林肯就职演说

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亚伯拉罕 林肯 就职演讲

亚伯拉罕 林肯  就职演讲

亚伯拉罕林肯--连任就职演说(1865年3月14日)同胞们:在这第二次宣誓就任总统时,我不必像第一次那样发表长篇演说。

对于将要执行的方针稍作详尽的说明似乎是恰当而适宜的。

现在,4年任期已满,对于这场仍然吸引着全国关注并占用了全国力量的重大斗争的每一重要关头和方面,这4年间已不断地发布公告,因此我没有什么新情况可以奉告。

我们军队的进展是其他一切的主要依靠,公众和我一样都清楚地了解军队的情况,我深信,大家对此都是感到满意和鼓舞的。

我们对未来抱有极大的希望,但却不敢作出任何预测。

4年前我就任总统时,同胞们的思想都焦急地集中在日益迫近的内战上。

大家都害怕内战,都想避免内战。

当我在这个地方就职演说,竭尽全力想不经过战争来拯救联邦时,叛乱分子却在这个城市里图谋不经过战争来毁灭联邦——企图以谈判方式解放邦并分割财产。

双方都表示反对战争,但一方宁愿发动战争也不愿让国家生存,而一方则宁可接受战争也不肯让国家灭亡,于是战争就爆发了。

我国全部人口的八分之一是黑人奴隶,他们并不是遍布于联邦各地,而是集中在联邦南部。

这些奴隶构成了一种特殊的、重大的利益。

大家都知道,这种利益由于某种原因竟成了这次战争的根源。

叛乱者的目的是加强,永保和扩大这种利益,为此他们不惜用战争来分裂联邦,而政府却只是宣布有权限制这种利益的地区和扩大。

双方都没有料到战争竟会达到如此规模,历时如此长久。

双方也没有预期冲突的根源会随着冲突本身而消除,甚至会提前消除。

各方都期望赢得轻松些,期望结局不至于那么涉及根本,那么惊人。

双方同读一本《圣经》,向同一个上帝祈祷,而且都乞求上帝的帮助来与对方为敌。

看来十分奇怪,居然有人敢要求公正的上帝帮助他们从黑人脸上的汗水中榨取面包,但是我们且勿评论别人,以免被人评论。

双方的祷告不可能都应验。

也没有一方的祷告全部得到应验。

全能的上帝有他自己的意旨。

“这世界有祸了,因为将绊倒,绊倒人的事是免不了的,但那绊倒人的有祸了。

”如果我们设想美国的奴隶制按照天意必然来到的罪恶之一,并且在上帝规定的时间内继续存在,而现在上帝要予以铲除,于是他就把这场可怕的战争作为犯罪者应受的灾难降临南北双方,那么,我们能看出其中有任何违背天意之处吗?相信上帝永存的人总是把天意归于上帝的。

林肯第二次就职演说

林肯第二次就职演说

林肯第二次就职演说篇一:林肯第二次就职演讲(中文)在我现在第二次来到这里宣誓就任总统职位的时候,就不十分必要像第一次就职时那样作长篇演说了。

那时,一篇关于我将采取的方针的比较详尽的说明,似乎是比较合适和理所当然的。

可是现在,四年任期刚刚结束,在这期间,关于那至今仍吸引着举国上下的注意,消耗着全民的精力的巨大斗争的各个阶段的任何一个细节,随时都有公告发奉,现在也实在再没有多少新东西可讲了。

关于我们的军事进展情况——它是其它一切的主要依靠所在——,公众也了解得和我本人一样清楚;而且我相信对所有的人来说都是相当满意和令人鼓舞的。

既然对未来充满了希望,那么在这里也就无意冒昧作出预测了。

也正是在四年之前我就任总统的那一场合,所有的人都在为即将来临的内战惴惴不安。

所有的人都害怕内战——都竭力想避免内战发生。

而当我在这里发表就职演说,决定不惜采用一切力量,但不用战争,拯救联邦的时候,叛乱分子的代理人却在全城到处活动,力求不用战争摧毁联邦——力求通过谈判瓦解联邦,分裂国家。

——双方都声称反对战争;但可是他们中的一方却宁愿发动战争也不让这个国家生存下去;另一方也则宁可接受战争也不能眼看着国家灭亡。

于是战争便打起来了。

在全国人口中有八分之一是黑人奴隶,他们并非遍布在全国各地,而是大部分集中在我国南方。

这些黑人构成一个特殊强有力的权益。

大家都知道这权益是导致战争的原因。

为了达到加强、永久化保持和扩大这个权益的目的,叛乱分子甚至不惜通过战争瓦解联邦;而政府方面,只不过是要求有权限制奴隶制扩大其地域。

双方谁也没有料想到,战争竟会达到现在已出现了这种规模,或持续这么久。

双方谁也不曾料到,冲突的缘由可能会随着冲突的结束而结束,或甚至在冲突本身结束之前,便已终止;每一方都寻求能比较轻易地获得胜利,战争的结果也不那么带有根本性和惊人。

双方都读着同一部《圣经》,祈祷于同一个上帝;每一方都求上帝帮助他们一方,而反对另一方。

这看来也许有些不可思议,怎么可能有人公然敢于祈求公正的上帝帮助他从别人的血汗中榨取面包;不过,我们且不要论断别人,以免自己遭到论断吧。

林肯就职演讲稿

林肯就职演讲稿

林肯就职演讲稿篇一:林肯总统就职演说林肯总统第一次就职演说(1861年3月4日)林肯[学术交流网按:林肯是美国人民和政治家推崇的伟大人物之一,他的维护国家同意,反对分裂的主张,反对扩张奴隶制的主张尤其受到广泛赞扬。

自2005年3月1日起发布林肯总统有关维护国家统一、反对分裂的演说、信件、咨文的内容。

]合众国的同胞们:1861年3月4日按照一个和我们的政府一样古老的习惯,我现在来到诸位的面前,简单地讲几句话,并在你们的面前,遵照合众国宪法规定一个总统在他“到职视事之前”必须宣誓的仪式,在大家面前宣誓。

我认为没有必要在这里来讨论并不特别令人忧虑和不安的行政方面的问题。

在南方各州人民中似乎存在着一种恐惧心理。

他们认为,随着共和党政府的执政,他们的财产,他们的和平生活和人身安全都将遭到危险。

这种恐惧是从来没有任何事实根据的。

说实在的,大量相反的证据倒是一直存在,并随时可以供他们检查的。

那种证据几乎在现在对你们讲话的这个人公开发表的每一篇演说中都能找到。

这里我只想引用其中的一篇,在那篇演说中我曾说,“我完全无意,对已经存在奴隶制的各州的这一制度,进行直接或间接的干涉。

我深信我根本没有合法权利那样做,而且我无此意图。

”那些提名我并选举我的人都完全知道,我曾明确这么讲过,并且还讲过许多类似的话,而且从来也没有收回过我已讲过的这些话。

不仅如此,他们还在纲领中,写进了对他们和对我来说,都具有法律效力的一项清楚明白、不容含糊的决议让我接受。

这里我来对大家谈谈这一决议:“决议,保持各州的各种权利不受侵犯,特别是各州完全凭自己的决断来安排和控制本州内部各种制度的权利不受侵犯,乃是我们的政治结构赖以完善和得以持久的权力均衡的至为重要的因素;我们谴责使用武装力量非法入侵任何一个州或准州的土地,这种入侵不论使用什么借口,都是最严重的罪行。

”我现在重申这些观点:而在这样做的时候,我只想提请公众注意,最能对这一点提出确切证据的那就是全国任何一个地方的财产、和平生活和人身安全决不会在任何情况下,由于即将上任的政府而遭到危险。

林肯就职演说稿

林肯就职演说稿

林肯就职演说稿Fellow-countrymen:at this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. then a statement somewhat in detail of a course to be pursued seemed fitting and proper. now, at the expiration of four years, during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of his great contest which still absorbs the attention and engrosses the energies of the nation, little that is new could be presented. the progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself, and it is, i trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. with high hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured.on the occasion corresponding to this four years ago all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war. all dreaded it; all sought to avert it. while the inaugural address was being delivered from this place, devoted altogether to saving teing delivered from thisurgent agentswere in the city seeking to destroy it without war-seeking to dissolve the union and divide effects by negotiation. both parties deprecated war, but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive, and the other would accept war rather than let it perish, and the war came. one-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed generally over the union, but localized in the southern part of it. their slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. all knew that this interest was somehow the cause of the war. to strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the union even by war, while the government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it. neither party expected for the war the magnitude or the duration, which it has already attained. neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with or even before the conflict itself should cease. each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and astounding. both read the same bible and pray to the same god, and each invokes his aid against the other. it may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just god's assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men's faces, but let us judgenot, that we be not judged. that of neither has been answered fully. the almighty has his own purposes. woe unto the world because of offenses; for it must need be that offenses come, but woe to that man by whom the offense comet. if we shall suppose that american slavery is one of those offenses which, in the providence of god, must needs come, but which, having continued through his appointed time, he now wills to remove, and that he gives to both north and south this terrible war as the woe due to those by whom the offense came, shall we discern there in any departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a living god always ascribe to him? fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away? yet, if god wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the bondsman's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago so still it must be said the judgments of the lord are true and righteous altogether.with malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as god gives us to see the might, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up thenation's wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle and for his widow and his orphan, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations.各位同胞:在这第二任就职的宣誓典礼上,不必像在第一任的时候那样做一个长篇的演说。

林肯的就职演讲稿(共8篇)(精简版)

林肯的就职演讲稿(共8篇)(精简版)

林肯的就职演讲稿(共8篇)林肯的就职演讲稿(共8篇)篇一:林肯就职演说原文1林肯的第二任总统就职演说这篇演说的讲稿是人类历史上最伟大的演说词,永久地刻在了林肯纪念堂里,英文原文是: At this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office,there is less occasion for an extended address than there as at the first. Then a statement,somehat in detail,of a course to be pursued,seemed fitting and proper. No,at the expiration of four years,during hich public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of the great contest hich still absorbs the attention,and engrosses the energies of the nation,little that is ne could be presented. The progress of our arms,upon hich all else chiefly depends,is as ell knon to the public as to myself; and it is,I trust,reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. With high hope for the future,no prediction in regard to it is ventured. On the occasion corresponding to this four years ago,all thoughts ere anxiously directed to an impending civil ar. All dreaded it--all sought to avert it. While the inaugural address as being delivered from this place,devoted altogether to saving the Union ithout ar,insurgent agents ere in the city seeking to destroy it ithout ar--seeking to dissolve the Union,and divide effects,by negotiation. Both parties deprecated ar; but one of them ould make ar rather than let the nation survive; and the other ould accept ar rather than let it perish. And the ar came. One eighth of the hole population ere colored slaves,not distributed generally over the Union,but localized in the Southern part of it. These slaves constituted a peculiar and poerful interest. All kne that this interest as,someho,the cause of the ar. To strengthen,perpetuate,and extend this interest as the object for hich the insurgents ould rend theUnion,even by ar; hile the government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it. Neither party expected for the ar,the magnitude,or the duration,hich it has already attained. Neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease ith,or even before,the conflict itself should cease. Each looked for an easier triumph,and a result less fundamental and astounding. Both read the same Bible,and astounding to the same God; and each invokes His aid against the other. It may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just God s assistance in ringing their bread fromthe seat of other men s faces; but let us judge not that e be not judged. The prayers of both could not be ansered; that of neither has been ansered fully. The Almighty has his on purposes. Woe unto the orld because of offence! for it must needs be that offence s e; but oe to that man by hom the offence eth! If e shall suppose that American Slavery is one of those offences hich,in the providence of God,must needs e,but hich,having continued through His appointed time,He no ills to remove,and that He gives to both North and South,this terrible ar,as the oe due to those by hom the offence came,shall e discern therein any departure from those divine attributes hich the believers in a Living God alays ascribe to Him? Fondly do e hope--fervently do e pray--that this mighty scourge of ar may speedily pass aay. Yet,if God ills that it continue,until all the ealth piled by the bond-man s to hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk,and until every drop of blood dran ith the lash,shall be paid by another dran ith the sord,as as said three thousand years ago,so still it must be said the judgments of the Lord,are true and righteous altogether With malice toard none; ith charity for all; ith firmness in the right,as God gives us to see the right,let us strive onto finish the ork e are in; to bind up the nation s ounds; to care for him ho shall have borne the battle,and for his ido,and his orphan--to do all hich may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace,among ourselves,and ith all nations. 最后两段译文: ? 提到祷告次数:3 ? 提到圣经次数:1 ? 引用圣经次数:2 所以只要读一下这篇讲演,就会知道林肯是怎样一位敬畏上帝,祈求上帝带领的人了!就如林肯传记《公民林肯》-- 仅仅40天后,即同年4月15号,林肯在剧院里被谋杀了。

林肯就职演讲稿范文

林肯就职演讲稿范文

林肯就职演讲稿范文篇一:林肯总统就职演说林肯总统第一次就职演说(1861年3月4日)林肯[学术交流网按:林肯是美国人民和政治家推崇的伟大人物之一他的维护国家同意反对分裂的主张反对扩张奴隶制的主张尤其受到广泛赞扬自XX年3月1日起发布林肯总统有关维护国家统一、反对分裂的演说、信件、咨文的内容]合众国的同胞们:1861年3月4日按照一个和我们的政府一样古老的习惯我现在来到诸位的面前简单地讲几句话并在你们的面前遵照合众国宪法规定一个总统在他“到职视事之前”必须宣誓的仪式在大家面前宣誓我认为没有必要在这里来讨论并不特别令人忧虑和不安的行政方面的问题在南方各州人民中似乎存在着一种恐惧心理他们认为随着共和党政府的执政他们的财产他们的和平生活和人身安全都将遭到危险这种恐惧是从来没有任何事实根据的说实在的大量相反的证据倒是一直存在并随时可以供他们检查的那种证据几乎在现在对你们讲话的这个人公开发表的每一篇演说中都能找到这里我只想引用其中的一篇在那篇演说中我曾说“我完全无意对已经存在奴隶制的各州的这一制度进行直接或间接的干涉我深信我根本没有合法权利那样做而且我无此意图”那些提名我并选举我的人都完全知道我曾明确这么讲过并且还讲过许多类似的话而且从来也没有收回过我已讲过的这些话不仅如此他们还在纲领中写进了对他们和对我来说都具有法律效力的一项清楚明白、不容含糊的决议让我接受这里我来对大家谈谈这一决议:“决议保持各州的各种权利不受侵犯特别是各州完全凭自己的决断来安排和控制本州内部各种制度的权利不受侵犯乃是我们的政治结构赖以完善和得以持久的权力均衡的至为重要的因素;我们谴责使用武装力量非法入侵任何一个州或准州的土地这种入侵不论使用什么借口都是最严重的罪行”我现在重申这些观点:而在这样做的时候我只想提请公众注意最能对这一点提出确切证据的那就是全国任何一个地方的财产、和平生活和人身安全决不会在任何情况下由于即将上任的政府而遭到危险这里我还要补充说各州只要符合宪法和法律规定合法地提出保护要求政府便一定会乐于给予保护,不管是出于什么原因一一而且对任何一个地方都一视同仁有一个争论得很多的问题是关于逃避服务或引渡从劳役中逃走的人的问题我现在要宣读的条文也和任何有关其它问题的条款一样明明白白写在宪法之中:“凡根据一个州的法律应在该州于服务或从事劳役的人如逃到另一州一律不得按照这一州的法律或条例使其解除该项服务或劳役而必须按照有权享有该项服务或劳役当事人的要求将其引渡”毫无疑问按照制订这一条款的人的意图此项规定实际指的就是对我们所说的逃亡奴隶有权索回;而法律制订人的这一意图实际已成为法律国会的所有议员都曾宣誓遵守宪法中的一切条款——对这一条和其它各条并无两样因此关于适合这一条款规定的奴隶应“将其引渡”这一点他们的誓言是完全一致的那么现在如果他们心平气和地作一番努力他们难道不能以几乎同样完全一致的誓言制订一项法律以使他们的共同誓言得以实施?究竟这一条款应该由国家当局还是由州当局来执行大家的意见还不完全一致;但可以肯定地说这种分歧并不十分重要的问题只要奴隶能被交还那究竟由一个当局来交还对奴隶或对别的人来说没有什么关系任何人在任何情况下也决不会因为应以何种方式来实现他的誓言这样一个无关紧要的争执他便会认为完全可以不遵守自己的誓言吧?另外在任何有关这一问题的法律中应不应该把文明和人道法学中关于自由的各项保证都写上以防止在任何情况下使一个自由人被作为奴隶交出?同时宪法中还有一条规定明确保证“每一州的公民都享有其它各州公民所享有公民的一切特权和豁免权”我们用法律保证使这一条文得以执行那不是更好?我今天在这里正式宣誓思想上决无任何保留也决无意以任何过于挑剔的标准来解释宪法或法律条文我现在虽不打算详细指出国会的些法令必须要遵照执行;但我建议我们大家不论以个人身份还是以公职人员的身份为了有更多的安全我们最好服从并遵守现在还没有废除的一切法令而不要轻易相信可以指之为不合宪法便可以逃脱罪责而对它们公然违反自从第一任总统根据国家宪法宣誓就职以来七十二年已经过去了在这期间十五位十分杰出的公民相继主持过政府的行政部门他们引导着它度过了许多艰难险阻;一般都获得极大的成功然而尽管有这么多可供参考的先例我现在将在宪法所规定的短短四年任期中来担任这同一任务却.面临着巨大的非同一般的困难在此以前分裂联邦只是受到了威胁而现在却是已出现力图分裂它的可怕行动了从一般法律和我们的宪法来仔细考虑我坚信我们各州组成的联邦是永久性的在一切国民政府的根本大法中永久性这一点虽不一定写明却是不言而喻的我们完全可以肯定说没有一个名副其实的政府会在自己的根本法中定出一条规定自己完结的期限继续执行我国宪法所明文规定的各项条文联邦便将永远存在下去——除了采取并未见之于宪法的行动谁也不可能毁灭掉联邦还有就算合众国并不是个名副其实的政府而只是依靠契约成立的一个各州的联合体那既有契约的约束若非参加这一契约的各方一致同意我们能说取消就把它取消?参加订立契约的一方可以违约或者说毁约;但如果合法地取消这一契约岂能不需要大家一致同意?从这些总原则出发我们发现从法学观点来看联邦具有永久性质的提法是为联邦自身的历史所证实的联邦本身比宪法更为早得多事实上它是由1774年签订的《联合条款》建立的到1776年的《独立宣言》才使它进一步成熟和延续下来然后通过1778年的“邦联条款”使它更臻成熟当时参加的十三个州便已明确保证要使邦联永久存在下去最后到1787年制订的宪法公开宣布的目的之一便是“组建一个更为完美的联邦”但是如果任何一个州或几个州也可以合法地把联邦给取消掉加这个联邦可是比它在宪法制订以前还更不完美了因为它已失去了它的一个至关重要因素——永久性从这些观点我们可以认定任何一个州都不可能仅凭自己动议便能合法地退出联邦——而任何以此为目的的决议和法令在法律上都是无效的;至于任何一州或几州的反对合众国当局的暴力行为都可以依据具体情况视为叛乱或革命行为因此我认为,从宪法和法律的角度来看联邦是不容分裂的;我也将竭尽全力按照宪法明确赋于我的责任坚决负责让联邦的一切法令在所有各州得以贯彻执行这样做我认为只是履行我应负的简单职责;只要是可行的我就一定要履行它除非我的合法的主人美国人民收回赋予我的不可缺少的工具或行使他们的权威命令我采取相反的行动我相信我这话决不会被看成是一种恫吓而只会被看作实现联邦已公开宣布的目的它必将按照宪法保卫和维持它自己的存在要做到这一点并不需要流血或使用暴力除非有人把它强加于国家当局否则便决不会发生那种情况赋予我的权力将被用来保持、占有和掌管属于政府的一切财产和土地征收各种税款和关税;但除开为了这些目的确有必要这外决不会有什么入侵问题——决不会在任何地方对人民或在人民之间使用武力任何内地即使对联邦政府的敌对情绪已十分严重和普遍以致妨害有能力的当地公民执行联邦职务的时候政府也决不会强制派进令人厌恶的外来人去担任这些职务尽管按严格的法律规定政府有权强制履行这些职责但一定要那样做必然非常使人不愉快也几乎不切实际所以我认为最好还是暂时先把这些职责放一放邮政除非遭到拒收仍将在联邦全境运作在可能的情况下一定要让各地人民都享有完善的安全感这十分有利于冷静思索和反思我在这里所讲的这些方针必将奉行除非当前事态和实际经验表明修改或改变方针是合适的对任何一个事件和紧急问题我一定会根据当时出现的具体形势谨慎从事期望以和平手段解决国内纠纷力图恢复兄弟爱手足情至于说某些地方总有些人不顾一切一心想破坏联邦并不惜以任何借口图谋不轨我不打算肯定或否定;如果确有这样一些人我不必要再对他们讲什么但对那些真正热爱联邦的人,我不可以讲几句?在我们着手研究如此严重的一件事情之前那就是要把我们的国家组织连同它的一切利益一切记忆和一切希望全给消灭掉难道明智的做法不是先仔细研究一下那样做究竟是为了什么?当事实上极有可能你企图逃避的祸害并不存在的时候你还会不顾一切采取那种贻害无穷的步骤?或者你要逃避的灾祸虽确实存在而在你逃往的地方却有更大的灾祸在等着你;那你会往那里逃?你会冒险犯下如此可怕的一个错误?大家都说如果宪法中所规定的一切权利都确实得到执行那他也就会留在联邦里那么真有什么如宪法申明文规定的权利被否定了?我想没有很幸运人的头脑是这样构造出来的没有一个党敢于如此冒天下之大不韪如果可能请你们讲出怕是一个例子来说明有什么宪法中明文规定的条款是没有得到执行的如果多数派完全靠人数上的优势剥夺掉少数派宪法上明文规定的权利这件事从道义的角度来看也许可以说革命是正当的——如果被剥夺的是极为重要的权利那革命就肯定无疑是合理行动但我们的情况却并非如此少数派和个人的一切重要权利在宪法中通过肯定和否定、保证和禁令;都一一向他们作了明确保证,以致关于这类问题从来也没有引起过争论但是在制订基本法时却不可能对实际工作中出现的任何问题都一一写下可以立即加以应用的条文再高明的预见也不可能料定未来的一切任何长度适当的文件也不可能包容下针对一切可能发生的问题的条文逃避劳役的人到底应该由联邦政府交还还是由州政府交还呢?宪法上没有具体规定国会可以在准州禁止奴隶制?宪法没有具体规定国会必须保护准州的奴隶制?宪法也没有具体规定从这类问题中引出了我们对宪法问题的争端并因这类问题使我们分成了多数派和少数派如果少数派不肯默认多数派便必须默认否则政府便只好停止工作了再没有任何别的路可走;要让政府继续行使职权便必须要这一方或那一方默认在这种情况下如果一个少数派宁可脱离也决不默认那他们也就开创将来必会使他们分裂和毁灭的先例;因为当多数派拒绝接受这样一个少数派的控制的时候他们中的少数派便必会从他们之中再脱离出去比如说一个新的联盟的任何一部分在一两年之后为什么就不会像现在的联邦中的一些部分坚决要脱离出去一样执意要从从那个新联盟中脱离出去所有怀着分裂联邦思想的人现在都正接受着分裂思想的教育难道要组成一个新联邦的州它们的利益竟会是那样完全一致它们只会有和谐而不会再出现脱离行动?非常清楚脱离的中心思想实质就是无政府主义一个受着宪法的检查和限制的约束总是随着大众意见和情绪的慎重变化而及时改变的多数派是自由人民的唯一真正的统治者谁要想排斥他们便必然走向无政府主义或专制主义完全一致是根本不可能的;把少数派的统治作为一种长期安排是完全不能接受的所以一旦排斥了多数原则剩下的便只有某种形式的无政府主义或某专制主义了我没有忘记某些人的说法认为宪法问题应该由最高法院来裁决我也不否认这种裁决在任何情况下对诉讼各万以及诉讼目的完全具有约束力而且在类似的情况中—应受到政府的一切其它部门高度的尊重和重视尽管非常明显这类裁决在某一特定案例中都很可能会是错误的然而这样随之而来的恶果总只限于该特定案件同时裁决还有机会被驳回不致成为以后判案的先例那这种过失比起其它的过失来当然更让人容易忍受同时正直的公民必须承认如果政府在有关全体人民利害的重大问题的政策都得由最高法院的裁决作出决定那一旦对个人之间的一般诉讼作出裁决时人民便已不再是自己的主人而达到了将他们的政府交给那个高于一切的法庭的地步了我这样说决无意对法院或法官表示不满一件案子按正常程序送到他们面前对它作出正当裁决是他们的不可推卸的责任;如果别的人硬要把他们的判决用来达到政治目的那并不是他们的过错我国有一部分人相信奴隶制是正确的应该扩展而另一部分人又相信它是错误的不应该扩展这是唯一的实质性的争执宪法中有关逃亡奴隶的条款以及制止对外奴隶贸易的法律在一个人民的道德观念并不支持该法的社会里它们的执行情况也许不次于任何一项法律所能达到的程度在两种情况下绝大多数的人都遵守枯燥乏味的法律义务但又都有少数人不听那一套关于这一点我想要彻底解决是根本不可能的;如果寸巴两个地区分离以后情况只会更坏对外奴隶贸易现在并未能完全加以禁止最后在一个地区中必将全面恢复;对于逃亡奴隶在另一个地区现在送回的只是一部分将来会完全不肯交出来了就自然条件而言我们是不能分离的我们决不能把我们的各个地区相互搬开也不可能在它们之间修建起一道无法逾越的高墙一对夫妻可以离婚各走各的路彼此再不见面但我们国家的各部分可无法这么办它们只能面对面相处友好也罢仇视也罢他们仍必须彼此交往我们维道能有任何办法使得这种交往在分离之后比分离:之前更为有利更为令人满意?难道在外人之间订立条约比在朋友之间制订法律还更为容易?难道在外人之间履行条约比在朋友之间按法律办事还更忠实?就算你们决定诉诸战争你们总不能永远打下去吧;最后当两败俱伤而双方都一无所获时你们停止战斗那时依照什么条件相互交往这同一个老问题仍会照样摆在你们面前了这个国家连同它的各种机构都属于居住在这里的人民任何时候他们对现存政府感到厌倦了他们可以行使他们的宪法权利改革这个政府或者行使他们的革命权利解散它或者推翻它我当然知道现在就有许多尊贵的、爱国的公民极于想修订我们的宪法尽管我自己不会那么建议我却也完全承认他们在这个问题上的合法权利承认他们可以按照宪法所规定的两种方式中的任何一种来行使这种权利;而且在目前情况下我不但不反对而倒是赞成给人民一个公正的机会让他们去行动我还不禁要补充一点在我看来采取举行会议的方式似乎更好一些这样可以使修订方案完全由人民自己提出而不是只让他们去接受或拒绝一些并非特别为此目的而选出的一些人提出的方案因为也可能那些方案恰恰并不是他们愿意接受或拒绝的我了解到现在已有人提出一项宪法修正案——这修正案我并没有看到但在国会中已经通过了大意说联邦政府将永远不再干涉各州内部制度包括那些应服劳役者的问题为了使我讲的话不致被误解我现在改变我不谈具体修正案的原来的打算明确声明这样一个条款既然现在可能列入宪法我不反对使它成为明确而不可改动的条文合众国总统的一切权威都来之于人民人民并没有授于他规定条件让各州脱离出去的权力人民自己如果要那样干那自然也是可以的;可是现在的行政当局不能这样做他的职责是按照他接任时的样子管理这个政府然后,毫无损伤地再移交给他的继任者我们为什么不能耐心地坚决相信人民的最终的公道呢?难道在整个世界上还有什么更好的或与之相等的希望?在我们今天的分歧中难道双方不都是认为自己正确?如果万国的全能统治者以他的永恒的真理和公正站在你们北方一边或你们南方一边那么依照美国人民这一伟大法官的判决真理和公正必将胜利按照目前我们生活其下的现政府的构架我国人民十分明智;授于他们的公仆的胡作非为的权力是微乎其微的;而且同样还十分明智地规定即使那点微乎其微的权力经过很短一段时间后就必须收回到他们自己手中由于人民保持他们的纯正和警惕任何行政当局在短短的四年之中也不可能用极其恶劣或愚蠢的行为对这个政府造成严重的损害我的同胞们请大家对这整个问题平心静气地好好想一想真正有价值的东西是不会因从容从事而丧失的如果有个什么目标使你迫不及待地要取得它你采取的步骤是在审慎考虑的情况下不会采取的那个目标的确可能会由于你的从容不迫而达不到;但一个真正好的自标是不会因为从容从事而失去的你们中现在感到不满的人仍然必须遵守原封未动的老宪法新个敏感的问题上仍然有根据宪法制订的法律;而对此二者新政府即使想要加以改变它自身也立即无此权力即使承认你们那些心怀不满的人在这一争执中站在正确的一边那也丝毫没有正当的理由要采取贸然行动明智、爱国主义、基督教精神以及对从未抛弃过这片得天独厚的土地的上帝的依赖仍然完全能够以最理想的方式来解决我们当前的一切困难决定内战这个重大问题的是你们我的心怀不满的同胞们而并非决定于我政府决不会攻击你们只要你们自己不当侵略者就不会发生冲突你们并没有对天发誓必须毁灭这个政府而我却曾无比庄严地宣誓一定要“保持、保护和保卫”这个政府我真不想就此结束我的讲话我们不是敌人而是朋友我们决不能成为敌人尽管目前的情绪有些紧张但决不能容许它使我们之间的亲密情感纽带破裂的神秘琴弦在整个这片辽阔的土地上从每一个战场每一个爱国志士的坟墓延伸到每一颗跳动的心和每一个家庭它有一天会被我们的良知所触动再次奏出联邦合唱曲篇二:林肯就职演说原文1林肯的第二任总统就职演说这篇演说的讲稿是人类历史上最伟大的演说词永久地刻在了林肯纪念堂里英文原文是:Atthissecondappearingtotaketheoathofthepresidentialofficeth ereislessoccasionforanextendedaddressthantherewasatthefirst .Thenastatementsomewhatindetailofacoursetobepursuedseemedfi ttingandproper.Nowattheexpirationoffouryearsduringwhichpubl icdeclarationshavebeenconstantlycalledforthoneverypointandphaseofthegreatcontestwhichstillabsorbstheattentionandengros sestheenergiesofthenationlittlethatisnewcouldbepresented.Th eprogressofourarmsuponwhichallelsechieflydependsisaswellkno wntothepublicastomyself;anditisItrustreasonablysatisfactory andencouragingtoall.Withhighhopeforthefuturenopredictioninr egardtoitisventured.Ontheoccasioncorrespondingtothisfouryearsagoallthoughtswere anxiouslydirectedtoanimpendingcivilwar.Alldreadeditallsough ttoavertit.Whiletheinauguraladdresswasbeingdeliveredfromthi splacedevotedaltogethertosavingtheUnionwithoutwarinsurgenta gentswereinthecityseekingtodestroyitwithoutwarseekingtodiss olvetheUnionanddivideeffectsbynegotiation.Bothpartiesdeprec atedwar;butoneofthemwouldmakewarratherthanletthenationsurvi ve;andtheotherwouldacceptwarratherthanletitperish.Andthewar came.OneeighthofthewholepopulationwerecoloredslavesnotdistributedgenerallyovertheUnionbutlocalizedintheSouthernpa rtofit.Theseslavesconstitutedapeculiarandpowerfulinterest.A llknewthatthisinterestwassomehowthecauseofthewar.Tostrength enperpetuateandextendthisinterestwastheobjectforwhichtheinsurgentswouldrendtheUnionevenbywar;whilethegovernmentclai mednorighttodomorethantorestricttheterritorialenlargementof it.Neitherpartyexpectedforthewarthemagnitudeorthedurationwh ichithasalreadyattained.Neitheranticipatedthatthecauseofthe conflictmightceasewithorevenbeforetheconflictitselfshouldce ase.Eachlookedforaneasiertriumphandaresultlessfundamentalandast ounding.BothreadthesameBibleandastoundingtothesameGod;andea chinvokesHisaidagainsttheother.Itmayseemstrangethatanymensh oulddaretoaskajustGod'sassistanceinwringingtheirbreadfromthesweatofothermen'sfaces;butletusjudgenotthatwebenotjudged .Theprayersofbothcouldnotbeanswered;thatofneitherhasbeenans weredfully.TheAlmightyhashisownpurposes.Woeuntotheworldbeca useofoffence!foritmustneedsbethatoffencese;butwoetothatmanbywhomtheoffen ceeth!IfweshallsupposethatAmericanSlaveryisoneofthoseoffenceswhic hintheprovidenceofGodmustneedsebutwhichhavingcontinuedthrou ghHisappointedtimeHenowwillstoremoveandthatHegivestobothNorthandSouththisterriblewarasthewoeduetothosebywhomtheoffence cameshallwediscernthereinanydeparturefromthosedivineattribu teswhichthebelieversinaLivingGodalwaysascribetoHim?Fondlydo wehopeferventlydowepraythatthismightyscourgeofwarmayspeedil ypassaway.YetifGodwillsthatitcontinueuntilallthewealthpiled bythebondman'stwohundredandfiftyyearsofuequitedtoilshallbes unkanduntileverydropofblooddrawnwiththelashshallbepaidbyano therdrawnwiththeswordaswassaidthreethousandyearsagosostilli tmustbesaidthejudgmentsoftheLordaretrueandrighteousaltogeth erWithmalicetowardnone;withcharityforall;withfirmnessintherig htasGodgivesustoseetherightletusstriveontofinishtheworkwear ein;tobindupthenation'swounds;tocareforhimwhoshallhaveborne thebattleandforhiswidowandhisorphantodoallwhichmayachievean dcherishajustandlastingpeaceamongourselvesandwithallnations .最后两段译文:(交战)每一方都在寻求一个快速的、不伤根本的胜利双方都读同一本圣经向同一位上帝祷告求祂的帮助看起来真是奇怪:一些人竟企求上帝让别人流汗而使自己可以得到面包;但是不要让我们论断如果我们自己不想被论断的话双方的祷告不会同时被回答任何一方的祷告也不会被完全应允全能的神自有其旨意“祸哉世界!因着必来之罪;祸哉此人罪因其而来”如果我们假设美国奴隶制度乃是众罪之一此罪到了期限神便定意除去这个制度引发这一场可怖的南北战争因为灾降于那些罪因其而来的人身上如同以往圣徒所描写的神的属性神的作为难道会有任何偏差我们热切地盼望恒切地祷告这场惩罚性的战争得以迅速地远离我们而去然而如果神定意让战争持续下去直到我们从所有奴隶在两百五十年间没有报酬、困苦劳动之下所累积的财富毁去及直到每一滴皮鞭上的血迹被报之以刀下每一条冤魂就如同我们在三千年前所说而今天仍要再说的那样:“主的审判信实合乎公义”不以恶待人而以仁爱相处当神开启我们的眼得见公义时我们必须持守公义让我们全力以赴完成我们手中的工作医治国家的创伤;并照料在战场上承受苦痛的人和那些寡妇、孤儿不忘记关怀他们让我们竭尽全力达成在我们中间及众民族之间的永久的公义和和平简单统计:?讲演总字数:699?提到上帝次数:10(God:6;TheAlmighty:1;Lord:1;He:2)?提到祷告次数:3?提到圣经次数:1?引用圣经次数:2所以只要读一下这篇讲演就会知道林肯是怎样一位敬畏上帝祈求上帝带领的人了!就如林肯传记《公民林肯》(LincolntheCitizen)。

林肯就职演讲稿

林肯就职演讲稿

林肯就职演讲稿任何人都想成为牛津演讲班里的一名学员,因为我们拥有一流师资、周到的个人辅导、丰富的文化活动,以及与世界各地优秀毕业生建立联系的机会。

尊敬的先生、女士们:我对这个国家,对这个时代和对重任感到无比的荣幸。

我们在这个伟大国家的历史上祖辈留下的英勇斗争,塑造了我们今天的生活和发展的根基。

他们以牺牲和流血的代价,缔造了美国的自由和民主,并让我们拥有了世界上最自由、最公正和最民主的政治制度。

今天我们在此,庄严宣誓,我们将继承这一传统,保持美国的自由和民主,并工作,使之更加完善。

很快我将与我的副总统,一起成为我们这个伟大时代的受托人,我们将、尽最大努力,维护我们国家的利益与尊严。

必须承认,目前我们面临严重的困局:经济困难,政治分歧,社会不公,种族、性别甚至政治立场之间的关系不稳定等等。

但是,我非常确定:只要我们继承我们的祖先们那种勇气和毫不妥协的决心,这些困局不仅不会征服我们,反而会跟随我们的劳动和野心而荡然无存。

我们必须为我们的时间指明一些基本方向,因为我们面临的困局并不是本质的,而是上层的。

作为政府的首脑和国家的领袖,我相信我的任务是通过尽可能贯彻美国价值观来解决这些问题,创造一个更加美好的未来,让我们的后代能够享有全球化世界里的尊严和权益。

对于我们的未来,我有一个追求:即建设一个更加自由和平等的国家。

这并不是说,我们不需要像以前一样对那些攸关人权和尊严的问题保持警惕,而是要把这些问题作为我们政治和社会的基础,从而构建一个真正的、繁盛的、良善的美国。

我们的基础是平等:每个美国人,不论种族、财富、性别、信仰,都有权利享有自由的人生和机会。

平等是我们政治和社会正常运行的中心,是我们社会美好未来的关键。

科学告诉我们,延长人类寿命、提高人类智力和智慧的最好之路是保持社会的平等。

这意味着能力和奋斗精神是我们社会的衡量标准,而以前雅量和优越社会的性别、种族和财富、家庭背景并不重要。

我们必须为每个美国人创造平等的机会和社会制度。

林肯第二次就职演说译文

林肯第二次就职演说译文

林肯第二次就职演说译文篇一:林肯第二次就职演说的全文如下:同胞们,我在今天站在这里,向大家发表这篇演说,是因为我知道,我们的国家需要更多的英雄来领导我们。

我们的国家曾经历了无数的痛苦和磨难,但我们有足够的勇气和智慧来克服这些困难。

我们需要一个领袖,一个能够为我们的国家和人民利益而战斗的领袖。

我们的国家曾经被背叛和破坏,我们失去了我们的自由和尊严。

但现在,我们需要更多的英雄来重建我们的国家,让我们重新找回我们的自由和尊严。

我们需要一个领袖,一个能够领导我们走向自由和民主的领袖。

我们的国家需要更多的英雄来领导我们,因为我们的国家正在面临着各种挑战。

我们的社会和经济正在不断变化,我们需要一个领袖来适应这些变化,并为我们的国家提供新的希望和方向。

我们的国家需要更多的英雄来领导我们,因为我们的国家需要更多的英雄来保护我们的文化和传统。

我们的文化和传统是我们人民的文化遗产,我们需要一个领袖来保护和传承这些文化遗产,并让我们的国家更加多元化和包容。

同胞们,我是一个公民,我有责任为我的祖国服务。

我相信,如果我们团结一心,如果我们共同努力,我们一定能够创造更加美好的未来。

让我们携手前行,为了我们的梦想和我们的祖国。

谢谢大家。

篇二:林肯第二次就职演说的译文如下:尊敬的联邦人民:我林肯,今天站在这里,代表联邦人民发表这篇就职演说,感到非常荣幸。

在过去的一年中,我们经历了许多挑战和困难。

我们的国家面临着分裂和危险,我们的人民面临着无数的痛苦和苦难。

然而,我相信,我们有一个强大的国家和一个伟大的人民,我们能够克服这些挑战,重振我们的国家,让我们的人民过上更加美好的生活。

我们的国家在过去几十年中取得了巨大的进步。

我们的人民通过团结合作,克服了许多困难和挑战。

我们建立了一个强大的国家,一个能够为我们的所有人民提供安全和繁荣的国家。

但是,我们需要继续保持我们的团结和合作,以便我们能够在未来取得更大的成就。

我们需要继续团结一致,为我们的国家和我们的人民创造一个更加美好的世界。

美国第16任总统林肯就职演说

美国第16任总统林肯就职演说

美国第16‎任总统林肯‎就职演说(全文)合众国的公‎民们:遵从和政府‎本身一样古‎老的惯例,我在你们面‎前做一次简‎明扼要的演‎讲,并当场立下‎誓言,这是美国宪‎法所规定的‎在总统“行使职责之‎前”所要履行的‎仪式。

我觉得没有‎必要探讨行‎政公务,目前没有特‎别忧虑或高‎兴的事情。

南部诸州的‎人民看起来‎存在着疑虑‎:共和党执政‎意味着他们‎的财产、和平和人身‎安全将会出‎现危险。

这种疑虑绝‎无明智的理‎由。

真的,事实是最有‎力的证据,供大家去检‎视。

你们可以从‎他几乎所有‎的演讲中发‎现这一点——就是现在在‎你们面前演‎讲的这人。

我只能从这‎些演讲中挑‎选一篇,当时我发表‎宣言——我并不企图‎,直接地或间‎接地去干涉‎蓄奴州的惯‎例。

我相信我没‎有这样做的‎合法权力,我也不倾向‎这样去做。

提名和选举‎我的这些人‎完全清楚,我已做了这‎个声明和许‎多类似声明‎,而且决不改‎变;不仅如此,在政纲宣言‎中,我接纳选举‎人的一项清‎晰明确的决‎议,这对他们、对我都是一‎个法律,我现在宣读‎一遍:决议:保持各州的‎权利不被亵‎渎,特别是各州‎依靠自己的‎独立判断去‎命令和管理‎自身机构的‎权利,这种权力平‎衡是必要的‎,能保证我们‎的政体尽善‎尽美和持久‎长远;我们公开抨‎击,用非法武力‎去侵犯各州‎或准州的土‎地的行为,不论用何种‎托词,都是最大的‎恶行。

我现在重申‎这些主张,只是向公众‎表明一个最‎鲜明的事实‎,没有哪个地‎区的财产、和平和安全‎会受到即将‎上任的政府‎的蓄意侵犯‎。

我还要加上‎一句,不论出于何‎种理由,只要各州的‎要求合法,政府都会高‎兴地给予与‎宪法和法律‎一致的保护‎——对各州不会‎厚此薄彼。

对于遣返逃‎避服兵役和‎服劳役者这‎个问题有很‎多分歧。

现在我宣布‎一个条款,这个条款和‎任何其他条‎款一样都是‎标明在宪法‎里:任何据一州‎之法律在该‎州中服役或‎服劳役之人‎逃往另一州‎,不能根据另‎一州任何法‎律或条例判‎决,而解除其服‎役或服劳役‎,而应依照有‎权要求该项‎服役或服劳‎役之当事一‎方的要求,把该人遣送‎。

林肯第二次就职演说译文

林肯第二次就职演说译文

林肯第二次就职演说译文
林肯第二次就职演说原文如下:
尊敬的联邦公民们:
我谨代表美国人民,在此宣誓就职。

我相信,我们的国家需要一位更加伟大的领袖来引领我们前进。

正如我们在第一次就职演说中所说的那样,我们的国家正处于危急时刻。

我们需要有人能够承担起这个责任,为我们的国家和我们的人民谋福利。

我们的国家在过去几十年中经历了许多挑战和困难。

我们的人民受到了不公正待遇,受到了种族歧视和压迫。

这些问题我们必须克服,因为这些问题不仅影响我们个人的生活,而且不仅影响我们子孙后代的生活,而且不仅影响整个人类的未来。

我们需要采取积极的措施来解决这个问题。

我们必须继续推动平等、公正和自由,确保每个人都受到尊重和平等对待。

我们必须确保所有种族、所有民族和所有性别的人都能够在我们的社会中发挥他们应有的作用。

我们必须保护我们的文化和价值观,确保它们不会被摧毁或削弱。

但是,这些措施需要我们的共同努力。

我们需要团结一致,共同努力克服这些挑战。

我们需要发挥我们的创造力,共同努力创造更好的社会。

我们需要教育我们的下一代,让他们成为更好的领袖,带领我们走向更加美好的未来。

我相信,只要我们共同努力,我们的国家必将变得更加强大和繁荣。

只要我们团结一致,我们必将克服任何困难,实现我们的梦想。


期待着我们共同迈向更加美好的未来。

谢谢大家。

美国第16任总统林肯就职演说

美国第16任总统林肯就职演说

美国第16任总统林肯就职演说PAGE / NUMPAGES美国第16任总统林肯就职演说(全文)合众国的公民们:遵从和政府本身一样古老的惯例,我在你们面前做一次简明扼要的演讲,并当场立下誓言,这是美国宪法所规定的在总统“行使职责之前”所要履行的仪式。

个人收集整理勿做商业用途我觉得没有必要探讨行政公务,目前没有特别忧虑或高兴的事情。

南部诸州的人民看起来存在着疑虑:共和党执政意味着他们的财产、和平和人身安全将会出现危险。

这种疑虑绝无明智的理由。

真的,事实是最有力的证据,供大家去检视。

你们可以从他几乎所有的演讲中发现这一点——就是现在在你们面前演讲的这人。

我只能从这些演讲中挑选一篇,当时我发表宣言——我并不企图,直接地或间接地去干涉蓄奴州的惯例。

我相信我没有这样做的合法权力,我也不倾向这样去做。

个人收集整理勿做商业用途提名和选举我的这些人完全清楚,我已做了这个声明和许多类似声明,而且决不改变;不仅如此,在政纲宣言中,我接纳选举人的一项清晰明确的决议,这对他们、对我都是一个法律,我现在宣读一遍:个人收集整理勿做商业用途决议:保持各州的权利不被亵渎,特别是各州依靠自己的独立判断去命令和管理自身机构的权利,这种权力平衡是必要的,能保证我们的政体尽善尽美和持久长远;我们公开抨击,用非法武力去侵犯各州或准州的土地的行为,不论用何种托词,都是最大的恶行。

个人收集整理勿做商业用途我现在重申这些主张,只是向公众表明一个最鲜明的事实,没有哪个地区的财产、和平和安全会受到即将上任的政府的蓄意侵犯。

我还要加上一句,不论出于何种理由,只要各州的要求合法,政府都会高兴地给予与宪法和法律一致的保护——对各州不会厚此薄彼。

个人收集整理勿做商业用途对于遣返逃避服兵役和服劳役者这个问题有很多分歧。

现在我宣布一个条款,这个条款和任何其他条款一样都是标明在宪法里:个人收集整理勿做商业用途任何据一州之法律在该州中服役或服劳役之人逃往另一州,不能根据另一州任何法律或条例判决,而解除其服役或服劳役,而应依照有权要求该项服役或服劳役之当事一方的要求,把该人遣送。

林肯就职演说原文

林肯就职演说原文

林肯的第二任总统就职演说这篇演说的讲稿是人类历史上最伟大的演说词,永久地刻在了林肯纪念堂里,英文原文是:At this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential(总统的) office,there is less occasion (时机,场合)for an extended (延长的)address than there was at the first. Then a statement(清单),somewhat(某物) in detail,of a course to be pursued(追踪),seemed fitting (适合的;装置)and proper(适合的). Now,at the expiration(届期) of four years,during which public declarations(公诉书) have been constantly (不断地)called forth(向前的) on every point and phase (阶段)of the great contest(争论) which still absorbs(吸引) the attention,and engrosses(使全神贯注) the energies of the nation(国家),little that is new could be presented. The progress of our arms,upon (在什么之上)which all else chiefly(主要的) depends(依赖),is as well known to the public as to myself; and it is,I trust,reasonably(合理地) satisfactory (满意的) and encouraging to all. With high hope for the future,no prediction in regard to (指向)it is ventured.(冒险;投机On the occasion(场合 corresponding(相应的) to this four years ago,all thoughts were anxiously(焦虑的 directed (指导)to an impending (即将发生的) civil(民族间的(内部的 war. All dreaded(可怕的) it--all sought(寻找) to avert (避免)it. While the inaugural(就职演讲 address was being delivered (递交)from this place,devoted altogether to saving the Union(联盟) without war,insurgent(叛乱者) agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war--seeking to dissolve(分离) the Union,and divide effects(瓜分财务),by negotiation(谈判). Both parties (当事人)deprecated(不赞成) war; but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive(生存; and the other would accept war rather than let it perish(死亡. And the war came.One eighth of the whole population were colored(有色的) slaves(奴隶,not distributed(分散的 generally over the Union,but localized (局部的in the Southern part of it. These slaves constituted(建立 a peculiar (罕见的 and powerful interest. All knew(知道 that this interest was,somehow,the cause of the war. To strengthen,perpetuate(长存的,and extend this interest was the object (目标for which the insurgents(叛乱分子would rend(撕裂 the Union,even by war; while the government claimed 声称 no right to do more than to restrict(约束) the territorial地方自卫军队 enlargement增强 of it. Neither party expected(期盼 for the war,the magnitude(大小;量级,or the duration(持续时间,which it has already attained(得到. Neither anticipated(期盼 that the cause of theconflict 斗争might cease(停止 with,or even before,the conflict itself should cease.Each looked for an easier triumph(胜利),and a result less fundamental (基本原理)and astounding(令人惊骇的). Both read the same Bible(圣经,and astounding (祈祷?to the same God; and each invokes (祈求His aid(援助 against the other. It may seem strange that any men should dare (不惧,敢于to ask a just God's assistance in wringing(绞扭) their bread from the sweat of other men's faces; but let us judge not that we be not judged. The prayers of both could not be answered; that of neither has been answered fully. The Almighty(全能的神 has his own purposes. "Woe 悲哀unto 直到;向the world because of offence)过错! for it must needs be that offence s come; but woe to that man by whom the offence cometh (来)!" If we shall suppose that American Slavery (奴隶制度is one of those offences which,in the providence (天意of God,must needs come,but which,having continued through His appointed (任命time,He now wills to remove,and that He gives to both North and South,this terrible war,as the woe due to those by whom the offence came,shall we discern (认识therein any departure (违背from those divine(神圣的 attributes(归于 which the believers in a Living God always ascribe (归咎于to Him? Fondly (天真的do we hope--fervently 热心的do we pray--that this mighty scourge灾难 of war may speedily pass away. Yet,if God wills that it continue,until all the wealth piled (累积by the bond-man's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited(无回报的 toil(苦工shall be sunk(下沉;毁去,and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash鞭子,shall be paid by another drawn with the sword,as was said three thousand years ago,so still it must be said "the judgments of the Lord,are true and righteous公正的 altogether"With malice怨恨 toward none; with charity慈善 for all; with firmness 坚定in the right,as God gives us to see the right,let us strive 奋斗on to finish the work we are in; to bind up包扎 the nation's wounds (伤口; to care for him who shall have borne (忍受the battle,and for his widow寡妇,and his orphan孤儿--to do all which may achieve and cherish 珍爱a just and lasting peace,among ourselves,and with all nations.最后两段译文:(交战)每一方都在寻求一个快速的、不伤根本的胜利。

林肯的就职演讲稿doc

林肯的就职演讲稿doc

林肯的就职演讲稿篇一:林肯就职演说原文1林肯的第二任总统就职演说这篇演说的讲稿是人类历史上最伟大的演说词,永久地刻在了林肯纪念堂里,英文原文是:At this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office,there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. Then a statement,somewhat in detail,of a course to be pursued,seemed fitting and proper. Now,at the expiration of four years,during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of the great contest which still absorbs the attention,and engrosses the energies of the nation,little that is new could be presented. The progress of our arms,upon which all else chiefly depends,is as well known to the public as to myself; and it is,I trust,reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. With high hope for the future,no prediction in regard to it is ventured.On the occasion corresponding to this four years ago,all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war. All dreaded it--all sought toavert it. While the inaugural address was being delivered from this place,devoted altogether to saving the Union without war,insurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war--seeking to dissolve the Union,and divide effects,by negotiation. Both parties deprecated war; but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive; and the other would accept war rather than let it perish. And the war came.One eighth of the whole population were colored slaves,notdistributed generally over the Union,but localized in the Southern part of it. These slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. All knew that this interest was,somehow,the cause of the war. To strengthen,perpetuate,and extend this interest was the object for which theinsurgents would rend the Union,even by war; while the government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it. Neither party expected for the war,the magnitude,or the duration,which it has already attained. Neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might ceasewith,or even before,the conflict itself should cease.Each looked for an easier triumph,and a result less fundamental and astounding. Both read the same Bible,and astounding to the same God; and each invokes His aid against the other. It may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just God's assistance in wringing their bread fromthe sweat of other men's faces; but let us judge not that we be not judged. The prayers of both could not be answered; that of neither has been answered fully. The Almighty has his own purposes. "Woe unto the world because of offence! for it must needs be that offence s come; but woe to that man by whom the offence cometh!" If we shall suppose that American Slavery is one of those offences which,in the providence of God,must needs come,but which,having continued through His appointed time,He now wills to remove,and that He gives to both North and South,this terrible war,as the woe due to those by whom the offence came,shall we discern therein any departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a Living God always ascribe to Him? Fondly do we hope--fervently do we pray--that thismighty scourge of war may speedily pass away. Yet,if God wills that it continue,until all the wealth piled by the bond-man's two hundred and fifty years of uequited toil shall be sunk,and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash,shall be paid by another drawn with the sword,as was said three thousand years ago,so still it must be said "the judgments of the Lord,are true and righteous altogether"With malice toward none; with charity for all; with firmness in the right,as God gives us to see the right,let us strive on to finish the work we are in; to bind up the nation's wounds; to care for him who shall have borne the battle,and for his widow,and his orphan--to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace,among ourselves,and with all nations.最后两段译文:(交战)每一方都在寻求一个快速的、不伤根本的胜利。

林肯就职演讲稿三篇

林肯就职演讲稿三篇

林肯就职的演讲稿【篇一:林肯就职演讲稿】八十七年前,我们先辈在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家,它孕育于自由之中,奉行一切人生来平等的原则。

我们正从事一场伟大的内战,以考验这个国家,或者任何一个孕育于自由和奉行上述原则的国家是否能够长久存在下去。

我们在这场战争中的一个伟大战场上集会。

烈士们为使这个国家能够生存下去而献出了自己的生命,我们来到这里,是要把这个战场的一部分奉献给他们作为最后安息之所。

我们这样做是完全应该而且非常恰当的。

但是,从更广泛的意义上说,这块土地我们不能够奉献,不能够圣化,不能够神化。

那些曾在这里战斗过的勇士们,活着的和去世的,已经把这块土地圣化了,这远不是我们微薄的力量所能增减的。

我们今天在这里所说的话,全世界不大会注意,也不会长久地记住,但勇士们在这里所做过的事,全世界却永远不会忘记。

毋宁说,倒是我们这些还活着的人,应该在这里把自己奉献于勇士们已经如此崇高地向前推进但尚未完成的事业。

倒是我们应该在这里把自已奉献于仍然留在我们面前的伟大任务——我们要从这些光荣的死者身上吸取更多的献身精神,来完成他们已经完全彻底为之献身的事业;我们要在这里下定最大的决心,不让这些死者白白牺牲;我们要使国家在上帝福佑下自由的新生,要使这个民有、民治、民享的政府永世长存。

【篇二:林肯第二次就职演说】各位同胞:在这第二次的宣誓就职典礼中,不像第一次就职的时候那样需要发表长篇演说。

在那个时候,对于当时所要进行的事业多少作一详细的说明,似乎是适当的。

现在四年任期已满,在这段战争期间的每个重要时刻和阶段中--这个战争至今仍为举国所关怀,还且占用了国家大部分力量--都经常发布文告,所以现在很少有什么新的发展可以奉告。

我们的军事进展,是一切其它问题的关键所在,各界人士对此情形是跟我一样熟悉的,而我相信进展的情况,可以使我们全体人民有理由感到满意和鼓舞。

既然可以对将来寄予极大的希望,那么我们也就用不着在这一方面作什么预言了。

林肯的演讲稿

林肯的演讲稿

各位同胞:今天我站在这里,为眼前的重责大任感到谦卑,对各位的信任心怀感激,对先贤的牺牲铭记在心。

我要谢谢布什总统为这个国家的服务,也感谢他在政权转移期间的宽厚和配合。

四十四位美国人发表过总统就职誓言,这些誓词或是在繁荣富强及和平宁静之际发表,或是在乌云密布,时局动荡之时。

在艰困的时候,美国能箕裘相继,不仅因为居高位者有能力或愿景,也因为人民持续对先人的抱负有信心,也忠於创建我国的法统。

因此,美国才能承继下来。

因此,这一代美国人也必须承继下去。

现在大家都知道我们正置身危机核心,我国正在与四处蔓延的暴力和憎恨作战。

我们的经济元气大伤——这既是某些人贪婪且不负责任的後果,也是大众未能做出艰难的选择,对国家进入新时代做准备不足所致。

许多人失去房子,丢了工作,生意萧条。

我们的医疗太昂贵,学校教育让人失望。

每天都有更多证据显示,我们利用能源的方式壮大我们的对敌,威胁我们的星球。

这些都是得自资料和统计数据的危机指标。

比较无法测量但同样深沉的,是举国信心尽失——持续担心美国将无可避免地衰退,也害怕下一代一定会眼界变低。

今天我要告诉各位,我们面临的挑战是真的,挑战非常严重,且不在少数。

它们不是可以轻易,或在短时间内解决。

但是,美国要了解,这些挑战会被解决。

在这一天,我们聚在一起,因为我们选择希望而非恐惧,有意义的团结而非纷争和不合。

在这一天,我们来此宣示,那些无用的抱怨和虚伪的承诺已终结,那些扭曲我们政治已久的相互指控和陈旧教条已终结。

我们仍是个年轻的国家,但借用圣经的话,摆脱幼稚事物的时刻到来了,重申我们坚忍精神的时刻到来了,选择我们更好的历史,实践那种代代传承的珍贵权利,那种高贵的理念:就是上帝的应许,我们每个人都是平等的,每个人都是自由的,每个人都应该有机会追求全然的幸福。

再次肯定我们国家的伟大,我们了解伟大绝非赐予而来,必须努力达成。

我们的旅程从来就不是抄捷径或很容易就满足。

这条路一直都不是给不勇敢的人走的,那些偏好逸乐胜过工作,或者只想追求名利就满足的人。

林肯第二次就职演讲稿

林肯第二次就职演讲稿

林肯第二次就职演讲稿【篇一:林肯第二次就职演讲(中文)】在我现在第二次来到这里宣誓就任总统职位的时候,就不十分必要像第一次就职时那样作长篇演说了。

那时,一篇关于我将采取的方针的比较详尽的说明,似乎是比较合适和理所当然的。

可是现在,四年任期刚刚结束,在这期间,关于那至今仍吸引着举国上下的注意,消耗着全民的精力的巨大斗争的各个阶段的任何一个细节,随时都有公告发奉,现在也实在再没有多少新东西可讲了。

关于我们的军事进展情况——它是其它一切的主要依靠所在——,公众也了解得和我本人一样清楚;而且我相信对所有的人来说都是相当满意和令人鼓舞的。

既然对未来充满了希望,那么在这里也就无意冒昧作出预测了。

也正是在四年之前我就任总统的那一场合,所有的人都在为即将来临的内战惴惴不安。

所有的人都害怕内战——都竭力想避免内战发生。

而当我在这里发表就职演说,决定不惜采用一切力量,但不用战争,拯救联邦的时候,叛乱分子的代理人却在全城到处活动,力求不用战争摧毁联邦——力求通过谈判瓦解联邦,分裂国家。

——双方都声称反对战争;但可是他们中的一方却宁愿发动战争也不让这个国家生存下去;另一方也则宁可接受战争也不能眼看着国家灭亡。

于是战争便打起来了。

在全国人口中有八分之一是黑人奴隶,他们并非遍布在全国各地,而是大部分集中在我国南方。

这些黑人构成一个特殊强有力的权益。

大家都知道这权益是导致战争的原因。

为了达到加强、永久化保持和扩大这个权益的目的,叛乱分子甚至不惜通过战争瓦解联邦;而政府方面,只不过是要求有权限制奴隶制扩大其地域。

双方谁也没有料想到,战争竟会达到现在已出现了这种规模,或持续这么久。

双方谁也不曾料到,冲突的缘由可能会随着冲突的结束而结束,或甚至在冲突本身结束之前,便已终止;每一方都寻求能比较轻易地获得胜利,战争的结果也不那么带有根本性和惊人。

双方都读着同一部《圣经》,祈祷于同一个上帝;每一方都求上帝帮助他们一方,而反对另一方。

这看来也许有些不可思议,怎么可能有人公然敢于祈求公正的上帝帮助他从别人的血汗中榨取面包;不过,我们且不要论断别人,以免自己遭到论断吧。

美国总统林肯的就职演讲_就职演讲稿_

美国总统林肯的就职演讲_就职演讲稿_

美国总统林肯的就职演讲总统的一切权力来自人民,但人民没有授权给他为各州的分离规定条件。

接下来由小编为大家推荐美国总统林肯的就职演讲,希望对你有所帮助!美国总统林肯的就职演讲First Inaugural Address of Abraham LincolnMONDAY, MARCH 4, 1861Fellow-Citizens of the United States:In compliance with a custom as old as the Government itself, I appear before you to address you briefly and to take in your presence the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the United States to be taken by the President before he enters on the execution of this office."I do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or excitement.Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that by the accession of a Republican Administration their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered. There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection. It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you. I do but quote from one of those speeches when I declare that--I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so.Those who nominated and elected me did so with fullknowledge that I had made this and many similar declarations and had never recanted them; and more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read: Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend; and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.I now reiterate these sentiments, and in doing so I only press upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is susceptible that the property, peace, and security of no section are to be in any wise endangered by the now incoming Administration. I add, too, that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution and the laws, can be given will be cheerfully given to all the States when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause--as cheerfully to one section as to another.There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from service or labor. The clause I now read is as plainly written in the Constitution as any other of its provisions: No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall in consequence of any law or regulation therein be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due.It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitiveslaves; and the intention of the lawgiver is the law. All members of Congress swear their support to the whole Constitution--to this provision as much as to any other. To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within the terms of this clause "shall be delivered up" their oaths are unanimous. Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not with nearly equal unanimity frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath?There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by State authority, but surely that difference is not a very material one. If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done. And should anyone in any case be content that his oath shall go unkept on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept?Again: In any law upon this subject ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a free man be not in any case surrendered as a slave? And might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the Constitution which guarantees that "the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States"?I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations and with no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules; and while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of Congress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, both in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by all those acts which stand unrepealed than to violate any of them trusting to find impunityin having them held to be unconstitutional.It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President under our National Constitution. During that period fifteen different and greatly distinguished citizens have in succession administered the executive branch of the Government. They have conducted it through many perils, and generally with great success. Yet, with all this scope of precedent, I now enter upon the same task for the brief constitutional term of four years under great and peculiar difficulty. A disruption of the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably attempted.。

林肯就职演讲稿

林肯就职演讲稿

林肯就职演讲稿【篇一:林肯就职演讲稿】八十七年前,我们先辈在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家,它孕育于自由之中,奉行一切人生来平等的原则。

我们正从事一场伟大的内战,以考验这个国家,或者任何一个孕育于自由和奉行上述原则的国家是否能够长久存在下去。

我们在这场战争中的一个伟大战场上集会。

烈士们为使这个国家能够生存下去而献出了自己的生命,我们来到这里,是要把这个战场的一部分奉献给他们作为最后安息之所。

我们这样做是完全应该而且非常恰当的。

但是,从更广泛的意义上说,这块土地我们不能够奉献,不能够圣化,不能够神化。

那些曾在这里战斗过的勇士们,活着的和去世的,已经把这块土地圣化了,这远不是我们微薄的力量所能增减的。

我们今天在这里所说的话,全世界不大会注意,也不会长久地记住,但勇士们在这里所做过的事,全世界却永远不会忘记。

毋宁说,倒是我们这些还活着的人,应该在这里把自己奉献于勇士们已经如此崇高地向前推进但尚未完成的事业。

倒是我们应该在这里把自已奉献于仍然留在我们面前的伟大任务——我们要从这些光荣的死者身上吸取更多的献身精神,来完成他们已经完全彻底为之献身的事业;我们要在这里下定最大的决心,不让这些死者白白牺牲;我们要使国家在上帝福佑下自由的新生,要使这个民有、民治、民享的政府永世长存。

【篇二:林肯第二次就职演说】各位同胞:在这第二次的宣誓就职典礼中,不像第一次就职的时候那样需要发表长篇演说。

在那个时候,对于当时所要进行的事业多少作一详细的说明,似乎是适当的。

现在四年任期已满,在这段战争期间的每个重要时刻和阶段中--这个战争至今仍为举国所关怀,还且占用了国家大部分力量--都经常发布文告,所以现在很少有什么新的发展可以奉告。

我们的军事进展,是一切其它问题的关键所在,各界人士对此情形是跟我一样熟悉的,而我相信进展的情况,可以使我们全体人民有理由感到满意和鼓舞。

既然可以对将来寄予极大的希望,那么我们也就用不着在这一方面作什么预言了。

林肯就职演讲稿

林肯就职演讲稿

林肯就职演讲稿在这个伟大的国家,我们正面临着前所未有的挑战和困难。

我们的国家分裂,内部矛盾重重,而且正处于一场严重的内战之中。

在这样的时刻,我站在这里,心怀着无比的责任和使命感,向全国人民宣誓就职,我将竭尽全力,恪尽职守,为国家的统一和繁荣而努力奋斗。

作为美利坚合众国的总统,我深知自己肩负着重大的责任。

我们的国家曾经是一个伟大而强大的国家,我们的先辈们为了我们今天所拥有的一切,付出了巨大的牺牲。

我们不能辜负他们的期望,我们必须团结一致,共克时艰,重建我们的国家,让它重现昔日的辉煌。

我们的国家因为内战而分裂,因为分裂而蒙羞。

我们不能再让这样的局面持续下去,我们必须团结起来,共同面对挑战,找到解决问题的办法。

我们必须铲除内战的祸根,重建国家的统一,让我们的国家重新拥有一个强大而稳固的国土。

我们的国家因为内部矛盾而动荡不安。

我们的人民因为不同的信仰、种族和文化而相互对立。

我们不能再让这样的局面继续下去,我们必须团结起来,共同面对挑战,找到解决问题的办法。

我们必须消除内部矛盾,实现民族团结,让我们的国家重新拥有一个和谐而稳定的社会。

我们的国家因为经济危机而陷入困境。

我们的人民因为失业、贫困而苦不堪言。

我们不能再让这样的局面继续下去,我们必须团结起来,共同面对挑战,找到解决问题的办法。

我们必须重振经济,改善人民生活,让我们的国家重新拥有一个繁荣而富足的社会。

我相信,只要我们团结一致,共同努力,我们一定能够克服眼前的困难,重建我们的国家,让它重新焕发出勃勃生机。

我相信,只要我们齐心协力,我们一定能够实现国家的统一,让它重新成为一个强大而稳固的国家。

我相信,只要我们齐心协力,我们一定能够实现民族的团结,让它重新成为一个和谐而稳定的社会。

我相信,只要我们齐心协力,我们一定能够实现经济的繁荣,让它重新成为一个繁荣而富足的社会。

让我们携起手来,共同努力,为了我们共同的目标而奋斗。

让我们携起手来,共同努力,为了我们共同的梦想而奋斗。

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Inaugural Address of George W. BushJanuary 20, 2001President Clinton, distinguished guests and my fellow citizens:The peaceful transfer of authority is rare in history, yet common in our country. With a simple oath, we affirm old traditions and make new beginnings.As I begin, I thank President Clinton for his service to our nation; and I thank Vice President Gore for a contest conducted with spirit and ended with grace.I am honored and humbled to stand here, where so many of America's leaders have come before me, and so many will follow.We have a place, all of us, in a long story. A story we continue, but whose end we will not see. It is the story of a new world that became a friend and liberator of the old, a story of a slave-holding society that became a servant of freedom, the story of a power that went into the world to protect but not possess, to defend but not to conquer. It is the American story. A story of flawed and fallible people, united across the generations by grand and enduring ideals. The grandest of these ideals is an unfolding American promise that everyone belongs, that everyone deserves a chance, that no insignificant person was ever born. Americans are called upon to enact this promise in our lives and in our laws; and though our nation has sometimes halted, and sometimes delayed, we must follow no other course.Through much of the last century, America's faith in freedom and democracy was a rock in a raging sea. Now it is a seed upon the wind, taking root in many nations. Our democratic faith is more than the creed of our country, it is the inborn hope of our humanity, an ideal we carry but do not own, a trust we bear and pass along; and even after nearly 225 years, we have a long way yet to travel.While many of our citizens prosper, others doubt the promise, even the justice, of our own country. The ambitions of some Americans are limited by failing schools and hidden prejudice and the circumstances of their birth; and sometimes our differences run so deep, it seems we share a continent, but not a country. We do not accept this, and we will not allow it. Our unity, our union, is the serious work of leaders and citizens in every generation; and this is my solemn pledge, "I will work to build a single nation of justice and opportunity." I know this is in our reach because we are guided by a power larger than ourselves who creates us equal in His image and we are confident in principles that unite and lead us onward.America has never been united by blood or birth or soil. We are bound by ideals that move us beyond our backgrounds, lift us above our interests and teach us what it means to be citizens. Every child must be taught these principles. Every citizen must uphold them; and every immigrant, by embracing these ideals, makes our country more, not less, American.Today, we affirm a new commitment to live out our nation's promise through civility, courage, compassion and character. America, at its best, matches a commitment to principle with a concern for civility. A civil society demands from each of us good will and respect, fair dealing and forgiveness. Some seem to believe that our politics can afford to be petty because, in a time of peace, the stakes of our debates appear small. But the stakes for America are never small. If our country does not lead the cause of freedom, it will not be led. If we do not turn the hearts of children toward knowledge and character, we will lose their gifts and undermine their idealism. If we permit our economy to drift and decline, the vulnerable will suffer most. We must live up to the calling we share. Civility is not a tactic or a sentiment. It is the determined choice of trust over cynicism, of community over chaos. This commitment, if we keep it, is a way to shared accomplishment.America, at its best, is also courageous. Our national courage has been clear in times of depression and war, when defending common dangers defined our common good. Now we must choose if the example of our fathers and mothers will inspire us or condemn us. We must show courage in a time of blessing by confronting problems instead of passing them on to future generations.Together, we will reclaim America's schools, before ignorance and apathy claim more young lives; we will reform Social Security and Medicare, sparing our children from struggles we have the power to prevent; we will reduce taxes, to recover the momentum of our economy and reward the effort and enterprise of working Americans; we will build our defenses beyond challenge, lest weakness invite challenge; and we will confront weapons of mass destruction, so that a new century is spared new horrors.The enemies of liberty and our country should make no mistake, America remains engaged in the world by history and bychoice, shaping a balance of power that favors freedom. We will defend our allies and our interests; we will show purpose without arrogance; we will meet aggression and bad faith with resolve and strength; and to all nations, we will speak for the values that gave our nation birth.America, at its best, is compassionate. In the quiet of American conscience, we know that deep, persistent poverty is unworthy of our nation's promise. Whatever our views of its cause, we can agree that children at risk are not at fault. Abandonment and abuse are not acts of God, they are failures of love. The proliferation of prisons, however necessary, is no substitute for hope and order in our souls. Where there is suffering, there is duty. Americans in need are not strangers, they are citizens, not problems, but priorities, and all of us are diminished when any are hopeless. Government has great responsibilities for public safety and public health, for civil rights and common schools. Yet compassion is the work of a nation, not just a government. Some needs and hurts are so deep they will only respond to a mentor's touch or a pastor's prayer. Church and charity, synagogue and mosque lend our communities their humanity, and they will have an honored place in our plans and in our laws. Many in our country do not know the pain of poverty, but we can listen to those who do. I can pledge our nation to a goal, "When we see that wounded traveler on the road to Jericho, we will not pass to the other side."America, at its best, is a place where personal responsibility is valued and expected. Encouraging responsibility is not a search for scapegoats, it is a call to conscience. Though it requires sacrifice, it brings a deeper fulfillment. We find the fullness of life not only in options, but in commitments. We find that children and community are the commitments that set us free. Our public interest depends on private character, on civic duty and family bonds and basic fairness, on uncounted, unhonored acts of decency which give direction to our freedom. Sometimes in life we are called to do great things. But as a saint of our times has said, every day we are called to do small things with great love. The most important tasks of a democracy are done by everyone. I will live and lead by these principles, "to advance my convictions with civility, to pursue the public interest with courage, to speak for greater justice and compassion, to call for responsibility and try to live it as well." In all of these ways, I will bring the values of our history to the care of our times.What you do is as important as anything government does. I ask you to seek a common good beyond your comfort; to defend needed reforms against easy attacks; to serve your nation, beginning with your neighbor. I ask you to be citizens. Citizens, not spectators; citizens, not subjects; responsible citizens, building communities of service and a nation of character.Americans are generous and strong and decent, not because we believe in ourselves, but because we hold beliefs beyond ourselves. When this spirit of citizenship is missing, no government program can replace it. When this spirit is present, no wrong can stand against it.After the Declaration of Independence was signed, Virginia statesman John Page wrote to Thomas Jefferson, "We know the race is not to the swift nor the battle to the strong. Do you not think an angel rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm?" Much time has passed since Jefferson arrived for his inauguration. The years and changes accumulate, but the themes of this day he would know, "our nation's grand story of courage and its simple dream of dignity."We are not this story's author, who fills time and eternity with His purpose. Yet His purpose is achieved in our duty, and our duty is fulfilled in service to one another. Never tiring, never yielding, never finishing, we renew that purpose today; to make our country more just and generous; to affirm the dignity of our lives and every life.This work continues. This story goes on. And an angel still rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm.God bless you all, and God bless America.乔治-布什2001年就职演说谢谢大家!尊敬的芮恩奎斯特大法官,卡特总统,布什总统,克林顿总统,尊敬的来宾们,我的同胞们,这次权利的和平过渡在历史上是罕见的,但在美国是平常的。

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