage schools, colleges, universities, academies, and every institution for propagating knowledge, virtue, and religion among all classes of the people, not only for their benign influence on the happiness of life in all its stages and classes, and of society in all its forms, but as the only means of preserving our Constitution from its natural enemies, the spirit of sophistry, the spirit of party, the spirit of intrigue, the profligacy of corruption, and the pestilence of foreign influence, which is the angel of destruction to elective governments; if a love of equal laws, of justice, and humanity in the interior administration; if an inclination to improve agriculture, commerce, and manufacturers for necessity, convenience, and defense; if a spirit of equity and humanity toward the aboriginal nations of America, and a disposition to meliorate their condition by inclining them to be more friendly to us, and our citizens to be more friendly to them; if an inflexible determination to maintain peace and inviolable faith with all nations, and that system of neutrality and impartiality among the belligerent powers of Europe which has been adopted by this Government and so solemnly sanctioned by both Houses of Congress and applauded by the legislatures of the States and the publicopinion, until it shall be otherwise ordained by Congress; if a personal esteem for the French nation, formed in a residence of seven years chiefly among them, and a sincere desire to preserve the friendship which has been so much for the honor and interest of both nations; if, while the conscious honor and integrity of the people of America and the internal sentiment of their own power and energies must be preserved, an earnest endeavor to investigate every just cause and remove every colorable pretense of complaint; if an intention to pursue by amicable negotiation a reparation for the injuries that have been committed on the commerce of our fellow-citizens by whatever nation, and if success can not be obtained, to lay the facts before the Legislature, that they may consider what further measures the honor and interest of the Government and its constituents demand; if a resolution to do justice as far as may depend upon me, at all times and to all nations, and maintain peace, friendship, and benevolence with all the world; if an unshaken confidence in the honor, spirit, and resources of the American people, on which I have so often hazarded my all and never been deceived; if elevated ideas of the high destinies of this country and of my own duties toward it, founded on a knowledge of the moral principles and intellectual improvements of the people deeply engraven on my mind in early life, and not obscured but exalted by experience and age; and, with humble reverence, I feel it to be my duty to add, if a veneration for the religion of a people who profess and callthemselves Christians, and a fixed resolution to consider a decent respect for Christianity among the best recommendations for the public service, can enable me in any degree to comply with第二篇范文：美国历届总统就职演说华盛顿：First Inaugural Address of George WashingtonTHE CITY OF NEW YORK__Y, APRIL 30, 1789Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives: Among the vicissitudes incident to life no event could have filled me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was transmitted by your order, and received on the 14th day of the present month. On the one hand, I was summoned by my Country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylum of my declining years--a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time. On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence one who (inheriting inferior endowmentsfrom nature and unpracticed in the duties of civiladministration) ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies. In this conflict of emotions all I dare aver is that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected. All I dare hope is that if, in executing this task, I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me, my error will be palliated by the motives which mislead me, and its consequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality in which they originated.Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that His benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States a Government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and privategood, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own, nor those of my fellow- citizens at large less than either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the Invisible Hand which conducts the affairs of men more than those of the United States. Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency; and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities from which the event has resulted can not be compared with the means by which most governments have been established without some return of pious gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage. These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence.By the article establishing the executive department it is made the duty of the President "torecommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient." Thecircumstances under which I now meet you will acquit me fromentering into that subject further than to refer to the great constitutional charter under which you are assembled, and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given. It will be more consistent with thosecircumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of arecommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them. In these honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges that as on one side no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views nor party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage ofcommunities and interests, so, on another, that the foundation of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality, and the preeminence of free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens and command the respect of the world. I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country can inspire, since there is no truth more thoroughly established than that there exists in the economy and course of nature an indissoluble unionbetween virtue and happiness; between duty and advantage; between。
里根演讲稿中英
里根演讲稿中英Ladies and gentlemen,。
It is a great honor for me to stand here today and deliver this speech. Today, I would like to share with you the famous speech given by President Ronald Reagan at the Brandenburg Gate in West Berlin on June 12, 1987.In his historic speech, President Reagan delivered a powerful message of freedom and hope to the people of West Berlin and the world. He famously declared, "Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall!" This bold statement became a symbol of the fight for freedom and the eventual fall of the Berlin Wall.President Reagan's speech was a testament to the enduring spirit of democracy and the unwavering determination of the human spirit. He spoke with conviction and passion, and his words resonated with people around the world who were yearning for freedom and justice.The impact of President Reagan's speech cannot be overstated. It served as a rallying cry for the people of West Berlin and inspired a new sense of hope and determination. It also sent a clear message to the Soviet Union that the United States and its allies would not waver in their commitment to freedom and democracy.President Reagan's words continue to inspire us today, reminding us of the power of leadership and the importance of standing up for what is right. His speech at the Brandenburg Gate will forever be remembered as a defining moment in the struggle for freedom and human rights.In conclusion, President Reagan's speech at the Brandenburg Gate was a powerful and inspiring call for freedom and justice. His words continue to resonate with people around the world, serving as a reminder of the enduring power of the human spirit. As we reflect on his speech, let us be inspired to continue the fight for freedom and democracy, and to never waver in our commitment to what is right and just.Thank you.。
里根第二任总统就职演说
MONDAY, JANUARY 21, 1985 Senator Mathias, Chief Justice Burger, Vice President Bush, Speaker O'Neill, Senator Dole, Reverend Clergy, members of my family and friends, and my fellow citizens: This day has been made brighter with the presence here of one who, for a time, has been absent——Senator John Stennis. God bless you and welcome back. There is, however, one who is not with us today: Representative Gillis Long of Louisiana left us last night. I wonder if we could all join in a moment of silent prayer. (Moment of silent prayer.) Amen. There are no words adequate to express my thanks for the great honor that you have bestowed on me. I will do my utmost to be deserving of your trust. This is, as Senator Mathias told us, the 50th time that we the people have celebrated this historic occasion. When the first President, George Washington, placed his hand upon the Bible, he stood less than a single day's journey by horseback from raw, untamed wilderness. There were 4 million Americans in a union of 13 States. Today we are 60 times as many in a union of 50 States. We have lighted the world with our inventions, gone to the aid of mankind wherever in the world there was a cry for help, journeyed to the Moon and safely returned. So much has changed. And yet we stand together as we did two centuries ago. When I took this oath four years ago, I did so in a time of economic stress. Voices were raised saying we had to look to our past for the greatness and glory. But we, the present-day Americans, are not given to looking backward. In this blessed land, there is always a better tomorrow. Four years ago, I spoke to you of a new beginning and we have accomplished that. But in another sense, our new beginning is a continuation of that beginning created two centuries ago when, for the first time in history, government, the people said, was not our master, it is our servant; its only power that which we the people allow it to have. That system has never failed us, but, for a time, we failed the system. We asked things of government that government was not equipped to give. We yielded authority to the National Government that properly belonged to States or to local governments or to the people themselves. We allowed taxes and inflation to rob us of our earnings and savings and watched the great industrial machine that had made us the most productive people on Earth slow down and the number of unemployed increase. By 1980, we knew it was time to renew our faith, to strive with all our strength toward the ultimate in individual freedom consistent with an orderly society. We believed then and now there are no limits to growth and human progress when men and women are free to follow their dreams. And we were right to believe that. Tax rates have been reduced, inflation cut dramatically, and more people are employed than ever before in our history. We are creating a nation once again vibrant, robust, and alive. But there are many mountains yet to climb. We will not rest until every American enjoys the fullness of freedom, dignity, and opportunity as our birthright. It is our birthright as citizens of this great Republic, and we'll meet this challenge. These will be years when Americans have restored their confidence and tradition of progress; when our values of faith, family, work, and neighborhood were restated for a modern age; when our economy was finally freed from government's grip; when we made sincere efforts at meaningful arms reduction, rebuilding our defenses, our economy, and developing new technologies, and helped preserve peace in a troubled world; when Americans courageously supported the struggle for liberty, self-government, and free enterprise throughout the world, and turned the tide of history away from totalitarian darkness and into the warm sunlight of human freedom. My fellow citizens, our Nation is poised for greatness. We must do what we know is right and do it with all our might. Let history say of us, "These were golden years——when the American Revolution was reborn, when freedom gained new life, when America reached for her best." Our two-party system has served us well over the years, but never better than in those times of great challenge when we came together not as Democrats or Republicans, but as Americans united in a common cause. Two of our Founding Fathers, a Boston lawyer named Adams and a Virginia planter named Jefferson, members of thatremarkable group who met in Independence Hall and dared to think they could start the world over again, left us an important lesson. They had become political rivals in the Presidential election of 1800. Then years later, when both were retired, and age had softened their anger, they began to speak to each other again through letters. A bond was reestablished between those two who had helped create this government of ours. In 1826, the 50th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence, they both died. They died on the same day, within a few hours of each other, and that day was the Fourth of July. In one of those letters exchanged in the sunset of their lives, Jefferson wrote: "It carries me back to the times when, beset with difficulties and dangers, we were fellow laborers in the same cause, struggling for what is most valuable to man, his right to self-government. Laboring always at the same oar, with some wave ever ahead threatening to overwhelm us, and yet passing harmless …… we rode through the storm with heart and hand." Well, with heart and hand, let us stand as one today: One people under God determined that our future shall be worthy of our past. As we do, we must not repeat the well-intentioned errors of our past. We must never again abuse the trust of working men and women, by sending their earnings on a futile chase after the spiraling demands of a bloated Federal Establishment. You elected us in 1980 to end this prescription for disaster, and I don't believe you reelected us in 1984 to reverse course. At the heart of our efforts is one idea vindicated by 25 straight months of economic growth: Freedom and incentives unleash the drive and entrepreneurial genius that are the core of human progress. We have begun to increase the rewards for work, savings, and investment; reduce the increase in the cost and size of government and its interference in people's lives. We must simplify our tax system, make it more fair, and bring the rates down for all who work and earn. We must think anew and move with a new boldness, so every American who seeks work can find work; so the least among us shall have an equal chance to achieve the greatest things——to be heroes who heal our sick, feed the hungry, protect peace among nations, and leave this world a better place. The time has come for a new American emancipation——a great national drive to tear down economic barriers and liberate the spirit of enterprise in the most distressed areas of our country. My friends, together we can do this, and do it we must, so help me God.—— From new freedom will spring new opportunities for growth, a more productive, fulfilled and united people, and a stronger America——an America that will lead the technological revolution, and also open its mind and heart and soul to the treasures of literature, music, and poetry, and the values of faith, courage, and love. A dynamic economy, with more citizens working and paying taxes, will be our strongest tool to bring down budget deficits. But an almost unbroken 50 years of deficit spending has finally brought us to a time of reckoning. We have come to a turning point, a moment for hard decisions. I have asked the Cabinet and my staff a question, and now I put the same question to all of you: If not us, who? And if not now, when? It must be done by all of us going forward with a program aimed at reaching a balanced budget. We can then begin reducing the national debt. I will shortly submit a budget to the Congress aimed at freezing government program spending for the next year. Beyond that, we must take further steps to permanently control Government's power to tax and spend. We must act now to protect future generations from Government's desire to spend its citizens' money and tax them into servitude when the bills come due. Let us make it unconstitutional for the Federal Government to spend more than the Federal Government takes in. We have already started returning to the people and to State and local governments responsibilities better handled by them. Now, there is a place for the Federal Government in matters of social compassion. But our fundamental goals must be to reduce dependency and upgrade the dignity of those who are infirm or disadvantaged. And here a growing economy and support from family and community offer our best chance for a society where compassion is a way of life, where the old and infirm are cared for, the young and, yes, the unborn protected, and the unfortunate looked after and made self And there is another area where the Federal Government can play a part. As an older American, I remember a time when people of different race, creed, or ethnic origin in our land found hatred and prejudice installed in social custom and, yes, in law. There is no story more heartening in our history than the progress that we have made toward the "brotherhood of man" that God intended for us. Let us resolve there will be no turning back or hesitation on the road to an America rich in dignity and abundant with opportunity for all our citizens. Let us resolve that we the people will build an American opportunity society in which all of us——white and black, rich and poor, young and old——will go forward together arm in arm. Again, let us remember that though our heritage is one of blood lines from every corner of the Earth, we are all Americans pledged to carry on this last, best hope of man on Earth. I have spoken of our domestic goals and the limitations which we should put on our National Government. Now let me turn to a task which is the primary responsibility of National Government-the safety and security of our people. Today, we utter no prayer more fervently than the ancient prayer for peace on Earth. Yet history has shown that peace will not come, nor will our freedom be preserved, by good will alone. There are those in the world who scorn our vision of human dignity and freedom. One nation, the Soviet Union, has conducted the greatest military buildup in the history of man, building arsenals of awesome offensive weapons. We have made progress in restoring our defense capability. But much remains to be done. There must be no wavering by us, nor any doubts by others, that America will meet her responsibilities to remain free, secure, and at peace. There is only one way safely and legitimately to reduce the cost of national security, and that is to reduce the need for it. And this we are trying to do in negotiations with the Soviet Union. We are not just discussing limits on a further increase of nuclear weapons. We seek, instead, to reduce their number. We seek the total elimination one day of nuclear weapons from the face of the Earth. Now, for decades, we and the Soviets have lived under the threat of mutual assured destruction; if either resorted to the use of nuclear weapons, the other could retaliate and destroy the one who had started it. Is there either logic or morality in believing that if one side threatens to kill tens of millions of our people, our only recourse is to threaten killing tens of millions of theirs?> 0 0 I h a v e a p p r o v e d a r e s e a r c h p r o g r a m t o f i n d , i f w e c a n , a s e c u r i t y s h i e l d t h a t w o u l d d e s t r o y n u c l e a r m i s s i l e s b e f o r e t h e y r e a c h t h e i r t a r g e t . I t w o u l d n ' t k i l l p e o p l e , i t w o u l d d e s t r o y w e a p o n s . I t w o u l d n ' t m i l i t a r i z e s p a c e , i t w o u l d h e l p d e m i l i t a r i z e t h e a r s e n a l s o f E a r t h . I t w o u l d r e n d e r n u c l e a r w e a p o n s o b s o l e t e . W e w i l l m e e t w i t h t h e S o v i e t s , h o p i n g t h a t w e c a n a g r e e o n a w a y t o r i d t h e w o r l d o f t h e t h r e a t o f n u c l e a r d e s t r u c t i o n . / p > p b d s f i d = " 8 0 " > 0 0 W e s t r i v e f o r p e a c e a n d s e c u r i t y , h e a r t e n e d b y t h e c h a n g e s a l l a r o u n d u s . S i n c e t h e t u r n o f t h e c e n t u r y , t h e n u m b e r o f d e m o c r a c i e s i n t h e w o r l d h a s g r o w n f o u r f o l d . H u m a n f r e e d o m i s o n t h e m a r c h , a n d n o w h e r e m o r e s o t h a n o u r o w n h e m i s p h e r e . F r e e d o m i s o n e o f t h e d e e p e s t a nd n o b le s t a s p i r a t i o n s of t h e h u m a n s p i r i t . P e o p l e , w o r l d w i d e , h u ng e r f o r th e ri g h t o f s e l f - de t e r m i n a t i o n ,f o r t h o s e i n a l i e n a b l e r igh t s t h a t m a k e f o r h u m a n di g n i t y a n d p r o g r e s s . / p > p b d s f i d = " 8 1 " > 0 0 A m e r i c a m u s t r e m a i n f r e e d o m ' s s t a u n c h e s t f r i e n d , f o r f r e e d o m i s o u r b e s t a l l y . / p > p b d s f i d = " 8 2 " > 0 0 A n d i t i s t h e w o r l d ' s o n l y h o p e , t o c o n q u e r p o v e r t y a n d p r e s e r v e p e a c e . E v e r y b l o w w e i n f l i c t a g a i n s t p o v e r t y w i l l b e a b l o w a g a i n s t i t s d a r k a l l i e s o f o p p r e s s i o n a n d w a r . E v e r y v i c t o r y f o r h u m a n f r e e d o m w i l l b e a v i c t o r y f o r w o r l d p e a c e . / p > p b d s f i d = " 8 3 " > 0 0 S o w e g o f o r w a r d t o d a y , a n a t i o n s t i l l m i g h t y i n i t s y o u t h a n d p o w e r f u l i n i t s p u r p o s e . W i t h o u r a l l i a n c e s s t r e n g t h e n e d , w i t h o u r e c o n o m y l e a d i n g t h e w o r l d t o a n e w a g e o f e c o n o m i c e x p a n s i o n , w e l o o k f o r w a r d t o a w o r l d r i c h i n p o s s i b i l i t i e s . A n d a l l t h i s b e c a u s e w e h a v e w o r k e d a n d a c t e d t o g e t h e r , n o t a s m e m b e r s o f p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s , b u t a s A m e r i c a n s . / p > p b d s f i d = " 8 4 " > 0 0 M y f r i e n d s , w e l i v e i n a w o r l d t h a t i s l i t b y l i g h t n i n g . S o m u c h i s c h a n g i n g a n d w i l l c h a n g e , b u t s o m u c h e n d u r e s , a n d t r a n s c e n d s t i m e . / p > p b d s f i d = " 8 5 " > 0 0 H i s t o r y i s a r i b b o n , a l w a y s u n f u r l i n g ; h i s t o r y i s aj o u r n e y . A n d a s w e c o n t i n u e o u r j o u r n e y , w e t h i nk o f t h o s e w h o t r a v el e d b e f o r e u s . W e s t a n d t o g e t h e r a g a i n a t t h e s t e p s o f t h i s s ym b o l o f o u r d e m o c r a c y o r w e w o u l d h a v e b e en s t a n d i n g a t t h e s t e p s i f i t h a d n ' t go t t e n s o c o l d . N o w w e a r e s t a n d i n g i n s i d e t h i s s y m b o l o f o u r d e m o c r a c y . N o w w e h e a r a g a i n t h e e c h o e s o f o u rp a s t : a g e n e r a l f a l l s t o h i s k n e e s i n t h e h a r d s n o w o f V a l l e y F o r g e ; a l o n e l y P r e s i d e n t p a c e s t h e d a r k e n e d h a l l s , a n d p o n d e r s h i s s t r u g g l e t o p r e s e r v e t h e U n i o n ; t h e m e n o f t h e A l a m o c a l l o u t e n c o u r a g e m e n t t o e a c h o t h e r ; a s e t t l e r p u s h e s w e s t a n d s i n g s a s o n g , a n d t h e s o n g e c h o e s o u t f o r e v e r a n d f i l l s t h e u n k n o w i n g a i r . / p > p b d s f i d = " 8 6 " > 0 0 I t i s t h e A m e r i c a n s o u n d . I t i s h o p e f u l , b i g - h e a r t e d , i d e a l i s t i c , d a r i n g , d e c e n t , a n d f a i r . T h a t ' s o u r h e r i t a g e ; t h a t i s o u r s o n g . W e s i n g i t s t i l l . F o r a l l o u r p r o b l e m s , o u r d i f f e r e n c e s , w e a r e t o g e t h e r a s o f o l d , a s w e r a i s e o u r v o i c e s t o t h e G o d w h o i s t h e A u t h o r o f t h i s m o s t t e n d e r m u s i c . A n d m a y H e c o n t i n u e t o h o l d u s c l o s e a s w e f i l l t h e w o r l d w i t h o u r s o u n d s o u n d i n u n i t y , a f f e c t i o n , a n d l o v e o n e p e o p l e u n d e r G o d , d e d i c a t e d t o t h e d r e a m o f f r e e d o m t h a t H e h a s p l a c e d i n t h e h u m a n h e a r t , c a l l e d u p o n n o w t o p a s s t h a t d r e a m o n t o a w a i t i n g a n d h o p e f u l w o r l d . / p > p b d s f i d = " 8 7 " > 0 0 G o d b l e s s y o u a n d m a y G o d b l e s s A m e r i c a . b r b d s f i d = " 8 8 " > / p > / d i v > d i v i d = " f l o a t _ b t n " c l a s s = " " b d s f i d = " 8 9 " > b u t t o n c l a s s = " f l o a t _ b t n l e f t _ b t n " i d = " c o p y _ b u t t o n " d a t a - c l i p b o a r d - a c t i o n = " c o p y " d a t a - c l i p b o a r d - t a r g e t = " # c o n t e n t - t x t " o n c l i c k = " d o _ c o p y ( ) ; " b d s f i d = " 9 0 " > e m c l a s s = " i c o n " b d s f i d = " 9 1 " >。
里根总统就职演说 英语
里根总统就职演说英语Title: President Reagan"s Inaugural AddressOn January 20, 1981, President Ronald Reagan delivered his inaugural address from the steps of the U.S. Capitol in Washington, D.C. The speech was a message of hope and change, which Reagan hoped would guide the country through the challenges of the 1980s.In his speech, Reagan emphasized the importance of individual responsibility and the need for the country to come together to address common goals. He also called for a return to traditional values and a focus on the needs of the middle class."Today, we face not only challenges of a technical and scientific nature, but also challenges of a moral and spiritual nature," Reagan said. "We must return to the principles that built this nation and that have made it strong. We must once again recognize that the measure of a man is not in how he acquires wealth or power, but in how he uses it to promote the common good."Reagan also addressed the issue of inflation, which had been a problem for the country in the 1970s. He called for a new approach to economic management that would focus oncontrolling spending and increasing production. He also proposed a tax cut to help stimulate the economy and reduce inflation.Overall, Reagan"s inaugural address was a message of hope and change, which reflected his vision for the country in the 1980s. It was a departure from the more moderate tone of his opponent, Walter Mondale, who had won the election the previous November. Reagan"s speech would go on to be remembered as one of the most powerful and influential in American history.拓展:Reagan"s inaugural address was a departure from the more moderate tone of his opponent, Walter Mondale, who had won the election the previous November. Reagan"s speech reflected his vision for the country in the 1980s, which was marked by economic growth, reduced government interference in the economy, and a return to traditional values. Reagan"s inaugural address was also notable for its emphasis on individual responsibility and the need for the country to come together to address common goals.During his presidency, Reagan would implement policies that were aimed at reducing inflation and increasing economic growth. He also proposed cuts to government spending andincreased taxes on the wealthy, which helped to finance his policies and promote economic growth. Reagan"s policies would be successful in reducing inflation and increasing economic growth, and they would also be remembered for their impact on American society.Overall, Reagan"s inaugural address was a message of hope and change, which reflected his vision for the country in the 1980s. It was a departure from the more moderate tone of his opponent, Walter Mondale, and it would go on to be remembered as one of the most powerful and influential in American history.。
最新-里根就职演讲中文字幕 1981年里根就职演讲稿-中英文对照 精品
里根就职演讲中文字幕1981年里根就职演讲稿-中英文对照按照宪法要求,政府权利正在有序地移交,我们已经如此例行公事了两个世纪,很少有人觉得这有什么特别的.但在世界上更多人看来,这个我们已经习以为常的四年一次的仪式,却实在是一个奇迹.（二）Mr.President,Iwantourfellowcitizenstoknowhowmuchyoudidtocarryonthistr adition.Byyourgraciouscooperationinthetransitionprocess,youhaveshowna watchingworldthatweareaunitedpeoplepledgedtomaintainingapoliticalsyst emwhichguaranteesindividuallibertytoagreaterdegreethananyother,andIth ankyouandyourpeopleforallyourhelpinmaintainingthecontinuitywhichisthe bulwarkofourRepublic.总统先生,我希望我们的同胞们都能知道你为了这个传承而付出的努力.通过移交程序中的通力合作,你向观察者展示了这么一个事实：我们是发誓要团结起来维护这样一个政治体制的团体,这样的体制保证了我们能够得到比其他政体更为广泛的个人自由.同时我也要感谢你和你的伙伴们的帮助,因为你们坚持了这样的传承,而这恰恰是我们共和国的根基.Thebusinessofournationgoesforward.TheseUnitedStatesareconfrontedwi thaneconomicafflictionofgreatproportions.Wesufferfromthelongestandone oftheworstsustainedinflationsinournationalhistory.Itdistortsoureconom icdecisions,penalizesthrift,andcrushesthestrugglingyoungandthefixed-i neelderlyalike.Itthreatenstoshatterthelivesofmillionsofourpeople.我们国家的事业在继续前进.合众国正面临巨大的经济困难.我们遭遇到我国历史上历时最长、最严重之一的通货膨胀,它扰乱着我们的经济决策,打击着节俭的风气,压迫着正在挣扎谋生的青年人和收入固定的中年人,威胁着要摧毁我国千百万人民的生计.（三）Idleindustrieshavecastworkersintounemployment,causinghumanmiseryandpe rsonalindignity.Thosewhodoworkaredeniedafairreturnfortheirlaborbyatax systemwhichpenalizessuccessfulachievementandkeepsusfrommaintainingfullproductivity.Butgreatasourtaxburdenis,ithasnotkeptpacewithpublicspen ding.Fordecades,wehavepileddeficitupondeficit,mortgagingourfutureando urchildren"sfutureforthetemporaryconvenienceofthepresent.Tocontinueth islongtrendistoguaranteetremendoussocial,cultural,political,andeconom icupheavals.停滞的工业使工人失业、蒙受痛苦并失去了个人尊严.即使那些有工作的人,也因税收制度的缘故而得不到公正的劳动报酬,因为这种税收制度使我们无法在事业上取得成就,使我们无法保持充分的生产力.尽管我们的纳税负担相当沉重,但还是跟不上公共开支的增长.数十年来,我们的赤字额屡屡上升,我们为图目前暂时的方便,把自己的前途和子孙的前途抵押出去了.这一趋势如果长此以往,必然引起社会、文化、政治和经济等方面的大动荡.（四）YouandI,asindividuals,can,byborrowing,livebeyondourmeans,butforonlyal imitedperiodoftime.Why,then,shouldwethinkthatcollectively,asanation,w earenotboundbythatsamelimitationWemustacttodayinordertopreservetomorr ow.Andlettherebenomisunderstanding--wearegoingtobegintoact,beginningt oday.Theeconomicillswesufferhaveeuponusoverseveraldecades.Theywillnot goawayindays,weeks,ormonths,buttheywillgoaway.Theywillgoawaybecausewe ,asAmericans,havethecapacitynow,aswehavehadinthepast,todowhateverneed stobedonetopreservethislastandgreatestbastionoffreedom.Inthispresentc risis,ernmentistheproblem.作为个人,你们和我可以靠借贷过一种人不敷出的生活,然而只能维持一段有限的时期,我们怎么可以认为,作为一个国家整体,我们就不应受到同样的约束呢？为了保住明天,我们今天就必须行动起来.大家都要明白无误地懂得--我们从今天起就要采取行动.我们深受其害的经济弊病,几十年来一直袭击着我们.这些弊病不会在几天、几星期或几个月内消失,但它们终将消失.它们之所以终将消失,是因为我们作为现在的美国人,一如既往地有能力去完成需要完成的事情,以保存这个最后而又最伟大的自由堡垒.。
里根在复旦的演讲稿英汉对照版全
Remarks at Fudan University in Shanghai, ChinaApril 30, 1984We've been in your country only 5 days, but already we've seen the wonders of a lifetime -- the Great Wall of China, a structure so huge and marvelous that it can be seen from space; the ancient city of Xi'an; and the Tomb of the Great Emperor and the buried army that guards him still. These are the wonders of ages past. But today I want to talk to you, the young people of a great university, about the future, about our future together and how we can transform human life on this planet if we bring as much wisdom and curiosity to each other as we bring to our scholarly pursuits.I want to begin, though, with some greetings. I bring you greetings not only from my countrymen but from one of your countrymen. Some of you know Ye Yang, who was a student here. He graduated from Fudan and became a teacher of English at this university. Now he is at Harvard University in the United States, where he is studying for a doctorate in comparative literature.My staff spoke to him before we left. Mr. Ye wants you to know he's doing fine. He's working hard on his spring term papers, and his thoughts turn to you often. He asked me to deliver a message to his former students, colleagues, friends, and family. He asked me to say for him, and I hope I can, ``Wo xiang nian da jia'' [I am thinking of all of you].He wants you to know that he looks forward to returning to Fudan to teach. And President Xie, he said to tell you he misses your friendship and encouragement. And Mr. Ye says you are a very great woman and a great educator. You will be proud to know that he received straight A's last term. And when we congratulated him, he said, ``I have nothing to be proud of myself;I am so proud of my university.''I'd like to say a few words about our China-U.S. educational exchange programs. It's not entirely new, this exchanging of students. Your President Xie earned a degree from Smith College in the United States. Smith is also my wife Nancy's alma mater. And President Xie also attended MIT, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, one of our greatest universities of science, engineering, and technology.But in the past few years, our two countries have enjoyed an explosion in the number of student exchanges. Five years ago you numbered your students studying abroad in the hundreds. Since then, 20,000 Chinese scholars have studied throughout the world, and more than half of them have come to American schools. More than 100 American colleges and universities now have educational exchanges with nearly as many Chinese institutions.We have committed more resources to our Fulbright program in China than in any other country. Two of the American professors teaching here at Fudan are Fulbright professors. And there are 20 American students studying with you, and we're very proud of them.American students come to China to learn many things -- how you monitor and predict earthquakes, how you've made such strides in researching the cause and treatment of cancer.We have much to learn from you in neurosurgery and in your use of herbs in medicine. And we welcome the chance to study your language, your history, and your society.You, in turn, have shown that you're eager to learn, to come to American schools and study electronics and computer sciences, math and engineering, physics, management, and the humanities. We have much to share in these fields, and we're eager to benefit from your curiosity. Much of this sharing is recent, only 5 years old. But the areas of our mutual cooperation continue to expand. We've already agreed to cooperate more closely in trade, technology, investment, and exchanges of scientific and managerial expertise. And we have just concluded an important agreement to help advance our technological and economic development through the peaceful use of nuclear energy.That term ``peaceful use of nuclear energy'' is key. Our agreement rests upon important principles of nonproliferation. Neither of our countries will encourage nuclear proliferation nor assist any other country to acquire or develop any nuclear explosive device.We live in a troubled world, and the United States and China, as two great nations, share a special responsibility to help reduce the risks of war. We both agree that there can be only one sane policy to preserve our precious civilization in this modern age: A nuclear war cannot be won and must never be fought. And no matter how great the obstacles may seem, we must never stop our efforts to reduce the weapons of war. We must never stop at all until we see the day when nuclear arms have been banished from the face of this Earth.With peaceful cooperation as our guide, the possibilities for future progress are great. For example, we look forward to exploring with China the possibilities of cooperating in the development of space on behalf of our fellow citizens.Our astronauts have found that by working in the zero gravity environment of space, we will be able to manufacture life-saving medicines with far greater purity and efficiency, medicines that will treat diseases of heart attack and stroke that afflict millions of us. We will learn how to manufacture Factor 8, a rare and expensive medicine used to treat hemophiliacs. We can research the Beta Cell, which produces insulin, and which could provide mankind's first permanent cure for diabetes.New satellites can be launched for use in navigation, weather forecasting, broadcasting, and computer technology. We already have the technology to make the extraordinary commonplace. We hope to see the day when a Chinese scientist working out an engineering problem in Fudan will be able to hook into the help of a scientist at a computer at MIT. And the scientist in Boston will be able to call on the expertise of the scientist in Shanghai, and all of it in a matter of seconds.My young friends, this is the way of the future. By pooling our talents and resources, we can make space a new frontier of peace.Your government's policy of forging closer ties in the free exchange of knowledge has not only enlivened your economy, it has opened the way to a new convergence of Chinese and American interests. You have opened the door, and let me assure you that ours is also open.Now, all of this is particularly exciting in light of the recent history of our two countries. For many years, there was no closeness between us. The silence took its toll. A dozen years ago, it began to change. Together, we made it change. And now in the past 5 years, your policy of opening to the outside world has helped us begin to know each other better than we ever had before.But that process has just begun. To many Americans, China is still a faraway place, unknown, unseen, and fascinating. And we are fascinated. [Laughter]I wonder if you're aware of the many ways China has touched American life? The signs of your influence and success abound. If I were spending this afternoon in Washington, I might look out the window and see a man and woman strolling along Pennsylvania Avenue wearing Chinese silk. They might be on their way to our National Portrait Gallery to see the Chinese art exhibit. And from there, perhaps they would stroll to our National Gallery to see the new building designed by the Chinese American architect, I.M. Pei. After that, they might end their day dining in a restaurant that serves Chinese cuisine. [Laughter]We associate China with vitality, enormous vitality, and something that doesn't always go along with that -- subtlety, the subtlety of discerning and intelligent minds.Premier Zhao saw something of the American attitude toward China when he visited us in January. He said after a few days in our country that he never expected such profound feelings of friendship among the American people for the Chinese people.Well, let me say, I'm happy to return the compliment. I have found the people of China to be just as warm and friendly toward us, and it's made us very glad.But meeting you and talking to you has only made me want to know more. And I sense that you feel the same way about Americans. You, too, wish to know more.I would like to tell you something about us, and also share something of my own values.First of all, America is really many Americas. We call ourselves a nation of immigrants, and that's truly what we are. We have drawn people from every corner of the Earth. We're composed of virtually every race and religion, and not in small numbers, but large. We have a statue in New York Harbor that speaks of this, a statue of a woman holding a torch of welcome to those who enter our country to become Americans. She has greeted millions upon millions of immigrants to our country. She welcomes them still. She represents our open door.All of the immigrants who came to us brought their own music, literature, customs, and ideas. And the marvelous thing, a thing of which we're proud, is they did not have to relinquish these things in order to fit in. In fact, what they brought to America became American. And this diversity has more than enriched us; it has literally shaped us.This tradition -- the tradition of new immigrants adding to the sum total of what we are -- is not a thing of the past. New immigrants are still bringing their talents and improving the quality of American life. Let me name a few -- I think you'll know their names.In America, Wang computers have become a fixture in offices throughout the country. They are the product of the energy and brilliance of Mr. An Wang, who himself is the product of a Shanghai university.The faces of our cities shine with the gleaming buildings of Mr. I.M. Pei, who first became interested in architecture as a student here in Shanghai.What we know of the universe and the fundamental nature of matter has been expanded by t he Nobel Prize winning scientist, Dr. Lee Tsung-Dao, who was born in Shanghai.We admire these men; we honor them; and we salute you for what you gave them that helped make them great.Sometimes in America, some of our people may disagree with each other. We are often a highly disputatious nation. We rather like to argue. We are free to disagree among ourselves, and we do. But we always hold together as a society. We've held together for more than 200 years, because we're united by certain things in which we all believe, things to which we've quietly pledged our deepest loyalties. I draw your special attention to what I'm about to say, because it's so important to an understanding of my country.We believe in the dignity of each man, woman, and child. Our entire system is founded on an appreciation of the special genius of each individual, and of his special right to make his own decisions and lead his own life.We believe -- and we believe it so deeply that Americans know these words by heart -- we believe ``that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among those are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.'' Take an American student or teacher aside later today and ask if he or she hasn't committed those words to memory. They are from the document by which we created our nation, the Declaration of Independence.We elect our government by the vote of the people. That is how we choose our Congress and our President. We say of our country, ``Here the People Rule,'' and it is so.Let me tell you something of the American character. You might think that with such a varied nation there couldn't be one character, but in many fundamental ways there is.We are a fair-minded people. We're taught not to take what belongs to others. Many of us, as I said, are the children and grandchildren and great-grandchildren of immigrants, and from them we learned something of hard labor. As a nation we toiled up from poverty, and no people on Earth are more worthy to be trusted than those who have worked hard for what they have. None is less inclined to take what is not theirs.We're idealists. Americans love freedom, and we've fought and died to protect the freedom of others. When the armies of fascism swept Europe four decades ago, the American people fought at great cost to defend the countries under assault.When the armies of fascism swept Asia, we fought with you to stop them. And some of you listening today remember those days, remember when our General Jimmy Doolittle and his squadron came halfway around the world to help. Some of those pilots landed in China. You remember those brave young men. You hid them and cared for them and bound up their wounds. You saved many of their lives.When the Second World War was won, the United States voluntarily withdrew from the faraway places in which we had fought. We kept no permanent armies of occupation. We didn't take an inch of territory, nor do we occupy one today. Our record of respect for the freedom and independence of others is clear.We're a compassionate people. When the war ended we helped rebuild our allies -- and our enemies as well. We did this because we wanted to help the innocent victims of bad governments and bad policies, and because, if they prospered, peace would be more secure.We're an optimistic people. Like you, we inherited a vast land of endless skies, tall mountains, rich fields, and open prairies. It made us see the possibilities in everything. It made us hopeful. And we devised an economic system that rewarded individual effort, that gave us good reason for hope.We love peace. We hate war. We think -- and always have -- that war is a great sin, a woeful waste. We wish to be at peace with our neighbors. We want to live in harmony with friends.There is one other part of our national character I wish to speak of. Religion and faith are very important to us. We're a nation of many religions. But most Americans derive their religious belief from the Bible of Moses, who delivered a people from slavery; the Bible of Jesus Christ, who told us to love thy neighbor as thyself, to do unto your neighbor as you would have him do unto you.And this, too, has formed us. It's why we wish well for others. It's why it grieves us when we hear of people who cannot live up to their full potential and who cannot live in peace.We invite you to know us. That is the beginning of friendship between people. And friendship between people is the basis for friendship between governments.The silence between our governments has ended. In the past 12 years, our people have become reacquainted, and now our relationship is maturing. And we're at the point where we can build the basis for a lasting friendship.Now, you know, as I do, that there's much that naturally divides us: time and space, different languages and values, different cultures and histories, and political systems that are fundamentally different. It would be foolish not to acknowledge these differences. There's no point in hiding the truth for the sake of a friendship, for a friendship based on fiction will not long withstand the rigors of this world.But let us, for a moment, put aside the words that name our differences and think what we have in common. We are two great and huge nations on opposite sides of the globe. We are bothcountries of great vitality and strength. You are the most populous country on Earth; we are the most technologically developed. Each of us holds a special weight in our respective sides of the world.There exists between us a kind of equipoise. Those of you who are engineering students will perhaps appreciate that term. It speaks of a fine and special balance.Already there are some political concerns that align us, and there are some important questions on which we both agree. Both the United States and China oppose the brutal and illegal occupation of Kampuchea. Both the United States and China have stood together in condemning the evil and unlawful invasion of Afghanistan. Both the United States and China now share a stake in preserving peace on the Korean Peninsula, and we share a stake in preserving peace in this area of the world.Neither of us is an expansionist power. We do not desire your land, nor you ours. We do not challenge your borders. We do not provoke your anxieties. In fact, both the United States and China are forced to arm themselves against those who do.The United States is now undertaking a major strengthening of our defenses. It's an expensive effort, but we make it to protect the peace, knowing that a strong America is a safeguard for the independece and peace of others.Both the United States and China are rich in human resources and human talent. What wonders lie before us if we practice the advice, Tong Li He Zuo -- Connect strength, and work together.Over the past 12 years, American and Chinese leaders have met frequently to discuss a host of issues. Often we have found agreement, but even when we have not, we've gained insight into each other, and we've learned to appreciate the other's perspectives on the world.This process will continue, and it will flourish if we remember certain things. We must neither ignore our problems nor overstate them. We must never exaggerate our difficulties or send alarms for small reasons. We must remember that it is a delicate thing to oppose the wishes of a friend, and when we're forced to do so, we must be understanding with each other.I hope that when history looks back upon this new chapter in our relationship, these will be remembered as days when America and China accepted the challenge to strengthen the ties that bind us, to cooperate for greater prosperity among our people, and to strive for a more secure and just peace in the world.You, the students at Fudan University, and the scholars at all the universities in China and America have a great role to play in both our countries' futures. From your ranks will come the understanding and skill the world will require in decades to come. Today's leaders can pave the way of the future. That is our responsibility. But it is always the younger generation who will make the future. It is you who will decide if a continuing, personal friendship can span the generations and the differences that divide us. In such friendship lies the hope of the world.When he was a very young man, Zhou Enlai wrote a poem for a schoolmate who was leaving to study abroad. Zhou appreciated the responsibilities that separated them, but he also remembered fondly the qualities that made them friends. And his poem ends:Promise, I pray, that somedayWhen task done, we go back farming,We'll surely rent a plot of groundAnd as pairing neighbors, let's live.Well, let us, as pairing neighbors, live.I've been happy to speak to you here, to meet you in this city that is so rich in significance for both our countries. Shanghai is a city of scholarship, a city of learning. Shanghai has been a window to the West. It is a city in which my country and yours issued the communique that began our modern friendship. It is the city where the Yangtze meets the East China Sea, which, itself, becomes the Pacific, which touches our shores.The Yangtze is a swift and turbulent river, one of the great rivers of the world. My young friends, history is a river that may take us as it will. But we have the power to navigate, to choose direction, and make our passage together. The wind is up, the current is swift, and opportunity for a long and fruitful journey awaits us.Generations hence will honor us for having begun the voyage, for moving on together and escaping the fate of the buried armies of Xi'an, the buried warriors who stood for centuries frozen in time, frozen in an unknowing enmity.We have made our choice. Our new journey will continue. And may it always continue in peace and in friendship. Thank you very much.Note: The President spoke at 3:40 p.m. in the auditorium at the university.里根在复旦的演讲稿汉语版里根在复旦大学的演讲(摘要)—————————Monday, April 30, 1984 —————————我们访问中国才五天，所看到的名胜古迹却使我们一生难忘。
里根在复旦的演讲稿-英汉对照版-全
里根在复旦的演讲稿-英汉对照版-全尊敬的中国友人，女士们先生们，很高兴再次来到复旦大学，向你们交流思想和体验中国的友谊。
在我的政治生涯中，我认为我们的两个国家都经历了很长时间，面对变革的挑战和机会，我们相互尊重并发展更好的关系，对世界和平与稳定都至关重要。
今天，我想强调两个主题：自由市场经济和宗教自由，它们在我的领导下是如何带来美国的繁荣和自由的。
自由市场经济20世纪60年代，美国遭受了经济萧条和失业率上升的打击，我们最终意识到政府对经济的干预在很多方面都是有害的。
于是，我提出了一个计划：通过减税、减少管制和通过自由贸易，释放市场的力量。
这个计划叫做“里根革命”，它带领我们走出了长达10年的高通胀和无法控制的经济衰退。
通过推动自由市场经济，我们让人民有更多的财富，产生了很多的就业岗位，并创造了更高的生产力和经济增长。
我相信，自由市场经济带给我们长期的、可持续的繁荣，而这种繁荣是一个政府所不能给予的。
人们需要机会与自由来创造繁荣，政府则需要有限的角色。
我们看到了中国实现了惊人的经济增长，您也察觉到了这一增长所带来的机遇和改变。
然而，我们也同样注意到了负面的影响和不利的后果。
自由市场经济肯定会遇到挑战和难题，但是美国的经验表明，通过关注个人自由，释放市场的力量，着眼长远利益和可持续的经济发展，我们可以克服这些挑战，并实现更好的结果。
美国和中国都是伟大的国家，我们都面临着巨大的机遇和极大的挑战。
通过开放和交流，我们可以共同实现成功，为人类的繁荣和发展做出新的贡献。
宗教自由我也想强调的是宗教自由这一主题。
在我的领导下，我们强调了宗教自由的重要性，认为每个人都有权利信奉自己的信仰，无论是在政治、教育、商业活动等方面都应享有自由和保护。
这种信仰自由的基础在于我们相信每个人追求幸福的权利。
有人可能会质疑这种自由，认为它会导致社会混乱和分裂。
但是在美国，我们发现，相反，这种信仰自由有助于加强社会的凝聚力和整合力。
里根就职演说
7. Ronald Reagan’s First Inaugural Address (January 20, 1981)Can we solve the problems confronting us? Well, the answer is an unequivocal and emphatic “Yes!” To paraphrase Winston Churchill, I did not take the oath I have just taken with the intention of presiding over the dissolution of the world’s strongest economy.In the days ahead I will propose removing the roadblocks that have slowed our economy and reduced productivity. Steps will be taken aimed at restoring the balance between the various levels of government. Progress may be slow – measured in inches and feet, not miles – but we will progress.It is time to reawaken this industrial giant, to get government back within its means and to lighten our punitive tax burden. And these will be our first priorities, and on these principles there will be no compromise.On the eve of our struggle for independence, a man who might have been one of the greatest among the Founding Fathers, Dr. Joseph Warren, president of the Massachusetts Co ngress, said to his fellow Americans: “Our country is in danger, but not to be despaired of … On you depend the fortunes of America. You are to decide the important question upon which rests the happiness and the liberty of millions yet unborn. Act worthy of yourselves.”Well, I believe we, the Americans of today, are ready to act worthy of ourselves, ready to do what must be done to insure happiness and liberty for ourselves, our children and our children’s children.And as we renew ourselves here in our own land, we will be seen as having greater strength throughout the world. We will again be the exemplar of freedom and the beacon of hope for those who do not now have freedom.To those neighbors and allies who share our freedom, we will strengthen our historic ties and assure them of our support and firm commitment. We will match loyalty with loyalty. We will strive for mutually beneficial relations. We will not use our friendship to impose on their sovereignty, for our own sovereignty is not for sale.As for the enemies of freedom, those who are potential adversaries – they will be reminded that peace is the highest aspiration of the American people. We will negotiate for it, sacrifice for it; we will not surrender for it – now or ever.7．里根总统第一任就职演说（1981年1月20日）我们能解决摆在我们面前的这些问题吗？回答是毫不含糊和断然的两个字：能够。
里根第一次就任美国总统时的演讲（中文翻译）
里根第一次就任美国总统时的演讲（中文翻译）1、对于今天在此的我们中的一些人，这是一个庄严的值得纪念的时刻。
然而在我国的历史上，这不过是个司空见惯的事件。
这个按宪法要求的有序的政权交替周而复始地进行了近二百年，而我们中很少有人停下来考虑一下我们到底有多么独特。
在世界上很多人的眼里，这个我们习以为常的四年一度的庆典不啻一个奇迹。
2、总统先生，我要让人民知道您为传承这一传统付出了多少心血。
在这个政权交替过程中，您的殷切合作向关注的世人展示了我们是一个统一的民族，决心维系一个比其他任何一个国家都更保证个人自由的政治体制。
我要感谢您和您的同僚在维护国策连续性上给予的倾力合作。
3、我国的事业继往开来。
我国的大多数州都经历着经济困境。
我们苦于历史上最严重、持续时间最长的通货膨胀之一。
它扭曲了我们的经济决策，惩罚了节俭，粉碎了奋斗的年轻人和固定收入的老人们等的梦想。
它威胁着要粉碎成千成万美国人的生活。
4、不景气的工业让工人们陷入失业、霉运和无尊严中。
很多人付出了辛劳却没有收获应得的回报，始作俑者就是惩罚成就和阻碍我们发挥最大生产力的税收体系。
5、但是尽管我们的税收负担很重，还是跟不上公共开销。
几十年来我们赤字不断累积，为了当前片刻的方便透支了我们的未来和我们子孙后代的未来。
纵容这种趋势就是放任无尽的社会、文化、政治和经济动荡。
6、你和我，作为个人，可以靠借贷，超前消费，但只能在有限的一段时间内。
那么为什么我们作为一个集体，即一个国家来考虑这个问题，我们就不被同一限制约束了呢？7、为了我们的明天，我们今天必须行动。
毋庸置疑，我们今天将开始一个新的开始。
8、我们遭遇的经济顽症已经持续几十年了。
它们不会在几天、几周或几个月内消失，但它们一定会消失。
之所以它们一定会消失，是因为我们美国人现在具备这个实力，如同我们过去一样，完成保卫这个自由世界最后的最伟大的堡垒所需要做的一切。
9、在当前的危机中，政府不是我们的问题的解，政府本身就是问题。
里根总统就职演说
里根总统就职演说篇一：1981年里根第一任总统就职演说-译文里根第一任总统就职演说罗纳德-里根第一次就职演说第40任总统(1981年-1989年)中文译文议员海特菲尔德先生、法官先生、总统先生、副总统布什、蒙代尔先生、议员贝克先生、发言人奥尼尔先生、尊敬的摩麦先生，以及广大支持我的美国同胞们：今天对于我们中间的一些人来说，是一个非常庄严隆重的时刻。
当然，对于这个国家的历史来说，却是一件普通的事情。
按照宪法要求，政府权利正在有序地移交，我们已经如此“例行公事”了两个世纪，很少有人觉得这有什么特别的。
但在世界上更多人看来，这个我们已经习以为常的四年一次的仪式，却实在是一个奇迹。
总统先生，我希望我们的同胞们都能知道你为了这个传承而付出的努力。
通过移交程序中的通力合作，你向观察者展示了这么一个事实：我们是发誓要团结起来维护这样一个政治体制的团体，这样的体制保证了我们能够得到比其他政体更为广泛的个人自由。
同时我也要感谢你和你的伙伴们的帮助，因为你们坚持了这样的传承，而这恰恰是我们共和国的根基。
我们国家的事业在继续前进。
合众国正面临巨大的经济困难。
我们遭遇到我国历史上历时最长、最严重之一的通货膨胀，它扰乱着我们的经济决策，打击着节俭的风气，压迫着正在挣扎谋生的青年人和收入固定的中年人，威胁着要摧毁我国千百万人民的生计。
停滞的工业使工人失业、蒙受痛苦并失去了个人尊严。
即使那些有工作的人，也因税收制度的缘故而得不到公正的劳动报酬，因为这种税收制度使我们无法在事业上取得成就，使我们无法保持充分的生产力。
尽管我们的纳税负担相当沉重，但还是跟不上公共开支的增长。
数十年来，我们的赤字额屡屡上升，我们为图目前暂时的方便，把自己的前途和子孙的前途抵押出去了。
这一趋势如果长此以往，必然引起社会、文化、政治和经济等方面的大动荡。
作为个人，你们和我可以靠借贷过一种人不敷出的生活，然而只能维持一段有限的时期，我们怎么可以认为，作为一个国家整体，我们就不应受到同样的约束呢？为了保住明天，我们今天就必须行动起来。
里根演讲稿中英
里根演讲稿中英Ladies and gentlemen,。
It is a great honor for me to stand here today and address you all. Today, I would like to share with you the famous speech delivered by President Ronald Reagan at the Brandenburg Gate in West Berlin on June 12, 1987. This speech, commonly known as the "Tear down this wall" speech, is a powerful and iconic moment in history, and it continues to resonate with people around the world.In his speech, President Reagan spoke directly to the leader of the Soviet Union, Mikhail Gorbachev, and called for the dismantling of the Berlin Wall, which had divided East and West Berlin for nearly three decades. He boldly declared, "Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall!" This simple yet powerful statement captured the hearts and minds of people who longed for freedom and unity.President Reagan's speech was a testament to the enduring spirit of democracy and the unyielding belief in the power of freedom. He emphasized the importance of individual liberty and the fundamental rights of all people to live in freedom and prosperity. His words were a rallying cry for those who yearned for a world without barriers and divisions.Furthermore, President Reagan's speech demonstrated his unwavering commitment to standing up against tyranny and oppression. He spoke with conviction and courage, refusing to back down in the face of adversity. His resolute stance sent a clear message to the world that the United States would not waver in its support for those who sought to break free from the chains of oppression.Moreover, President Reagan's speech was a testament to the enduring strength of the human spirit. He spoke of the resilience and determination of the people of Berlin, who had endured years of hardship and separation. His words served as a beacon of hope, inspiring people to believe in the possibility of a brighter future.In conclusion, President Ronald Reagan's speech at the Brandenburg Gate remains a powerful symbol of courage, determination, and the unbreakable human spirit. His call to "tear down this wall" continues to inspire people to strive for a world free from division and oppression. Let us remember his words and work together to build a future where freedom and unity prevail.Thank you.。
里根发言稿
里根发言稿尊敬的各位嘉宾、朋友们：大家好！非常荣幸能够在这里与诸位共同出席今天的活动。
我是美国第40任总统罗纳德·威尔逊·里根，今天，我想与大家分享一些我作为总统时的发言稿。
四十年前的今天，我站在总统职位上，承诺要为美国人民带来一片更加繁荣、自由和安宁的未来。
作为一个国家的领导者，我意识到一切优秀的事物都需要一个坚实的基础。
对于美国来说，这个基础就是我们坚守的价值观和信念，以及我们对自由和正义的承诺。
在二战后的许多年里，美国人民付出了巨大的努力，使我们的国家变得更加强大和繁荣。
然而，我们也面临着许多挑战。
经济的衰退、政府的庞大和失控、还有社会上的分歧和紧张都是我们面临的问题。
作为总统，我认为我的首要任务是恢复美国人民的信心和自信。
我相信，只有通过引导人民回归价值观和信念，帮助他们重新找到自己的目标和目标，我们才能实现国家的繁荣和幸福。
我们的核心信念之一，就是相信个人的能力和创造力。
在美国，个人努力和奋斗的精神是得到高度尊重和赞扬的。
我们相信，只要每个人都能拥有平等的机会，就能够施展自己的才能，实现自己的梦想。
为了实现这一目标，我提出了一系列的政策和改革，以促进经济增长和创造就业机会。
我们大幅度削减了税收和精简了政府机构，以降低企业和个人的负担，并激发创新和创造力。
我们也提出了一系列的教育改革方案，旨在提高公众教育水平，以使每个人都有机会接受高质量的教育。
在国际事务上，美国始终秉持着自由和正义的信念，致力于维护全球和平与稳定。
当时，世界正陷入冷战的漩涡，国际关系紧张不安。
作为美国总统，我坚信我们应该坚定地对抗那些试图侵犯我们价值观和自由的力量。
在我执政期间，美国采取了各种措施来保护我们国家的安全。
我们加强了军事实力和战略防御能力，加强了我们与盟国的合作，共同抵抗那些试图破坏国际秩序的势力。
然而，面对这些挑战和改革，我们也遇到了许多困难和阻力。
有些人认为我们的改革措施过于激进，有些人则担心我们的国家价值观和信念正在受到侵蚀。
1984年,美国前总统里根在总统就职演说
1984年,美国前总统里根在总统就职演说篇一：1981年里根第一任总统就职演说-译文里根第一任总统就职演说罗纳德-里根第一次就职演说第40任总统(1981年-1989年)中文译文议员海特菲尔德先生、法官先生、总统先生、副总统布什、蒙代尔先生、议员贝克先生、发言人奥尼尔先生、尊敬的摩麦先生，以及广大支持我的美国同胞们：今天对于我们中间的一些人来说，是一个非常庄严隆重的时刻。
当然，对于这个国家的历史来说，却是一件普通的事情。
按照宪法要求，政府权利正在有序地移交，我们已经如此“例行公事”了两个世纪，很少有人觉得这有什么特别的。
但在世界上更多人看来，这个我们已经习以为常的四年一次的仪式，却实在是一个奇迹。
总统先生，我希望我们的同胞们都能知道你为了这个传承而付出的努力。
通过移交程序中的通力合作，你向观察者展示了这么一个事实：我们是发誓要团结起来维护这样一个政治体制的团体，这样的体制保证了我们能够得到比其他政体更为广泛的个人自由。
同时我也要感谢你和你的伙伴们的帮助，因为你们坚持了这样的传承，而这恰恰是我们共和国的根基。
我们国家的事业在继续前进。
合众国正面临巨大的经济困难。
我们遭遇到我国历史上历时最长、最严重之一的通货膨胀，它扰乱着我们的经济决策，打击着节俭的风气，压迫着正在挣扎谋生的青年人和收入固定的中年人，威胁着要摧毁我国千百万人民的生计。
停滞的工业使工人失业、蒙受痛苦并失去了个人尊严。
即使那些有工作的人，也因税收制度的缘故而得不到公正的劳动报酬，因为这种税收制度使我们无法在事业上取得成就，使我们无法保持充分的生产力。
尽管我们的纳税负担相当沉重，但还是跟不上公共开支的增长。
数十年来，我们的赤字额屡屡上升，我们为图目前暂时的方便，把自己的前途和子孙的前途抵押出去了。
这一趋势如果长此以往，必然引起社会、文化、政治和经济等方面的大动荡。
作为个人，你们和我可以靠借贷过一种人不敷出的生活，然而只能维持一段有限的时期，我们怎么可以认为，作为一个国家整体，我们就不应受到同样的约束呢？为了保住明天，我们今天就必须行动起来。
美国总统罗纳德-里根就职演讲稿(下)
美国总统罗纳德-里根就职演讲稿（下）我们听到许多关于特殊利益集团的谈论，然而。
我们必须关心一个被忽视了大久的特殊利益集团。
这个集团没有区域之分，没有人种之分，没有民族之分，没有政党之分，这个集团由许许多多的男人与女人组成，他们生产粮食，巡逻街头，管理厂矿，教育儿童，照料家务和治疗疾病。
他们是专业人员、实业家、店主、职员、出租汽车司机和货车驾驶员，总而言之，他们就是"我们人民"——这个称之为美国人的民族。
本届政府的日标是必须建立一种健全的、生气勃勃的和不断发展的经济，为全体美国人民提供一种不因偏执或歧视而造成障碍的均等机会，让美国重新工作起来，意味着让全体美国人重新工作起来。
制止通货膨胀，意味着让全体美国人从失控的生活费用所造成的恐惧中解脱出来。
人人都应分担"新开端"的富有成效的工作，人人都应分享经济复苏的硕果。
我国制度和力量的核心是理想主义和公正态度，有了这些，我们就能建立起强大、繁荣、国内稳定并同全世界和平相处的美国。
因此，在我们开始之际，让我们看看实际情况。
我们是一个拥有政府的国家——而不是一个拥有国家的政府。
这一点使我们在世界合国中独树一帜，我们的政府除了人民授予的权力，没有任何别的权力。
目前，政府权力的膨胀已显示出超过被统治者同意的迹象，制止并扭转这种状况的时候到了。
我打算压缩联邦机构的规模和权力，并要求大家承认联邦政府被授予的权力同各州或人民保留的权利这两者之间的区别。
我们大家都需要提醒：不是联邦政府创立了各州，而是各州创立了联邦政府。
因此，请不要误会，我的意思不是要取消政府，而是要它发挥作用——同我们一起合作，而不是凌驾于我们之上；同我们并肩而立，而不是骑在我们的背上。
政府能够而且必须提供机会，而不是扼杀机会，它能够而且必须促进生产力，而不是抑制生产力。
如果我们要探究这么多年来我们为什么能取得这么大成就，并获得了世界上任何一个民族未曾获得的繁荣昌盛，其原因是在这片土地上，我们使人类的能力和个人的才智得到了前所未有的发挥。
里根就任发言稿
里根就任发言稿尊敬的美国国民：感谢大家对我的支持和信任，今天我站在这里庄重宣誓就任美利坚合众国第40届总统。
我知道，在这个伟大的国家的历史上，我将承担重任。
作为总统，我将尽我所能，为美国和美国人民的利益而奋斗。
我还清晰地记得我第一次踏足白宫的那一刻，那是一种令人激动的时刻。
那时我向往的并不是权力和荣耀，而是为这个国家做出一些改变，为人民谋福祉。
在我就任总统之际，我深感美国正面临着一系列重大挑战。
经济的不稳定、失业率的上升、贫困问题的日益突出，这些都是我们所面临的紧迫问题。
我们不能坐以待毙，我们必须争分夺秒，采取有力的措施，为美国的经济恢复和人民的福祉做出努力。
首先，我将致力于促进经济增长和创造就业机会。
我们需要采取更加积极的政策，鼓励企业投资和扩张，为创业者提供更多的支持。
我们还要加大对教育的投资，提高人民的素质和技能水平，为他们创造更多的就业机会。
其次，我将努力解决贫困问题。
贫困是我们这个国家最大的耻辱之一，我们不能置之不理。
我将提出一系列减贫计划，包括增加政府对贫困人群的直接援助和提供更多的就业机会。
我还将推动改革社会保障体系，确保每个人都能获得基本的福利和保障。
此外，我将致力于改善医疗系统和提高医疗保健服务的质量。
我们的医疗系统存在着许多问题，比如高昂的医疗费用和不公平的医疗资源分配。
我将推动医疗改革，保障每个人都能获得高质量的医疗保健。
同样重要的是，我将加强国家安全的力度，确保美国的安全和利益不受威胁。
我将加大对恐怖主义的打击力度，联合其他国家加强国际合作，构建一个更加和平与安全的世界。
作为总统，我将尊重和坚守美国的核心价值观。
我将致力于维护宪法的权威，保护每个人的基本权利和自由。
我将尊重国会和司法部门的独立性，确保我们的国家保持着均衡和稳定。
最后，我希望借此机会向所有的美国人民发出一个呼吁。
让我们团结起来，共同努力，为我们的国家和人民谋福祉。
让我们抛弃分裂和仇恨，追求团结和进步。
让我们展示出一个团结、强大和充满机遇的美国。
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First Inaugural Address of Ronald Reagan里根第一任总统就职演说TUESDAY, JANUARY 20, 1981第40任总统(1981年-1989年)（一）Senator Hatfield, Mr. Chief Justice, Mr. President, Vice President Bush, Vice President Mondale, Senator Baker, Speaker O'Neill, Reverend Moomaw, and my fellow citizens: To a few of us here today, this is a solemn and most momentous occasion; and yet, in the history of our Nation, it is a commonplace occurrence. The orderly transfer of authority as called for in the Constitution routinely takes place as it has for almost two centuries and few of us stop to think how unique we really are. In the eyes of many in the world, this every-4-year ceremony we accept as normal is nothing less than a miracle.议员海特菲尔德先生、法官先生、总统先生、副总统布什、蒙代尔先生、议员贝克先生、发言人奥尼尔先生、尊敬的摩麦先生，以及广大支持我的美国同胞们：今天对于我们中间的一些人来说，是一个非常庄严隆重的时刻。
当然，对于这个国家的历史来说，却是一件普通的事情。
按照宪法要求，政府权利正在有序地移交，我们已经如此“例行公事”了两个世纪，很少有人觉得这有什么特别的。
但在世界上更多人看来，这个我们已经习以为常的四年一次的仪式，却实在是一个奇迹。
（二）Mr. President, I want our fellow citizens to know how much you did to carry on this tradition. By your gracious cooperation in the transition process, you have shown a watching world that we are a united people pledged to maintaining a political system which guarantees individual liberty to a greater degree than any other, and I thank you and your people for all your help in maintaining the continuity which is the bulwark of our Republic.总统先生，我希望我们的同胞们都能知道你为了这个传承而付出的努力。
通过移交程序中的通力合作，你向观察者展示了这么一个事实：我们是发誓要团结起来维护这样一个政治体制的团体，这样的体制保证了我们能够得到比其他政体更为广泛的个人自由。
同时我也要感谢你和你的伙伴们的帮助，因为你们坚持了这样的传承，而这恰恰是我们共和国的根基。
The business of our nation goes forward. These United States are confronted with an economic affliction of great proportions. We suffer from the longest and one of the worst sustained inflations in our national history. It distorts our economic decisions, penalizes thrift, and crushes the struggling young and the fixed- income elderly alike. It threatens to shatter the lives of millions of our people.我们国家的事业在继续前进。
合众国正面临巨大的经济困难。
我们遭遇到我国历史上历时最长、最严重之一的通货膨胀，它扰乱着我们的经济决策，打击着节俭的风气，压迫着正在挣扎谋生的青年人和收入固定的中年人，威胁着要摧毁我国千百万人民的生计。
（三）Idle industries have cast workers into unemployment, causing human misery and personal indignity. Those who do work are denied a fair return for their labor by a tax system which penalizes successful achievement and keeps us from maintaining full productivity.But great as our tax burden is, it has not kept pace with public spending. For decades, we have piled deficit upon deficit, mortgaging our future and our children's future for the temporary convenience of the present. To continue this long trend is to guarantee tremendous social, cultural, political, and economic upheavals.停滞的工业使工人失业、蒙受痛苦并失去了个人尊严。
即使那些有工作的人，也因税收制度的缘故而得不到公正的劳动报酬，因为这种税收制度使我们无法在事业上取得成就，使我们无法保持充分的生产力。
尽管我们的纳税负担相当沉重，但还是跟不上公共开支的增长。
数十年来，我们的赤字额屡屡上升，我们为图目前暂时的方便，把自己的前途和子孙的前途抵押出去了。
这一趋势如果长此以往，必然引起社会、文化、政治和经济等方面的大动荡。
（四）You and I, as individuals, can, by borrowing, live beyond our means, but for only a limited period of time. Why, then, should we think that collectively, as a nation, we are not bound by that same limitation?We must act today in order to preserve tomorrow. And let there be no misunderstanding--we are going to begin to act, beginning today.The economic ills we suffer have come upon us over several decades. They will not go away in days, weeks, or months, but they will go away. They will go away because we, asAmericans, have the capacity now, as we have had in the past, to do whatever needs to be done to preserve this last and greatest bastion of freedom.In this present crisis, government is not the solution to our ernment is the problem.作为个人，你们和我可以靠借贷过一种人不敷出的生活，然而只能维持一段有限的时期，我们怎么可以认为，作为一个国家整体，我们就不应受到同样的约束呢？为了保住明天，我们今天就必须行动起来。
大家都要明白无误地懂得--我们从今天起就要采取行动。
我们深受其害的经济弊病，几十年来一直袭击着我们。
这些弊病不会在几天、几星期或几个月内消失，但它们终将消失。
它们之所以终将消失，是因为我们作为现在的美国人，一如既往地有能力去完成需要完成的事情，以保存这个最后而又最伟大的自由堡垒。
在当前这场危机中，政府的管理不能解决我们面临的问题。
政府的管理就是问题所在。
（五）From time to time, we have been tempted to believe that society has become too complex to be managed by self-rule, that government by an elite group is superior to government for, by, and of the people. But if no one among us is capable of governing himself, then who among us has the capacity to govern someone else? All of us together, in and out of government, must bear the burden. The solutions we seek must be equitable, with no one group singled out to pay a higher price.我们时常误以为，社会已经越来越复杂，已经不可能凭借自治方式加以管理，而一个由杰出人物组成的政府要比民享、民治、民有的政府高明。
可是，假如我们之中谁也管理不了自己，那么，我们之中谁还能去管理他人呢。