《经济学人》2015年4月15日China's economy
经济学人
AMERICAN policymakers are pulling every lever they can to revive the economy, from fiscal stimulus to quantitative easing. The big exception has been regulatory policy. From environmental protection to bank oversight, the rule book has steadily thickened in recent years. Republican critics of Barack Obama think this explains America’s economic malaise. Scrap the rules, they claim, and the economy will spring to life. Nonsense, responds the Treasury. In a recent article, Jan Eberly, an assistant secretary for economic policy, scrutinised the behaviour of corporate-bond yields, corporate profits and other indicators. She found no evidence that regulatory uncertainty is holding businesses back from hiring or investment; weak demand is the big culprit.美国政策制定者现在正扳动所有的开关企图复苏经济,从财政刺激到量化宽松无所不用,但法规政策确是个巨大的例外。
经济学人精读笔记(45页)
经济学人The insecurity of freelance workTHE decline of the conventional job has been much heralded in recent years.近年来,许多征兆显示出(传统工作)的衰落herald 英['her(ə)ld]n. 预兆,征兆;先驱;传令官;报信者vt. 通报;预示…的来临It is now nearly axiomatic that …是不言而喻的axiomatic[,æksɪə'mætɪk]adj. 公理的;自明的:eg. It is axiomatic that as people grow older they generally become less agile.人年纪越大通常灵活性越差,这是不言而喻的。
Opinion is still divided over whether this change is a cause for concern or a chance for workers to be liberated from the rut of office life.这种工作形式的变化应该令人担忧,还是会把工作者从枯燥乏味的办公室生活中解脱出来?人们的观点仍然存在分歧。
be liberated from 从…中解脱出来the rut of office life枯燥乏味的办公室生活be in a rut 千篇一律;一成不变I don't like being in a rut – I like to keep moving on.我不喜欢一成不变–我喜欢不断前进。
自由职业群体alternative employment=self-employed sector=freelance work=self-employed traders= non-traditional workersconventionally employed people传统从业者=regular employmentsole traders个体户independent consultants独立顾问tax advantages税务优惠top up income“zero hours” contracts 零时合约gig economy零工经济”contract out” tasks签约外包,合同外包rolling contract 滚动合约[a contract that continues automatically unless someone decides to end it]As for 至于the gig economy, it actually seems to be quite a small part of the alternative-employment sector…makes them vulnerable to any change in their circumstances.使他们更容易受到环境变化影响the Great Recession 大萧条aggregate turnover 周转总额,营业总额real earnings实际收入Far more people work in construction or business services than drive cars for Uber.从事…的人远多于…It’s easier than ever to get work done without hiring someone as an employee. But the growing group of non-traditional workers (that results ) has no access to labour protections or safety nets provided by law to employees. 不新增雇员就把工作搞定比过去任何时候都更容易,但因此产生的不断壮大的非传统工作群体,却无法享受法律赋予雇员的劳动保护和保障机制。
外刊文章分析对比(4)讲义-高三上学期英语作文复习专项
作文升级:外刊文章分析对比Changes to China’s gaokao--Extra points for minority students are going away《经济学人》中国的高考极其有难度。
高考满分通常是750分,而大多数省份会给某些群体加分。
不出所料,这种加分制度在那些没有得到任何加分项的学生中引起了不满。
近年来,国家也逐渐摒弃了这一政策。
你写的China's college entrance exam is extremely difficult. The maximumscore is usually 750 while most provinces give extra points to certain groups.Unsurprisingly, this policy of extra points has caused dissatisfaction among students who did not receive any extra points. In recent years, the state has gradually abandoned this policy.外刊的China's university-entrance exam, known as the gaokao, is punishingly difficult. The maximum possible score is usually 750 while most provinces give extra points to certain groups. Unsurprisingly, this extra-points system has bred resentment among those who receive no help with their scores. The state itself has backed away from the policy in recent years.句型部分1.中国的高考极其有难度。
Chinese economy
Chinese economyRight now:●Now the growth speed is steady, so control rising inflation expectations as thedominant factor of the contradiction in this dilemma choice inside the growth and control inflation expectations. Chinese economy has a need to solve the task that is to change the people's inflation expectation, which is to be stable, do not expect high inflation.China's current economic development is more or less stable. It's time to appropriate adjust monetary policy, from moderate loose monetary policy turned to moderate prudent policy. By raising rates and a series of measures to decrease liquidity is control domestic inflation.Although this year our inflation primarily is food value. Because all sorts of food prices are rising, but it is important different from the world food price high up and leading to feed prices increased in 2007 and 2008. The price of wheat of New York market rose 10% but also did not go up again. China has six years harvest and this year will be no bad. Therefore food prices have also won't resemble 2007. Past two month price of our raw material are falling, now the inflation is not high.●Compared with inflation, the asset bubbles is a problem. The investment channelof Chinese current residents is relatively single, the stock market and real estate market are two big project adsorbing lots of money. But in recent year, the real estate market prices rising frantic and abnormaldevelopment, absorption funds competence has relatively limited. The data of National bureau of statistics display, the prices of 70 large and medium-sized cities rose 8.6% over the same period of the previous year. Monetary stock is very high, so many monetary stock seeking investment direction, promote real estate rise.●Prompted appreciation of the RMB too rapidly, will cause internecine betweenChina and America. If exchange rate is really mass rising, part of our exportenterprise losing money. But they need insist in short-term, because the device have short-term investment, the short-term workers have hired, the company must produce. And the whole world, America can not find producers replacing Chinese suppliers. So exporter has to increase prices, through this way transferring the pressure to American customers. Foreign trade surplus can not drop drastically,the price of products which sell in foreign market will increase, and make inflation of America rising.1 year from now:●General trends:Economics growth moderate drop, but maintain high level.In 2010, GDP grow 10%-10.1%, CPI increase 2.8%-3.2%So in 2011 GDP will grow 9%, CPI will increase around 2%●The growth of consumption, export will be slowly, growth of investment will rise.1.External environment will be bad, but obviously better than 2009, surplus gettingsmaller. The growth of export become slow obviously. International trade friction intensified, trade protectionism enhance. RMB face larger external pressure.Industrial growth will be slowly.2.The growth of consumption will become slowly.Reason: the consumer cycles, automobile consumption slow , real estate consumption slow (driven by the consumption growth also slow down).3.Investment's growth will rise.●The government may pay attention to monitor the growth of the real estate,prevent to cause the economic bubble.There are newadjustment and control measure for the real estate; some policy like real estate tax policy may issued. Only temporarily suppresses prices over-rapid growth, long-term accumulated high prices problem is unresolved.2 years from now:Conference Board said, as America slowed down, China's rapid growth can make China become locomotive of the global economic growth.As the world's largest economy will bring China "challenges", on the hand, the responsibility of ensuring global economic steady development increase. At the same time China still must deal with the domestic fragile economy.China technically still lags behind that of other counties, and most of population live in poverty, suggesting that China don't want to play a leading role.●At present, the greatest danger of China's economy is real estate investmentmaximization for keeping the high-growth, and real estate is no productive assets.Due to the price and area are growing fast, real estate in the share of China's capital allocation vastly improved. This is due to political factors which cause of foam, but the bubble is very big. Unless through reform of the local government evaluation mechanism to reverse this trend, China's asset bubbles will blow bigger in the next two years, the current situation is already pretty dangerous. The bubble may rupture in 2010, the Chinese social and political stability will be threatened at that time.●In China, over the past five years, the cost of major elements (labour, rawmaterial, land, environmental controls and tax) of production increase. The worker's wages increase approximately 1 times. Raw material prices also doubled.Before the Asian financial crisis, China wage is half of the southeast Asian countries, and now is twice of those counties. In global trade, China will loss to these more low-cost competitors.●Low carbon economy will become the hottest topic of China's economic circle,government, business and press. Low carbon economy research, low carbon industry development, low carbon policy adjustment will be inevitable.●Develop the third industry will become government priority, key, comprehensiveconsideration policy core. Because of low carbon economy will destroy heavy pollution industry and mineral development in China, at least one third of the provinces also rely on these industrial sustentations, these provinces feasible development option is to develop the third industry. Actually, even more economically developed coastal provinces, the third industry is and will continue to be their most important contributor of GDP.5 years from now:●China needs to accelerate the process of social services, make the service sectoras an important source of future economic growth and trade growth. "The Chinese service industry workforce, fewer than 30 per cent, while the proportion in United States is above 70 percent."The latest statistics show that proportion of China's services in GDP is 42.6% during the first half year, raise 1.3 percent compared with the same period last year. By 2015, China's service sector accounted for GDP will increase four percentage points, the proportion of GDP will reach to 48 percent, more than industrial proportion becoming a leading. In 2015, China is likely to usher in a service economy era.The latest statistics show that China's services accounted for GDP is 42.6% during the first half year, raise 1.3 percent compared with the same period last year. By 2015, China's service sector accounted for GDP will increase four percentage points, the proportion of GDP will reach to 48 percent, more than industrial proportion becoming a leading. In 2015, China is likely to usher in a service economy era.Look three industry development and evolution process, firstly it develop agriculture, then develop industry. When the industrialization progress to a certain stage, the necessarily development is service industry, particularly modern service industry. China is in Mid to accelerate development stage of the industrialization, at this stage, often is services accelerated development period.●By 2015, the long-held one-child policy will cause China population change.China's population growth rate estimation is 1.5%, then start from this year, its labor population will begin to decrease. The results that could slow the pace of economic growth.● A widening gap between rich and poor in China will begin to shrink.10 years from now:●The next 10 years, China's average annual growth rate of GDP is 8%, to 2020China's total economic output will reach 75.7 trillion yuan. Considering the yuan appreciation factors, at that time China's economic scale could be close to American levels, more than Japanese one times, equivalent to 20% of global GDP.●The next 10 years, China will overtake America as the world largest energyconsumer, but the per capita energy consumption is still only half of Japan and Western Europe, less than American 1/3, equivalent to the world's average. The gap of domestic energy between output and demand will further behind. Total import energy consumption ratio will increase from the current 3% increase by 2020 by 20%.The energy policy will face pressure, international required in China to shoulder more abatement obligations. Domestic public environmental awareness will also be improved remarkably. Both them will push energy structure to clean change, economic structure to the lower carbonization transformation.●To expand domestic demand as a long-term strategic policy, rely mainly ondomestic demand to support economic growth.●Adapt to WTO's policy requirements on agriculture green box policies and partialyellow box, increase investment in agriculture and rural infrastructure construction . Vigorously develop rural secondary and tertiary industries, speed up the construction of small towns. Through adopt powerful macroeconomic measures, try to make the farmers' income has been increasing in recent.The proportion of second industry (industrial) big decline; the proportion of third industry (services) significant increase, become the main driving force of economic growth.。
《新交际英语阅读教程4》参考译文U7 Economy and Trade 文章翻译
第七单元译文Part B去全球化到底发生了什么?托马斯·P·M·巴奈特1 在严重的危机中,冷静的头脑很少会占据主导地位——至少在公共话语中是这样。
因此,就在一年前,我们从许多专家——以及兴高采烈的活动人士——那里听到,全球化正处于垂死边缘:全球经济正面临一场大规模永久性解体。
这将是对20世纪90年代活跃的全球化所具有的一切特征的一种不可阻挡的和确切的逆转,充满了最高层次的社会和政治动荡。
在有效地重现上世纪30年代大萧条(Great Depression)的过程中,我们甚至面临着重新爆发大国战争的不可思议的前景。
2 这种充满恐惧的视角并不局限于边缘。
《华尔街日报》(The Wall Street Journal)引用了“转向内部的危险”,而《经济学人》(The Economist)则哀叹“世界一体化在几乎所有方面都在后退”。
《华盛顿邮报》同样提到了“全球经济正在衰退”,而《新共和》则警告说,“如果你认为全球化正在破坏稳定,那就等着看去全球化会带来什么后果吧。
”用作家瓦尔登·贝娄(Walden Bellow)的话来说,全球化“最终名誉扫地”。
人们普遍认为,贝娄创造了“去全球化”一词。
3 唉,现实世界显然没有领会到这一点。
4 在一定程度上,去全球化确实发生了,其中包括大量外来工的反向流动,从而减少了流向较贫穷经济体的至关重要的全球汇款。
然而,发达经济体在2009年设法小幅增加了对世界贫困人口的官方发展援助,尽管国民总收入出现了损失,消费、财富持有量和政府信用都大幅下降。
5 与此同时,崛起的主要经济体的发展严重停滞,而他们对能源和商品的需求却依然飙升,这种需求继续支撑着大量的发展中经济体的发展。
总而言之,全球化首次真正意义上的全球性衰退提醒所有人,贫穷仍然是件糟糕的事情,生活在充满活力、积极进取的经济体中(或依赖于贸易)要好得多。
6 至于陷入广泛的政治和军事混乱,我们当然认为欧盟正处于生存危机之中——确切地说,这不是一个新景象。
经济学人中英对照23
It is a remarkable exhibit of revolutionary kitsch. The museum is new, inaugurated on September 28th 2007. Yet on a recent Saturday afternoon it was empty; not one person among the throngs of Cubans and tourists strolling down Calle Obispo felt inspired to cross its threshold. With the mixture of friendly warmth and necessary opportunism that characterises Cubans nowadays, one of the bored women attendants was soon asking your correspondent's wife if she could spare a packet of antacids (“medicines are very scarce”).
布告上广告着古巴革命防御各级委员会(CDRs)的博物馆,这些委员会是由菲德尔?卡斯特罗在1960年建立起来的社区团体,以作为他的革命的基层组织。建立广告的目的在于安排各项社会服务,并告知新近建立起的共产主义路线的异己省份或反叛省份。博物馆里摆设着一些陈列革命大事记的玻璃橱柜。在博物馆的室内的墙上贴着一些用放大的字体摘录的卡斯特罗演讲,并且还有一张显示革命防御各级委员会的成员加入趋势的图表。2007年,这些委员会的成员增加到了 840万古巴人,而全国总人数仅有1100万。博物馆内一楼有一处显眼的物品,那就是一条用石膏制作而成的一些几何模型,其中包括了一条具有古巴特色的街道,一些前门有着希腊复古风格石柱的房屋…,以及一些依次以显眼的粉色、黄绿色、牙膏蓝、桃色与柠檬色粉刷的各个房屋的正面。
高中英语外刊阅读 素材
高中英语外刊阅读1 袁隆平院士逝世'Father of hybrid rice' Yuan Longping passed away at 13:07 pm in Changsha of Hunan province, Xinhua reported on Saturday.The globally renown agronomist known for developing the first hybrid rice strains,was born on the ninth day of the seventh month in 1930, according to the lunar calendar. He has helped China work a great wonder --feeding nearly one-fifth of the world's population with less than 9 percent of the world's total land.翻译据新华社报道,“杂交水稻之父”袁隆平本周六(5月22日)13点07分在湖南长沙逝世。
这位因发明第一代杂交水稻而举世闻名的农学家出生于一九三零年农历七月初九。
他帮助中国创造出了一个伟大的奇迹——用少于9%的土地养活了将近世界五分之一的人口。
积累词汇1.pass away去世;逝世2.globe/ɡloʊb/n. 地球;世界;地球仪;球状物3.global /ˈɡloʊbl/ adj. 全球的;整体的;全面的4.globally/'ɡloʊbəlɪ/adv.全局地5.renown /rɪˈnaʊn/n. 名望,声誉;威名;声威6.agronomist n. 农(艺)学家7.according to根据8.lunar /ˈluːnər/adj. 月的,月球的;阴历的9.calendar/ˈkælɪndər/ n. 日历;历法10.lunar calendar农历语法填空1.______ impresses people most about Yuan Longping is his ongoing ability2.________(fulfill) his dreams. Long ago, he3._________ (envision) rice plants as tall as sorghum, with each ear of rice as big as4.___ broom, and each grain of rice as huge as a peanut. He succeeded5.____ producing a kind of rice that could feed6.______(much) people at home and abroad. His latest vision for“seawater rice”has also become a reality, and7.__________ (potential) opened up nearly one million square kilometres of8._____(salt) land in China for rice9.__________ (produce).10.________his advanced years, Yuan Longping is still young at heartand full of vision, and everyone is waiting to see what he will dream up next.参考答案1.What;2.to fulfill;3.envisioned;4.a;5.in;6.more;7.potentially;8.salty;9.production;10.Despite2 变质的饭圈文化One of China’s most popular online talent shows has been suspended days before its season finale due to a voting promotion that may have resulted in crazed fans wasting vast quantities of milk.The trigger was a video that went viral over the five-day Labor Day holiday in early May, showing a group of middle-aged people opening bottles of dairy product,pouring their contents into buckets, and dumping the buckets into a drainage ditch. All they were interested in, apparently, were the bottle caps with QR codes printed on the inside thatcould be scanned to vote for contestants on the wildly popular talent show “Youth With You 3.”翻译中国最受欢迎的网络选秀节目在季终前几天被停播,原因是该节目的打投机制涉嫌导致狂热的粉丝浪费大量牛奶。
757个《经济学人Economist》常用词汇总结
《经济学人》常用词汇总结1、绝对优势(Absolute advantage)如果一个国家用一单位资源生产的某种产品比另一个国家多,那么,这个国家在这种产品的生产上与另一国相比就具有绝对优势。
2、逆向选择(Adverse choice)在此状况下,保险公司发现它们的客户中有太大的一部分来自高风险群体。
3、选择成本(Alternative cost)如果以最好的另一种方式使用的某种资源,它所能生产的价值就是选择成本,也可以称之为机会成本。
4、需求的弧弹性(Arc elasticity of demand)如果P1和Q1分别是价格和需求量的初始值,P2 和Q2 为第二组值,那么,弧弹性就等于-(Q1-Q2)(P1+P2)/(P1-P2)(Q1+Q2)5、非对称的信息(Asymmetric information)在某些市场中,每个参与者拥有的信息并不相同。
例如,在旧车市场上,有关旧车质量的信息,卖者通常要比潜在的买者知道得多。
6、平均成本(Average cost)平均成本是总成本除以产量。
也称为平均总成本。
7、平均固定成本( Average fixed cost)平均固定成本是总固定成本除以产量。
8、平均产品(Average product)平均产品是总产量除以投入品的数量。
9、平均可变成本(Average variable cost)平均可变成本是总可变成本除以产量。
10、投资的β(Beta)β度量的是与投资相联的不可分散的风险。
对于一种股票而言,它表示所有现行股票的收益发生变化时,一种股票的收益会如何敏感地变化。
11、债券收益(Bond yield)债券收益是债券所获得的利率。
12、收支平衡图(Break-even chart)收支平衡图表示一种产品所出售的总数量改变时总收益和总成本是如何变化的。
收支平衡点是为避免损失而必须卖出的最小数量。
13、预算线(Budget line)预算线表示消费者所能购买的商品X和商品Y的数量的全部组合。
《经济学人》常用词汇
《经济学人》常用词汇总结1、Absolute advantage 绝对优势2、Adverse choice 逆向选择3、Alternative cost 选择成本4、Arc elasticity of demand 需求的弧弹性5、Asymmetric information 非对称的信息6、Average cost 平均成本7、Average fixed cost 平均固定成本8、Average product 平均产品9、Average variable cost 平均可变成本10、Beta 投资的β11、Bond yield 债券收益12、Break-even chart 收支平衡图13、Budget line 预算线14、Bunding 捆绑销售15、Capital 资本16、Capital gain 资本收益17、Capitalism 资本主义18、Cardinal utility 基数效应19、Cartel 卡特尔20、Cobb-Douglas production function 科布-道格拉斯生产函数21、Collision 勾结22、Comparative advantage 比较优势23、Complements 互补品24、Constant-cost industry 成本不变行业25、Constant returns to scale 规模收益不变26、Consumer surplus 消费者剩余27、Contestable market 可竞争市场28、Contract curve 契约曲线29、Corner solution 角点解30、Cross elasticity of demand 需求的交叉弹性31、Deadweight loss of monopoly垄断的无谓损失32、Deadweight loss of monopsony 买方垄断的无谓损失33、Decreasing-cost industry 成本递减行业34、Decreasing return to scale 规模收益递减35、Demand curve 需求曲线36、Demand curve of loanable funds 可贷资金的需求曲线37、Discount rate 贴现率38、Diversifiable risk 可分散风险39、Dominant firm 主导厂商40、Dominant strategy 优势策略41、Duopoly 双头垄断42、Economic efficiency 经济效率43、Economic profit 经济利润44、Economic region of production 生产的经济区域45、Economic resource 经济资源46、Economies of scope 围经济47、Efficient markets hypothesis 有效市场假说48、Endowment position 财富状况49、Engel curve 恩格尔曲线50、Equilibrium 均衡51、Excess capacity 过剩生产能力52、Expansion path 扩路径53、Expected monetary vale期望货币价值54、Expected profit 预期利润55、Expected value of perfect information56、Explicit costs 显成本57、External diseconomy 外部不经济58、External economy 外部经济59、First-mover advantages 先动优势60、Fixed cost 固定成本61、Fixed input 不变投入品62、General equilibrium analysis 一般均衡分析63、Giffen’s paradox 吉芬反论64、Implicit cost 隐成本65、Income-compensated demand curve 收入补偿的需求曲线66、Income-consumption curve 收入-消费曲线67、Income effect 收入效应68、Income elasticity of demand 需求的收入弹性69、Increasing-cost industry成本递增的产业70、Increasing returns to scale 规模收益递增71、Indifference curve 无差异曲线72、Inferior good 劣质商品73、Innovation 创新74、Input 投入品75、Interest rate 利率76、Intermediate good 中间品77、Internal rate of return 部收益率78、Investment 投资79、Investment demand curve 投资需求曲线80、Isocost curve 等成本曲线81、Isoprofit curve 等利润曲线82、Isoquant 等产量曲线83、Isorevenue line 等收益线84、Kinked demand curve 折弯的需求曲线85、Labor 劳动86、Land 土地87、Law of diminishing marginal returns 边际收益递减率88、Lerner index 勒纳指数89、Learning curve 学习曲线90、Limit pricing 限制性定价91、Long run 长期92、Marginal cost 边际成本93、Marginal cost pricing 边际成本定价94、Marginal expenditure curve 边际支出曲线95、Marginal product 边际产品96、Marginal rate of product transformation 边际产品转换率97、Marginal rate of substitution 边际替代率98、Marginal revenue 边际收益99、Marginal revenue product 边际收益产品100、Marginal utility 边际效用101、Market 市场102、Market demand curve 市场需求曲线103、Market period 市场周期104、.Market structure 市场结构105、Market supply schedule 市场供给表106、Markup pricing加成定价107、Maximin strategy 最大最小策略108、Microeconomics 微观经济学109、Minmum efficient size of plant 工厂的最小有效规模110、Model模型111、Money income 货币收入112、Monopolistic competition 垄断竞争113、Monopoly 垄断114、Monopsony 买方垄断115、Moral hazard 道德风险116、Multinational firm 跨国公司117、Multiplant monopoly 多厂垄断118、Multiproduct firm 多产品厂商119、Mutual fund 共同基金120、Nash equilibrium 纳什均衡121、Natural monopoly 自然垄断122、Net-Present-Value Rule 净现值规则123、Nondiversifiable risk 不可分散的风险124、Nonprice competition 非价格竞争125、Normal goods 正常商品126、Oligopoly寡头垄断127、Oligopsony 买方寡头垄断128、Opportunity cost 机会成本129、Optimal input combination 最优投入品组合130、Ordinal utility 序数效用131、Pareto criterion 帕累托标准132、Partial equilibrium analysis 局部均衡分析133、Pecuniary benefits 货币收益134、Perfect Competition 完全竞争135、Perpetuity 不可兑换的公司债券136、Predatory pricing 掠夺性定价137、Present value 现值138、Price ceiling 最高限价139、Pric-consumption curve 价格-消费曲线140、Price discrimination 价格歧视141、Price elastic 富有价格弹性142、Price elasticity of demand 需求的价格弹性143、Price elasticity of supply 供给的价格弹性144、Price floor 最低限价145、Price inelastic缺乏价格弹性146、Price leader 价格领导者147、Price system 价格系统148、Principal-agent problem 委托-代理问题149、Prisoner`s dilemma 囚犯困境150、Private cost 私人成本151、Probability 概率152、Producer surplus 生产者剩余153、Production possibilities curve 生产可能性曲线154、Production function 生产函数156、Profit 利润157、Public good 公共物品158、Quasi-rent 准租金159、Quota 配额160、Ray 射线161、Reaction curve 反应曲线162、Real benefits 真实收益163、Rent 租金164、Ridge lines 脊线165、Risk 风险166、Risk averter 风险厌恶者167、Risk lover 风险爱好者168、Risk neutral 风险中性169、Saving 储蓄170、Second-degree Price discrimination 二级价格歧视171、Selling expenses 销售费用172、Short run 短期173、Social cost 社会成本174、Static efficiency 静态效率175、Strategic move 策略举措176、Substitutes 替代品177、Substitution effect 替代效应178、Supply curve 供给曲线179、Supply curve of loanable funds 可贷资金的供给曲线180、Target return 目标收益181、Tariff 关税182、Technological changes 技术进步183、Technology 技术184、Third-degree price discrimination 三级价格歧视185、Tit for tat 针锋相对186、Total cost 总成本187、Total cost function 总成本函数188、Total cost 总固定成本189、Total revenue 总收益190、Total surplus 总剩余191、Total utility 总效用192、Total variable cost 总可变成本193、Trading possibilities curve 贸易可能性曲线194、Transaction cost 交易成本门195、Transferable emissions permits 可转让的排放许可证196、Two-part tariff 双重收费197、Tying 搭售198、Unitary elasticity 单位弹性199、Utility 效用200、Utility of possibility curve 效用可能性曲线201、Value of marginal product 边际产品价值202、Variable cost 可变成本203、Variable input 可变投入品204、von Neumann-Morgenstern utility function •纽曼--摩根斯坦效用函数204、Winners curse 赢者的诅咒205、Ability-to-pay principle(of taxation)(税收的)支付能力原则206、Absolute advantage(in international trade)(国际贸易中的)绝对优势207、Accelerator principle 加速原理208、Actual,cycical and structual budget 实际预算、周期预算和结构预算209、Adaptive expectations 适用性预期210、Adjustable peg 可调整钉住211、Administered(or inflexible)prices 管理(或非浮动)价格212、Adverse selection 逆向选择213、Aggregate demand 总需求214、Aggregate demand(AD)curve 总需求曲线215、Aggregate supply 总供给216、Aggregate suppy(AS) curve 总供给曲线217、Allocative efficiency 配置效率218、Antitrust legislation 反托拉斯法219、Appreciation(of a currency)(通货)升值220、Appropriable 可分拨221、Arbitrage 套利222、Asset 资产223、Asset demand for money 货币的资产需求224、Automatic(or built-in)stabilizers 自动(或在)稳定器225、Average cost 平均成本226、verage cost curve,long-run( LRAC或 LAC)长期平均成本曲线227、Average cost curve, short-run( SRAC或 SAC)短期平均成本曲线228、Average fixed cost 平均固定成本229、Average product 平均产品230、Average propensity to consume 平均消费倾向231、Average revenue 平均收益232、Average variable cost 平均可变成本233、Balance of international payment 国际收支平衡表234、Balance of trade 贸易余额235、Balance of current account经常项目余额236、Balance sheet 资产负债表237、Balanced budget 平衡预算238、Bank,commercial 商业银行239、Bank money 银行货币240、bank reserves 银行准备会241、进入壁垒Barriers to entry242、Barter 易货贸易243、Benefit principle(of taxation)(税收的)受益原则244、Bond 债券245、Break-even point(in macroeconomics)(宏观经济学中的)收支相抵点246、Bretton woods System 布雷顿森林体系247、Broad money 广义货币248、Budget 预算249、Budget,balanced 平衡预算250、Budget constraint 预算约束251、Budget deficit 预算赤字252、Budget,government 政府预算253、Budget line 预算线254、Budget surplus 预算盈余255、Built-in stabilizers 在稳定器见自动稳定器(automatic stabilizers)256、Business cycles 商业周期257、C+I,C+I+G,or C+I+G+X schedule C+I,C+I+G或 C+I+G+X表258、Capital(capital goods,capital equipment)资本(资本商品,资本设备)259、Capital consumption allowance 资本消耗补偿见折旧(depreciation)260、Capital deepening 资本深化261、Capital gains 资本利得262、Capital markets 资本市场263、Capital-output ratio 资本-产出比率264、Capital widening 资本广化265、Capitalism 资本主义266、Cardinal utility 基数效用267、Cartel 卡特尔268、Central bank 中央银行269、Change in demand vs.change in quantity demanded 需求变化与需求量的变化270、Change in supply vs.supply in quantity 供给变动与供给且的变动271、Checking account(or bank money)支票(或银行货币)272、Chicago School of Economics (经济学)芝加哥学派273、Classical approach 古典理论274、Classical economics 古典经济学275、Classical theories(in macroeconomics)(宏观经济学中的)古典理论276、Clearing market 市场出清277、Closed economy 封闭经济见开放经济(open economy)278、Coase theorem 科斯定理279、Collective bargaining 集体谈判280、Collusion 勾结281、Collusive oligopoly 寡头勾结垄断282、Command economy 指令经济283、Commodity money 商品货币284、Common stock 普通股票285、Communism 共产主义286、Comparative advantage(in international trade)(国际贸易中的)比较优势287、Compensating differentials 补偿性(工资)差异288、Competition,imperfect 不完全竞争289、Competion,perfect 完全竞争290、Competitve equilibrium 竞争均衡291、Competitive market 竞争性市场292、Complements 互补品293、Compound interest 复利294、Concentration ratio 集中度295、Conglomerate 混合联合企业296、Conglomerate merger 混合兼并见兼并(merger)297、Constant returns to scale 规模报酬不变见规模报酬(returns to scale)298、Consumer price index 消费者价格指数(CPI)299、Consumer surplus 消费者剩余300、Consumption 消费301、Consumption function 消费函数302、Consumption-possibility line消费可能线见预算线(budget line)303、Cooperative equilibrium 合作性均衡304、Corporate income tax 公司所得税305、Corporation 公司306、Correlation 相关307、Cost,average 平均成本308、Cost,average fixed 平均固定成本309、Cost,average variable 平均可变成本310、Cost,fixed 固定成本311、Cost,marginal 边际成本312、Cost,minimum 最低成本313、Cost-push inflation 成本推动的通货膨胀314、Cost,total 总成本315、Cost,variable 可变成本316、Crawling(or sliding)peg 爬行(滑动)钉住317、Credit 信贷318、Cross elasticity of demand 需求的交叉弹性319、Crowding-out hypothesis 挤出(效应)假说320、Currency 通货321、Currency appreciation(or depreciation )通货升值(或贬值)322、Current account 经常见贸易余额(balance of trade)323、Cyclical budget 周期预算324、Cyclical unemployment 周期性失业325、Deadweight loss 净损失326、Debit 借方327、Decreasing returns to scale 规模报酬递减328、Deficit spending 赤字性支出329、Deflating(of economic data)(经济数据)紧缩330、Deflation 通货紧缩331、Demand curve(or demand schedule)需求曲线(或需求表)332、Demand for money 货币需求333、Demand-pull inflation 需求拉动型通货膨胀334、Demography 人口学335、Depreciation(of an asset)(资产)折旧336、Depreciation(of a currency)(通货)贬值337、Depression 萧条338、Derived demand 派生需求339、Devaluation 降值340、Developing country 发展中国家见欠发达国家(less developed country)341、Differentiated products 差异产品342、Diminishing marginal utility,law of 边际效用递减规律343、Diminishing returns,law of 收益递减规律344、Direct taxes 直接税345、Discount rate 贴现率346、Discounting(of future income)(未来收人)折现347、Discrimination 歧视348、Disequilibrium 非均衡349、Disinflation 反通货膨胀350、Disposable income 可支配收入(DI)351、Disposable personal income 个人可支配收入352、Dissaving 负储蓄354、Division of labor 劳动分工355、Dominant equilibrium 占优均衡见占优战略(dominant strategy)356、Dominant strategy 占优战略357、Downward-sloping demand,law of 需求向下倾斜规律358、Duopoly 双头垄断359、Duopoly price war 双头垄断价格战360、Easy-money policy 宽松的货币政策361、Econometrics 经济计量学362、Economic goods 经济物品363、Economic growth 经济增长364、Economic reguation 经济管制365、Economic rent 经济租金见"经济租金"(rent, economic)366、Economic surplus 经济剩余367、Economics of information 信息经济学368、Economies of scale 规模经济369、Economies of scope 广度经济370、Effective tax rate 有效税率371、Efficiency 效率372、Efficiency-wage theory 有效工资理论373、Efficient market 有效市场374、Elasticity 弹性375、Employed 就业者参见"失业"(unemployment)376、Equal-cost line 等成本线377、Equal-product curve(or isoquant)等产量线378、Equilibrium 均衡379、Equilibrum(for a business firm)厂商均衡380、Equilibrium(for the individual consumer)单个消费者的均衡381、Equilibrium,competitive 竞争均衡见竟争均衡(competitive equilibrium)382、Equilibrium,general 一般均衡见一般均衡分析(general-equilibrium analysis)383、Equilibrium,macroeconomic 宏观经济均衡384、Equimarginal principle 等边际法则385、Exchange rate 汇率见外汇汇率(foreign exchange rate)386、Exchange-rate system 汇率制度387、Excise tax vs.sales tax 消费税和销售税388、Exclusion principle 排他原则389、Exogenous vs.induced variables 外生变量和引致变量390、Expectations 预期391、Expenditure multiplier 支出乘数参见乘数(multiplier)392、Exports 出口393、External diseconomies 外部不经济394、External economies 外部经济395、External variables 外部变量同外生变量(exogenous variables)396、Externalities 外部性397、Factors of production 生产要素398、Fallacy of composition 合成谬误399、Federal Reserve System 联邦储备系统美国的中央银行(centra bank)400、Fiat money 法定货币没有在价值(intrinsic value)401、Final goods 最终产品402、Financial economics 金融经济学403、Financial intermediary 金融中介404、Firm(business firm)厂商405、Fiscal-monetary mix 财政-货币政策组合406、Fiscal policy 财政政策407、Fiscal cost 固定成本见固定成本(cost,fixed)408、Fixed exchange rate 固定汇率见外汇汇率(foreign exchangs rate)409、Flexible exchange rates 弹性汇率制410、Floating exchange rates 浮动汇率制见弹性汇率制(flexibleexchange rates)411、Flow vs. stock 流量与存量412、Foreign exchange 外汇413、Foreign exchange market 外汇市场414、Foreign exchange rate 外汇汇率415、Fourfirm concentration rate 四企业集中度见集中度(concentration ratio)416、Fractional-reserve banking 部分准备金417、Free goods 免费品不属于经济品(economic goods)418、Free trade 自由贸易419、Frictional unemployment 磨擦性失业420、Full employment 充分就业421、Gains from trade 贸易利得422、Galloping inflation 急剧的通货膨胀见通货膨胀(inflation)423、Game theory 博弈论424、General-equilibrium analysis 一般均衡分析425、GDP deflator GDP紧缩指数426、GDP gap GDP缺口427、GNP 国民生产总值见国民生产总值(gloss national product)428、Gold standard 全本位制429、Government debt 政府债务430、Goverment expenditure multiplier 政府支出乘数431、Graduated income tax 累进所得税见个人所得税(income tax,personal)432、Gresham`s Law 格雷欣法则433、Gross domestic product,nominal(or nominal GDP)名义国生产总值(或名义GDP)434、Gross domestic product,real 实际国生产总值(实际GDP)435、Gross national product,nominal 名义国民生产总值(或名义GNP)436、Gross national product,real 实际国民生产总值(实际GNP)437、Growth accounting 增长核算438、Hedging 套期保值439、High-powered money 高能货币见基础货币(monetary base)440、Horizontal equity vs.vertical equity 横向平等与纵向平等441、Horizontal integration 横向整合见纵向整合与横向整合(integration, vertical vs.horizontal)442、Horizontal merger 横向兼井见兼并(merger)443、Human capital 人力资本444、Hyperinflation 恶性通货膨胀见通货膨胀(inflation)445、Imperfect competition 不完全竞争见不完全竞争(competition,imperfect)446、Imperfect competitor 不完全竞争者447、Implicit-cost elements 隐性成本要素显性货币成本(explicit money costs)448、Imports 进口见出口(exports)449、Inappropriability 不可分拨性见不可分拨(inappropriable)450、Inappropriable 不可分拨451、Incidence(or tax incidence)归宿,或税赋归宿452、Income 收入453、Income effect(of a price change)(价格变动的)收入效应454、Income elasticity of demand 需求的收入弹性455、Income statement 收益表456、Income tax,negative 负所得税见负所得税(egative income tax)457、Income tax,personal 个人所得税458、Income velocity of money 货币的收入周转率459、Incomes policy 收入政策460、Increasing returns to scale 递增的规模报酬见规模报酬(returns to scale)461、Independent goods 独立品462、Indexing(or indexation)指数化463、Indifference curve 无差异曲线464、indifference map 无差异曲线图465、Indirect taxes 间接税见直接税(direct taxes)466、Induced variables 引致变量467、Industry 产业468、Inertial rate of inflation 惯性通货膨胀率469、Infant industry 幼稚产业470、Inferior goods 低档品或劣等品471、Inflation(or inflation rate)通货膨胀(或通货膨胀率)472、Inflation targeting 通货膨胀目标473、Innovation 创新474、Inputs 投入475、Insurance 保险476、Integration,vertical vs.horizontal 纵向整合和横向整合477、Intellectual property rights 知识产权478、Interest 利息479、Interest rate 利率480、Intermediate goods 中间产品481、International monetary system(also International financial system)国际货币制度(国际金融体系)482、Intervention 干预483、Intrinsic value(of money)(货币的)在价值484、Invention 发明485、Investment 投资487、Invisible hand 看不见的手488、Involuntarily unemployed 非自愿失业见失业(unemployment)489、Iron law of wages 工资铁律490、Isoquant 等产量见等产量曲线(equal product curve)491、Keynesian economics 凯恩斯经济学492、Keynesian school 凯恩斯学派见凯恩斯主义经济学(Keynesian economics)493、Labor force 劳动力494、Labor-force participstion rate 劳动力参与率495、Labor productivity 劳动生产率见生产率(productivity)496、Labor supply 劳动供给497、Labor theory of value 劳动价值论498、Laissez-faire("leave us along")自由放任(“别来管我”)499、Land 土地500、Least-cost rule(of production)(生产的)最低成本法则501、Legal tender 法定清偿物502、Less developed country(LDC)欠发达国家503、Liabilities 负债504、Libertarianism 自由放任主义505、Limited Liability 有限责任506、Long run 长期507、Long-run aggregate supply schedule 长期总供给表508、Lorenz curve 洛伦茨曲线509、Lowest sustainable rate of unemployment(or LSUR)最低可持续失业率510、Lump-of-labor fallacy 劳动合成谬误511、M1、 M2参见货币供应(money supply)。
经济学人文章10篇
Dominant and dangerousAs America's economic supremacy fades, the primacy of the dollar looks unsustainableIF HEGEMONS are good for anything, it is for conferring stability on the systems they dominate. For 70 years the dollar has been the superpower of the financial and monetary system. Despite talk of the yuan's rise, the primacy of the greenback is unchallenged. As a means of payment, a store of value and a reserve asset, nothing can touch it. Yet the dollar's rule has brittle foundations, and the system it underpins is unstable. Worse, the alternative reserve currencies are flawed. A transition to a more secure order will be devilishly hard.When the buck stopsFor decades, America's economic might legitimised the dollar's claims to reign supreme. But, as our special report this week explains, a faultline has opened between America's economic clout and its financial muscle. The United States accounts for 23% of global GDP and 12% of merchandise trade. Yet about 60% of the world's output, and a similar share of the planet's people, lie within a de facto dollar zone, in which currencies are pegged to the dollar or move in some sympathy with it. American firms' share of the stock of international corporate investment has fallen from 39% in 1999 to 24% today. But Wall Street sets the rhythm of markets globally more than it ever did. American fund managers run 55% of the world's assets under management, up from 44% a decade ago.The widening gap between America's economic and financial power creates problems for other countries, in the dollar zone and beyond. That is because the costs of dollar dominance are starting to outweigh the benefits.First, economies must endure wild gyrations. In recent months the prospect of even a tiny rate rise in America has sucked capital from emerging markets, battering currencies and share prices. Decisions of the Federal Reserve affect offshore dollar debts and deposits worth about $9 trillion. Because some countries link their currencies to the dollar, their central banks must react to the Fed. Foreigners own 20-50% of local-currency government bonds in places like Indonesia, Malaysia, Mexico, South Africa and Turkey: they are more likely to abandon emerging markets when American rates rise.At one time the pain from capital outflows would have been mitigated by the stronger demand—including for imports—that prompted the Fed to raise rates in the first place. However, in the past decade America's share of global merchandise imports has dropped from 16% to 13%. America is the biggest export market for only 32countries, down from 44 in 1994; the figure for China has risen from two to 43. A system in which the Fed dispenses and the world convulses is unstable.A second problem is the lack of a backstop for the offshore dollar system if it faces a crisis. In 2008-09 the Fed reluctantly came to the rescue, acting as a lender of last resort by offering $1 trillion of dollar liquidity to foreign banks and central banks. The sums involved in a future crisis would be far higher. The offshore dollar world is almost twice as large as it was in 2007. By the 2020s it could be as big as America's banking industry. Since 2008-09, Congress has grown wary of the Fed's emergency lending. Come the next crisis, the Fed's plans to issue vast swaplines might meet regulatory or congressional resistance. For how long will countries be ready to tie their financial systems to America's fractious and dysfunctional politics?That question is underscored by a third worry: America increasingly uses its financial clout as a political tool. Policymakers and prosecutors use the dollar payment system to assert control not just over wayward bankers and dodgy football officials, but also errant regimes like Russia and Iran. Rival powers bridle at this vulnerability to American foreign policy.Americans may wonder why this matters to them. They did not force any country to link its currency to the dollar or encourage foreign firms to issue dollar debt. But the dollar's outsize role does affect Americans. It brings benefits, not least cheaper borrowing. Alongside the “exorbitant privilege” of owning the reserve currency, however, there are costs. If the Fed fails to act as lender of last resort in a dollar liquidity crisis, the ensuing collapse abroad will rebound on America's economy. And even without a crisis, the dollar's dominance will present American policymakers with a dilemma. If foreigners continue to accumulate reserves, they will dominate the Treasury market by the 2030s. To satisfy growing foreign demand for safe dollar-denominated assets, America's government could issue more Treasuries—adding to its debts. Or it could leave foreigners to buy up other securities—but that might lead to asset bubbles, just as in the mortgage boom of the 2000s.It's all about the BenjaminsIdeally America would share the burden with other currencies. Yet if the hegemony of the dollar is unstable, its would-be successors are unsuitable. The baton of financial superpower has been passed before, when America overtook Britain in 1920-45. But Britain and America were allies, which made the transfer orderly. And America came with ready-made attributes: a dynamic economy and, like Britain, political cohesiveness and the rule of law.Compare that with today's contenders for reserve status. The eurois a currency whose very existence cannot be taken for granted. Only when the euro area has agreed on a full banking union and joint bond issuance will those doubts be fully laid to rest. As for the yuan, China's government has created the monetary equivalent of an eight-lane motorway—a vast network of currency swaps with foreign central banks—but there is no one on it. Until China opens its financial markets, the yuan will be only a bit-player. And until it embraces the rule of law, no investor will see its currency as truly safe.All this suggests that the global monetary and financial system will not smoothly or quickly wean itself off the greenback. There are things America can do to shoulder more responsibility—for instance, by setting up bigger emergency-swaplines with more central banks. More likely is a splintering of the system, as other countries choose to insulate themselves from Fed decisions by embracing capital controls. The dollar has no peers. But the system that it anchors is cracking. 主宰的和危险的随着美国经济支配地位的衰落,美元的霸主地位看上去是不可持续的霸主的好处在于能够给它主导的体系带来稳定。
最新外刊经贸知识选读-每课重要知识点-串讲-课文翻译第3课--中国的开放经济
第3课中国的开放经济Beijing RisingChina’s emergence as an economic heavyweight after more than a decade of fast growth makes it likely to supplant Japan as the West’s main trade worry in AsiaBy Frank Gibney Jr. 经过十多年的快速发展,中国作为举足轻重的经济强国的出现,使得中国有可能取代日本,而成为西方在亚洲的主要贸易对手。
If there is a road to China’s future, Highway 204 out of Shanghai is it.Along its two dusty lanes, local trucks and buses jockey with Cadillacs driven by financiers from Taiwan and Hong Kong investors.Migrant workers crowd the narrow shoulders. Factories line the highway, producing sneakers, toys, plastics, clothes, aircraft components and medical equipment.Eventually industry gives way to ricefields, which is being dug up to build still more factories.Cranes turn overhead as dump trucks and cement mixers nose onto the road.Outside the town of Jiading, one tractor-trailer leaves Asia’s largest container plant every three minutes, carrying goods bound for the Shanghai docks.The traffic on Highway 204 is so thick that the trip from Shanghai to Zhangjiagang –only 115 kilometers away –takes five hours.如果有一条通向中国未来的路,那就是穿越上海的204国道。
China economy Chinese economy 中国经济 英文 原创 最新 最全版
Chinese economy's strenghs
The largest developing country The world's 2nd largest economy by nominal GDP and by
purchasing power parity after the United States.
Market economy Market-oriented massive choices freer,more dynamic
Transition from a planned economy to a market economy
Eg:Great changes in Shenzhen city(1985-2006)
Go global:Chinese investment abroad
On March 28, 2010, Geely Auto (Chinese company)and Ford motor company signed the agreement on Geely's acquisition of Volvo.
Overview of China's economy
Chinese economy's promblems
Decline in economic growth
Imbalance of regional development
High inflation rate Unreasonable structure of economic growth
——The Third Plenary Session of the 11th Party Central Committee(1978.12)
中国经济的快速发展英语
中国经济的快速发展英语The rapid development of the Chinese economy has been a remarkable phenomenon in recent decades. China has experienced unprecedented growth, transforming itself from a primarily agrarian society into the world's second-largest economy. This economic boom has been characterized by several key factors:1.High GDP Growth Rates:China consistently achieved highGross Domestic Product (GDP) growth rates, often surpassing global averages. This rapid expansion has contributed significantly to the country's overall economic development.2.Industrialization and Urbanization: The shift from an agrarianeconomy to a highly industrialized and urbanized one has beena defining feature. The development of manufacturing,construction, and infrastructure projects has played a crucial role in this transformation.3.Export-Led Growth:China has become a major player ininternational trade, with a focus on export-led growth. The country has established itself as the "world's factory," producinga wide range of goods that are exported globally.4.Foreign Direct Investment (FDI):China has attractedsubstantial foreign direct investment, facilitating the establishment of multinational corporations and joint ventures.Foreign investors have been drawn to the country's vast market, skilled labor force, and improving business environment.5.Technological Advancements:China has made significantstrides in technology and innovation. The country has becomea major player in industries such as telecommunications, e-commerce, and renewable energy, fostering innovation and research and development.6.Infrastructure Development:Massive investments ininfrastructure, including transportation, telecommunications, and energy, have enhanced connectivity and supported economic activities across the country.7.Poverty Reduction: Economic development has contributed toa substantial reduction in poverty levels. The government'sfocus on poverty alleviation programs has lifted millions of people out of poverty, improving living standards.8.Global Economic Influence: China's economic rise has elevatedits global economic influence. The country actively participates in international organizations, trade agreements, and initiatives, contributing to the reshaping of the global economic landscape.While the rapid development of the Chinese economy has brought about numerous benefits, it has also posed challenges such as environmental concerns, income inequality, and the need forsustainable growth. Managing these challenges will be crucial for ensuring the continued success and stability of China's economy.。
The_Economist整理版(《经济学人》原版英文,有4000词汇即可,练习阅读绝好资料)
Digest Of The. Economist. 2006(2-3)Moving marketsShifts in trading patterns are making technology ever more importantAN INVESTOR presses a button, sending 1,000 small “buy” orders to a stock exchange. The exchange's computer system instantly kicks in, but a split second later, 99% of the orders are cancelled. Having found the best price, the investor makes his trade discreetly, leaving no visible trace on the market—all in less time than it takes to blink. His stealth strategy remains intact.Events like this happen many times a day, as floods of orders from active hedge funds and “algorithmic” traders—who use automated programs to buy and sell—rush through the information-technology systems of the world's exchanges. The average transaction size on leading stock exchanges has fallen from about 2,000 shares in the mid-1990s to fewer than 400 today, although total trading volume has soared. But exchanges' systems have to cope with more than just a growing onslaught of “buy” and “sell” messages. Customers want to trade in more complicated ways, combining different types of assets on different exchanges at once. Then, as always, there is regulation. All this is pushing technology further to the fore.Recent embarrassments at the Tokyo Stock Exchange have illustrated what can happen when systems fail to keep up with the times. In just the past few months, the importance of technology has been plain in mergers (those of the New York Stock Exchange and Archipelago, and NASDAQ and INET); collaborations (the decision by the New York Board of Trade to use the Chicago Board of Trade's trading platform); and the creation of off-exchange trading networks (including one unveiled recently by Citigroup).Technology is hardly a new element in financial markets: the advent of electronic trading in the 1980s (first in Europe, later in America) helped to globalise financial markets and drove up trading volumes. But having slowed after the dotcom bubble it is now demanding ever more of exchanges' and intermediaries' attention. Investors can now deal more easily with exchanges or each other, bypassing traditional routes. As customers' demands and bargaining power have increased, so the exchanges have had to ramp up their own systems. “Technology created the monster that has to be ad dressed by more technology,” says Leslie Sutphen of Calyon Financial, a big futures broker.Aite Group, a research firm, reckons that in America alone the securities and investment industry spent $26.4 billion last year on IT (see chart), and may spend $30 billion in 2008. Sell-side firms spend most: J.P. Morgan Chase and Morgan Stanley each splashed out more than $2 billion in 2004, while asset-management firms such as State Street Global Advisors, Barclays Global Investors and Fidelity Investments spent between $250m and $350m apiece. With brokerage fees for trades whittled down, many have concluded that better technology is one way to cut trading costs and keep customers.Testing all enginesGlobal growth is looking less lopsided than for many yearsLARR Y SUMMERS, a Treasury secretary under Bill Clinton, once said that “the world economy is flying on one engine” to describe its excessive reliance on American demand. Now growth seems to be becoming more even at last: Europe and Japan are revving up, as are most emerging economies. As a result, if (or when) the American engine stalls, the global aeroplane will not necessarily crash.For the time being, America's monetary policymakers think that their economy is still running pretty well. This week, as Alan Greenspan handed over the chairmanship of the Federal Reserve to Ben Bernanke, the Fed marked the end of Mr Greenspan's18-year reign by raising interest rates for the 14th consecutive meeting, to 4.5%. The central bankers also gave Mr Bernanke more flexibi lity by softening their policy statement: they said that further tightening “may be needed”rather than “is likely to be needed”, as before.Most analysts expect the Fed to raise rates once or twice more, although the economy slowed sharply in late 2005. Real GDP growth fell to an annual rate of only 1.1% in the fourth quarter, the lowest for three years. Economists were quick to ascribe this disappointing number to special factors, such as Hurricane Katrina and a steep fall in car sales—the consequence of generous incentives that had encouraged buyers to bring purchases forward to the third quarter. The consensus has it that growth will bounce back to an annual rate of over 4% in the first quarter and stay strong thereafter.This sounds too optimistic. A rebound is indeed likely in this quarter, but the rest of the year could prove disappointing, as a weakening housing market starts to weigh on consumer spending. In December sales of existing homes fell markedly and the stock of unsold homes surged. Economists at Goldman Sachs calculate that, after adjusting for seasonal patterns, the median home price has fallen by almost 4% since October. Experience from Britain and Australia shows that even a soft landing for house prices can cause an acute slowdown in consumer spending.American consumers have been the main engine not just of their own economy but of the whole world's. If that engine fails, will the global economy nose-dive? A few years ago, the answer would probably have been yes. But the global economy may now be less vulnerable. At the World Economic Forum in Davos last week, Jim O'Neill, the chief economist at Goldman Sachs, argued convincingly that a slowdown in America need not lead to a significant global loss of power.Start with Japan, where industrial output jumped by an annual rate of 11% in the fourth quarter. Goldman Sachs has raised its GDP growth forecast for that quarter (the official number is due on February 17th) to an annualized 4.2%. That would pushyear-on-year growth to 3.9%, well ahead of America's 3.1%. The bank predicts average GDP growth in Japan this year of 2.7%. It thinks strong demand within Asia will partly offset an American slowdown.Japan's labour market is also strengthening. In December the ratio of vacancies to job applicants rose to its highest since 1992 (see chart 1). It is easier to find a job now than at any time since the bubble burst in the early 1990s. Stronger hiring by firms is also pushing up wages after years of decline. Workers are enjoying the biggest rise in bonuses for over a d ecade.Pass the parcelOnline shoppers give parcels firms a new lease of lifeTHINGS must be going well in the parcels business. At $2.5m for a 30-second TV commercial during last weekend's Super Bowl, an ad from FedEx was the one many Americans found the most entertaining. It showed a caveman trying to use a pterodactyl for an express delivery, only to watch it be gobbled up on take-off by a tyrannosaur. What did the world do before FedEx, the ad inquired? It might have asked what on earth FedEx did before the arrival of online retailers, which would themselves be sunk without today's fast and efficient delivery firms.Consumers and companies continue to flock in droves to the internet to buy and sell things. FedEx reported its busiest period ever last December, when it handled almost 9m packages in a single day. Online retailers also set new records in America. Excluding travel, some $82 billion was spent last year buying things over the internet, 24% more than in 2004, according to comScore Networks, which tracks consumer behaviour. Online sales of clothing, computer software, toys, and home and garden products were all up by more than 30%. And most of this stuff was either posted or delivered by parcel companies.The boom is global, especially now that more companies are outsourcing production. It is becoming increasingly common for products to be delivered direct from factory to consumer. In one evening just before Christmas, a record 225,000 international express packages were handled by UPS at a giant new air-cargo hub, opened by the American logistics firm at Cologne airport in Germany. “The internet has had a profound effect on our business,” says David Abney, UPS's international president. UPS now handles more than 14m packages worldwide every day.It is striking that postal firms—once seen as obsolete because of the emergence of the internet—are now finding salvation from it. People are paying more bills online and sending more e-mails instead of letters, but most post offices are making up for that thanks to e-commerce. After four years of profits, the United States Postal Service has cleared its $11 billion of debt.Firms such as Amazon and eBay have even helped make Britain's Royal Mail profitable. It needs to be: on January 1st, the Royal Mail lost its 350-year-old monopoly on carrying letters. It will face growing competition from rivals, such as Germany's Deutsche Post, which has expanded vigorously after partial privatisation and now owns DHL, another big international delivery company.Both post offices and express-delivery firms have developed a range of services to help ecommerce and eBay's traders—who listed a colossal 1.9 billion items for sale last year. Among the most popular services are tracking numbers, which allow people to follow the progress of their deliveries on the internet.A question of standardsMore suggestions of bad behaviour by tobacco companies. MaybeANOTHER round has just been fought in the battle between tobacco companies and those who regard them as spawn of the devil. In a paper just published in the Lancet, with the provocative title “Secret science: tobacco industry research on smoking behaviour and cigarette toxicity”, David Hammond, of Waterloo University in Canada and Neil Collishaw and Cynthia Callard, two members of Physicians for a Smoke-Free Canada, a lobby group, criticise the behaviour of British American Tobacco (BAT). They say the firm considered manipulating some of its products in order to make them low-tar in the eyes of officialdom while they actually delivered high tar and nicotine levels to smokers.It was and is no secret, as BAT points out, that people smoke low-tar cigarettes differently from high-tar ones. The reason is that they want a decent dose of the nicotine which tobacco smoke contains. They therefore pull a larger volume of air through the cigarette when they draw on a low-tar rather than a high-tar variety. The extra volume makes up for the lower concentration of the drug.But a burning cigarette is a complex thing, and that extra volume has some unexpected consequences. In particular, a bigger draw is generally a faster draw. That pulls a higher proportion of the air inhaled through the burning tobacco, rather than through the paper sides of the cigarette. This, in turn, means more smoke per unit volume, and thus more tar and nicotine. The nature of the nicotine may change, too, with more of it being in a form that is easy for the body to absorb.According to Dr Hammond and his colleagues, a series of studies conducted by BAT's researchers between 1972 and 1994 quantified much of this. The standardised way of analysing cigarette smoke, as laid down by the International Organisation for Standardisation (ISO), which regulates everything from computer code to greenhouse gases, uses a machine to make 35-millilitre puffs, drawn for two seconds once a minute. The firm's researchers, by contrast, found that real smokers draw 50-70ml per puff, and do so twice a minute. Dr Hammonds's conclusion is drawn from the huge body of documents disgorged by the tobacco industry as part of various legal settlements that have taken place in the past few years, mainly as a result of disputes with the authorities in the United States.Dr Hammond suggests, however, the firm went beyond merely investigating how people smoked. A series of internal documents from the late 1970s and early 1980s shows that BAT at least thought about applying this knowledge to cigarette design.A research report from 1979 puts it thus: “There are three major design featur es which can be used either individually or in combination to manipulate delivery levels; filtration, paper permeability, and filter-tip ventilation.” A conference paper from 1983 says, “The challenge would be to reduce the mainstream nicotine determined by standard smoking-machine measurement while increasing the amount that would actually be absorbed by the smoker”. Another conference paper, from 1984, says: “We should strive to achieve this effect without appearing to have a cigarette that cheats the league table. Ideally it should appear to be no different from a normal cigarette...It should also be capable of delivering up to 100% more than its machine delivery.”Thanks to the banksCollege students learn more about market ratesA GOOD education may be priceless, but in America it is far from cheap—and it is not getting any cheaper. On February 1st Congress narrowly passed the Deficit Reduction Act, which aims to slim America's bulging budget deficit by, among other things, lopping $12.7 billion off the federal student-loan programme. Interest rates on student loans will rise while subsidies fall.Family incomes, grant aid and federal loans have all failed to keep pace with the growth in the cost of tuition. “The funding gap between what students can afford and what higher education costs has got wider and wider,” says Claire Mezzanotte of Fitch, a ratings agency. Lenders are rushing to bridge the gap with “private” student loans—loans that are free of government subsidies and guarantees.Virtually non-existent ten years ago, private student loans in the 2004-05 school year amounted to $13.8 billion—a compound annual growth rate of almost 30%—and they are expected to double in the next three years. According to the College Board, an association of schools and colleges, private student loans now make up nearly 22% of the volume of federal student loans, up from a mere 5% in 1994-95.The growth shows little sign of slowing. Education costs continue to climb while pressure on Congress to pare down the budget deficit means federal aid will, at best, stay at current levels. Meanwhile, the number of students attending colleges and tradeschools is expected to soar as the children of post-war baby-boomers continue matriculating.Private student loans are popular with lenders because they are profitable. Lenders charge market rates for the loans (the rates on federal student loans are capped) before adding up-front fees, which can themselves be around 6-7% of the loan. Sallie Mae, a student-loan company and by far the biggest dispenser of private student loans, disclosed in its most recent report that the average spread on its private student lending was 4.75%, more than three times the 1.31% it made on its federally backed loans.All of this is good news when lenders are hungry for new areas of growth in the face of a cooling mortgage market. Private student loans, says Matthew Snowling of Friedman, Billings, Ramsey, an investment bank, are probably “the fastest-growing segment of consumer finance—and by far the most profitable one—at a time when finding asset growth is challenging.” Last December J.P. Morgan, which already had a sizeable education-finance unit, snapped up Collegiate Funding Services, a Virginia-based provider of federal and private student loans. Companies from Bank of America to GMAC, the financing arm of General Motors, have jumped in. Other consumer-finance companies, such as Capital One, are whispered to be eyeing the market.In the beginning...How life on Earth got going is still mysterious, but not for want of ideasNEVER make forecasts, especially about the future. Samuel Goldwyn's wise advice is well illustrated by a pair of scientific papers published in 1953. Both were thought by their authors to be milestones on the path to the secret of life, but only one has so far amounted to much, and it was not the one that caught the public imagination at the time.James Watson and Francis Crick, who wrote “A structure for deoxyribose nucleic acid”, have become as famous as rock stars for asking how life works and thereby starting a line of inquiry that led to the Human Genome Project. Stanley Miller, by contrast, though lauded by his peers, languishes in obscurity as far as the wider world is concerned. Yet when it appeared, “Production of amino acids under possible primitive Earth conditions” was expected to begin a scientific process that would solve a problem in some ways more profound than how life works at the moment—namely how it got going in the first place on the surface of a sterile rock 150m km from a small, unregarded yellow star.Dr Miller was the first to address this question experimentally. Inspired by one of Charles Darwin's ideas, that the ingredients of life might have formed by chemical reactions in a “warm, little pond”, he mixed the gases then thought to have formed the atmosphere of the primitive Earth— methane, ammonia and hydrogen—in a flask half-full of boiling water, and passed electric sparks, mimicking lightning, through them for several days to see what would happen. What happened, as the name of the paper suggests, was amino acids, the building blocks of proteins. The origin of life then seemed within grasp. But it has eluded researchers ever since. They are still looking, though, and this week several of them met at the Royal Society, in London, to review progress.The origin question is really three sub-questions. One is, where did the raw materials for life come from? That is what Dr Miller was asking. The second is, how did those raw materials spontaneously assemble themselves into the first object to which the term “alive” might reasonably be applied? The third is, how, having once come into existence, did it survive conditions in the early solar system?The first question was addressed by Patrick Thaddeus, of the Harvard-Smithsonian Centre for Astrophysics, and Max Bernstein, who works at the Ames laboratory, in California, part of America's space agency, NASA. As Dr Bernstein succinctly put it, the chemical raw materials for life, in the form of simple compounds that could then be assembled into more complex biomolecules, could come from above, below or beyond.Full to burstingRising levels of carbon dioxide will dump even more water into the oceansTHE lungs of the planet, namely green-leafed plants that breathe in carbon dioxide and breathe out oxygen, also put water vapour into the atmosphere. Just as people lose water through breathing (think of the misted mirror used to check for vital signs), so, too, do plants. The question is, what effect will rising concentrations of carbon dioxide have on this? The answer, published in this week's Nature by Nicola Gedney of Britain's Meteorological Office and her colleagues, would appear to be, less water in the atmosphere and more in the oceans.Measurements of the volume of water that rivers return to the oceans show that, around the world, rivers have become fuller over the past century. In theory, there are many reasons why this could be so, but some have already been discounted. Research has established, for example, that it is not, overall, raining—or snowing, hailing or sleeting—any more than it used to. But there are other possibilities. One concerns changes in land use, such as deforestation and urbanisation. The soil in rural areas soaks up the rain and trees breathe it back into the atmosphere, whereas the concrete in urban areas transfers rainwater into drains and hence into rivers. Another possibility is “solar dimming”, in which aerosol particles create a hazy atmosphere that holds less water. And then there is the direct effect of carbon dioxide on plant transpiration.Dr Gedney used a statistical technique called “optimal fingerprinting” or “detection and attribution” to identify which of these four factors matter. Her team carried out five simulations of river flow in the 20th century. In the first of these they allowed all four explanations to vary: rainfall, haze, atmospheric carbon dioxide and land use. They then held one of them constant in each of the next four simulations. By comparing the outcome of each of these with the first simulation, the team gained a sense of its part in the overall picture. So, for example, they inferred the role of land use by deducting the simulation in which it was fixed from the simulation in which it varied.As with any statistical analysis, the results are only as good as the model, the experimental design and the data. Dr Gedney and her colleagues acknowledge that their model does not fully take into account the use of water to irrigate crops—particularly important in Asia and Europe—nor the question of urban growth. They argue, however, that these aspects, taken together, would remove water from rivers, which makes their conclusion all the more striking. And it is this: fuller rivers cannot be explained by more rainfall or haze or changes in land use, but they can be explained by higher concentrations of atmospheric carbon dioxide.The mechanism is straightforward. A plant breathes through small holes, called stomata, found in its leaves. Plants take in carbon dioxide, and when the atmosphere is relatively rich in this gas, less effort is needed. The stomata stay closed for longer, and less water is lost to the atmosphere. This means that the plant doesn't need to draw as much moisture from the soil. The unused water flows into rivers.The great tech buy-out boomWill the enthusiasm of private-equity firms for investing in technology and telecoms end in tears, again?PRIME COMPUTERS, Rhythm NetConnections and XO Communications—all names to drain the blood from the face of a private-equity investor. Or so it was until recently, when investing in technology and telecoms suddenly became all the rage for private-equity companies. These investment firms—labelled “locusts” by unfriendly Europeans—generally make their money by buying big controlling stakes in companies, improving their efficiency, and then selling them on.In the late 1980s, Prime Computers became private equity's first great “tech wreck”, humiliating investors who thought they understood the technology business and could nurture the firm back to health away from the shorttermist pressures of the public stockmarket. After Prime failed, private-equity firms spent the best part of a decade focusing solely on the old economy. Only in the late 1990s, when the new economy was all the rage, did they pluck up the courage to return to tech and telecoms—a decision some of the grandest names in the industry were soon to regret. Hicks, Muse, Furst and Tate (Rhythm NetConnections) and Forstmann Little (XO) have both been shadows of their old selves since losing fortunes on telecoms.Now, investing in technology and telecoms is once again one of the hottest areas in the super-heated privateequity market. The multi-billion-dollar question is: will this round of investment end any less horribly than the previous two?Last month TDC, a Danish phone company, was finally acquired after a bid of $15.3 billion by a consortium including European giants Permira Advisors and Apax Partners, and American veterans Kohlberg Kravis Roberts (KKR), Blackstone Group and Providence Equity Partners. In the past five years, there has been private-equity involvement in about 40% of telecoms deals in Europe.On the other side of the Atlantic, the action has focused mainly on technology, rather than telecoms. Last summer, a consortium including Silver Lake Partners and KKR completed the biggest private-equity tech deal to date, buying SunGard Data Systems, a financial-technology firm, for $11.3 billion. Since then the deals have continued to flow. The $1.2 billion acquisition of Serena Software by Silver Lake is due to be completed by the end of March. Blackstone and others are said to be circling two IT outsourcing firms—Computer Sciences and ACS.There are reasons to hope that this time will be different. In telecoms, for instance, private-equity firms are mostly trying to buy established firms—often former national monopolists—that, while they might be threatened by internet telephony, have strong cash flow, physical assets and plenty of scope to improve the quality of management. These are the sorts of characteristicsprivate-equity investors thrive on. By contrast, the disastrous investments in the late 1990s were in new telecoms firms that were building their operations.In technology, private-equity interest has grown as the industry has matured, and cash-flow and profitability have become more predictable. Until recently, it has been the norm for tech firms to plough back all their profit and cashflow into investing in the business. They have carried no debt and paid no dividends. Now private-equity firms see the opportunity to pursue their classic strategy of buying firms by borrowing against cashflow, and then returning money to shareholders. Glenn Hutchins of Silver Lake thinks the tech sector is now in a similar condition to the old economy in America in the early 1980s, which is when private equity first started to have an impact, by restructuring and consolidating many industries.How to live for everThe latest from the wacky world of anti-senescence therapyDEATH is a fact of life—at least it has been so far. Humans grow old. From early adulthood, performance starts to wane. Muscles become progressively weaker, cognition fails. But the point at which age turns to ill health and, ultimately, death is shifting—that is, people are remaining healthier for longer. And that raises the question of how death might be postponed, and whether it might be postponed indefinitely.Humans are certainly living longer. An American child born in 1970 could expect to live 70.8 years. By 2000, that had increased to 77 years. Moreover, an adult still alive at the age of 75 in 2002 could expect a further 11.5 years of life.Much of this change has been the result of improved nutrition and better medicine. But to experience a healthy old age also involves maintaining physical and mental function. Age-related non-pathological changes in the brain, muscles, joints, immune system, lungs and heart must be minimised. These changes are called “senescence”.Research shows that exercise can help to maintain physical function late in life and that exercising one's brain can limit the progression of senescence. Other work—on the effects of caloric restriction, consuming red wine and altering genes in yeast, mice and nematodes—has shown promise in slowing senescence.The approach advocated by Aubrey de Grey of the University of Cambridge, in England, and presented at last week's meeting of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, is rather more radical. As an engineer, he favours intervening directly to repair the changes in the body that are caused by ageing. This is an approach he dubs “strategies for engineered negligible senescence”. In other words, if ageing humans can be patched up for 30 years, he argues, science will have developed sufficiently to make further repairs more effective, postponing death indefinitely.Dr de Grey's ideas, which are informed by literature surveys rather than experimental work, have been greeted with scorn by those working at developing such repair kits. Steven Austad, a gerontologist based at the University of Texas, warns that such therapies are many years away and may never arrive at all. There are also the side effects to consider. While mice kept onlow-calorie diets live longer than their fatter friends, the skinny mice are less fertile and are sometimes sterile. Humans wishing both to prolong their lives and to procreate might thus wish to wait until their child-bearing years were behind them before embarking on such a diet, although, by then, relatively more age-related damage will have accumulated.No one knows exactly why a low-calorie diet extends the life of mice, but some researchers think it is linked to the rate at which cells divide. There is a maximum number of times that a human cell can divide (roughly 50) before it dies. This is because the ends of chromosomes, structures called telomeres, shorten each time the cell divides. Eventually, there is not enough left for any further division.Cell biologists led by Judith Campisi at the Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory in California doubt that every cell has this dividing limit, and believe that it could be only those cells that have stopped dividing that cause ageing. They are devising an experiment to create a mouse in which senescent cells—those that no longer divide—are prevented from accumulating. They plan to activate a gene in the mouse that will selectively eliminate senescent cells. Such a mouse could demonstrate whether it is。
economist(经济学人)精品文章中英对照
Whopper to go至尊汉堡,打包带走Will Burger King be gobbled up by private equity?汉堡王是否会被私人股本吞并?Sep 2nd 2010 | NEW YORKSHARES in Burger King (BK) soared on September 1st on reports that the fast-food company was talking to several private-equity firms interested in buying it. How much beef was behind these stories was unclear. But lately the company famous for the slogan “Have It Your Way” has certainly not been having it its own way. There may be arguments about whether BK or McDonald’s serves the best fries, but there is no doubt which is more popular with stockmarket investors: the maker of the Big Mac has supersized its lead in the past two years.有报道披露,快餐企业汉堡王(BK)正在与数个有收购意向的私人股本接洽,9月1日,汉堡王的股值随之飙升。
这些报道究竟有多少真材实料不得而知。
汉堡王的著名口号是“我选我味”,但如今显然它身不由己,心中五味杂陈。
汉堡王和麦当劳哪家薯条最好吃,食客们一直争论不休,但股票投资人更喜欢哪家股票,却一目了然:过去两年里,巨无霸麦当劳一直在扩大自己的优势。
(完整word版)友课教育【读外刊学英语第三期】:“on-demandeconomy”
这一期,友课教育Iris老师带大家一起阅读《经济学人》2015年1月3日期刊,对于受到广泛关注的新经济模式—“on-demand economy"(按需经济)展开了客观的讨论与分析。
The on-demand economy:Workers on tap按需经济:召之即来的工人The rise of the on—demand economy poses difficult questions for workers,companies and politicians按需经济的兴起,为工人、公司和政客提供了难题Some of the forces behind the on-demand economy have been around for decades.Ever since the 1970s the economy that Henry Ford helped create,with big firms and big trade unions,has withered。
Manufacturing jobs have been automatedout of existence or outsourced abroad,while big companies have abandoned lifetime employment。
Some 53m American workers already work as freelances。
按需经济背后的一些力量已经存在了几十年之久。
自上世纪七十年代开始,亨利·福特推动形成的大公司和大工会经济模式已经萎缩。
制造业的一些工作不是被自动化取代便是外包至海外,同时许多大公司都已经放弃终身聘用制,大约有5300万美国工人已然成为自由职业者。
词汇小贴士force[fɔːs]n。
力量,军队air force/vt.促进,推动economy[ɪ’kɒnəmɪ]n。
巨无霸指数
巨无霸指数简单了解巨无霸指数各国的汉堡包价格与美国汉堡包价格之比即为此国货币与美元的巨无霸指数例如:当前中国的汉堡包(巨无霸)的价格是,9.50,而美国的是$2.90。
于是人民币对美元的当前巨无霸指数就是2.90?9.50,3.28这个数值大大低于当前人民币与美元的汇率8.28,据此理论,我们就认为人民币被低估了这个指数是由《经济学人》《Economist》制定的。
主要理论依据是购买力平价理论。
关于这个指数最详细的介绍,莫过于《Economist》自己的一篇文章,现在与大家分享这篇妙文。
Food for thoughtMay 27th 2004 From The Economist print editionThe world economy looks very different once countries' output is adjusted for differences in prices 用不同的标准衡量国家产出,就会看到不同的世界经济HOW fast is the world economy growing? How important is China as an engine of growth? How much richer is the average person in America than in China? The answers to these huge questions depend crucially on how you convert the value of output in different countries into a common currency. Converting national GDPs into dollars at market exchange ratesis misleading. Prices tend to be lower in poor economies, so a dollar of spending in China, say, is worth a lot more than a dollar in America. A better method is to use purchasing-power parities (PPP), which take account of price differences.世界经济增长的有多快,作为一个增长引擎,中国在世界经济中有多重要,美国人均比中国富多少,如何把不同国家的产出价值换算成相同的货币决定了这些问题的答案。
经济学人读译Three meetings, many partings
China’s economy中国经济Three meetings, many partings夫妻本是同林鸟,“三会”到来各自飞Fresh property curbs prompt couples to divorce新的房产限制措施促使夫妻离异Mar 9th 2013 | HONG KONG |From the print editionTHEIR tea hot and fragrant, their pencils sharp and red, delegates assembled in Beijing this week for China’s lianghui or “two meetings”, the annual gathering of the country’s rubber-stamp parliament (the National People’s Congress) and its political advisory body (the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference). There they heard the outgoing prime minister, Wen Jiabao, declare the government’s economic targets and aspirations for the year ahead, including 7.5% growth.热乎乎的茶沁出芳香,红色的铅笔削尖待用。
本周,代表们齐聚北京,参加中国的“两会”,也就是每年一聚的、只盖章不审核的中国版国会(全国人名代表大会)及该国的政治顾问机构(中国人民政治协商会议)。
在那儿,他们聆听了即将离职的总理温家宝报告政府来年的经济目标和宏伟蓝图,包括7.5%的经济增长率。
But the deliberations at these events were upstaged by an earlier, more arresting announcement. On March 1st the State Council, China’s cabinet, spelled out fresh curbs on property speculation, sending the housing market, the stockmarket and even the marriage market into a tizzy.但在,一则在这之前发布的更加令人不安的公告却在风头上盖过了这些事项中的审议议题。
考研英语阅读理解外刊原文经济学人
The 19th century French philosopher Auguste Comte got it wrong: demography is not destiny.19世纪法国哲学家奥古斯特•孔德错了:人口并不决定命运。
Population trends are some of the strongest forces in economics, affecting global prosperity, the growth of individual nations and the strength of public finances. But reducing the success of countries and regions to their trends in births, deaths and migration is a simplification too far.各种人口趋势是经济学中最强大的一些力量,影响着全球繁荣、单个国家的增长和公共财政的实力。
但是,将国家和区域的成功归结于其出生、死亡和人口移徙趋势是一种过于简单化的做法。
As the coronavirus pandemic has shown, the confident predictions in 2020 of a lockdown baby boom followed by the 2021 fear of a Covid baby bust demonstrate that demographic trends are far less stable than often imagined. Small changes in fertility, mortality and migration can have immense effects.正如新冠疫情所显示的那样,2020年对疫情封锁会带来一波婴儿潮的自信预测,以及接下来的2021年对疫情会造成婴儿荒的担忧,表明人口趋势远没有通常想象的那么稳定。
chinadaily经济类新闻 中英对照版 口译必备
【Top News】>Daughters more popular英媒:房价削中国重男风High property prices and economic development have begun to erode China's traditional preference for sons, leading to a rise in the number of Chinese parents who say they want a daughter, the Financial Times of London reported Tuesday. The conventional wisdom - that China is a land of unwanted girls - is being changed as urbanization erodes the advantage of having sons to work the fields and support parents in old age. Rising property prices are also driving the change because Chinese families must traditionally buy an apartment for a son before he marries. As a result, Internet chat groups have sprang up where women exchange advice on how to conceive girls.英国《金融时报》2日称,中国的高房价和经济发展开始削弱人们重男轻女的传统风气,越来越多的父母表示更喜欢女儿。
文章称,城市化削弱了有儿子的优势,如儿子可以下田劳作、养老送终,因此"养女多余"的传统思想正渐行渐远。
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原文China's economyComing down to earthChinese growth is losing altitude. Will it be a soft or hard landing?Apr 15th 2015 | ZHENGZHOU| Online extraWHEN “60 Minutes”, an American television news programme, visited a new district in the metropolis of Zhengzhou in 2013, it made it the poster-child for China’s property bubble. “We found what they call a ghost city,” said Lesley Stahl, the host. “Uninhabited for miles, and miles, and miles, and miles.” Two years on, she would not be able to say the same. The empty streets where she stood have a steady stream of cars during the day. Workers saunter out of offices at lunch. Laundry hangs in the windows of the subdivisions.The new district (pictured above), situated on the eastern side of Zhengzhou, a city of 9m in central China, took off when the provincial and city governments relocated many of their offices there. Then, high schools with university-sized campuses began admitting students, drawing families to the area. Last autumn one of the world's biggest children's hospitals opened, a gleaming facility with cheery colours and 1,100 beds. Chen Jinbo, one of the area’s earlier residents, bemoans the lost quiet of a few years ago. “Rush hour is a hassle now.”The success of Zhengzhou’s development belies some of the worst fears about China’s overinvestment. What appear to be ghost cities can, with the right catalysts and a bit of time, acquire flesh and bones. Yet it also marks a turning-point for the Chinese economy. Zhengzhou still has ambitious plans, not least for a massive logistics hub around its airport. With such a big urban area already built up, though, vast construction projectshave a progressively smaller impact on the economy. The city’s GDP growth fell to 9.3% last year from an average of more than 13% over the preceding decade. The downward trend will continue. As the capital of Henan, one of the country’s poorest provinces, Zhengzhou had anchored the country’s last, large, fast-growth frontier. Its maturation signals that the slowing of China’s economy is not a cyclical blip but a structural downshift.When growth flagged in powerful coastal provinces a few years ago, the poorer interior picked up the slack. It was large enough to do so, for a time. Henan and the other inland provinces that have a similar level of income per head have 430m residents, nearly a third of China’s total. If they were a sovereign country, they would form the world’sseventh-biggest economy, ahead of both Brazil and India. The far west is China’s final underdeveloped region but it carries much less weight: it makes up less than a tenth of the national population.So the question for China is not whether growth will rebound to anything like thedouble-digit pace of the past. Instead, it is whether its slowdown will be a gradual descent—a little bumpy at times but free from crisis—or a sudden, dangerous lurch lower. Figures released on April 15th revealed a further loss of altitude: GDP in the first quarter grew by 7% from a year earlier, the lowest since the depths of the global financial crisis in early 2009. Signs of stress are emerging: capital is leaving the country, public finances are more stretched and bad debts are rising.Yet that is not the full story. China also has impressive underlying strengths and a new determination to fix its most harmful distortions. “Growth will keep on declining,” says Xiang Songzuo, chief economist with Agricultural Bank of China, a state-owned lender. “Our main wish is that the decline go smoothly.”Storm warningThe darkest cloud over China is its property market. Factoring in its impact from steel to furniture, it has powered nearly a fifth of the economy. Now, it is set to subtract from growth. House prices have fallen by 6% over the past year, the steepest drop since records began. It is not the first time that the property market has looked fragile, but previous dips were driven by deliberate policies to cool the market. In recent months, it has been the opposite: demand has failed to respond to a series of boosts such as cheaper mortgage rates. This has prompted predictions of a coming crash.Problems are real but such disaster warnings rest on a misdiagnosis. The oft-heard idea that China is sitting on mountains of unsold homes is an exaggeration. Those making this claim point to the gap between property sales and construction. Sales of residential housing last year were 20% higher than they were in 2009, but projects under way have more than doubled since then, according to official data. If true, it would take five years to consume the pipeline of homes being built, up from three before the global financial crisis.But many of those projects are in fact little more than holes in the ground. Some have been halted for a lack of funds, others because developers want to wait to sell into a stronger market. The evidence for this is actual construction activity, indicated by property completions as well as cement production (see chart 1). These are a much closer fit with sales. It will take 16 months to clear China’s inventory of new homes at the current sales rate, up from ten months when the market was in better shape, according to E-House, a property consultancy. This points to a deterioration but hardly a nightmare.That China’s property market is not about to collapse under the weight of oversupply is, of course, good. The bad news is that its growth is stalling. The housing sector started to take off early this century after the government allowed ownership of private property. Mass migration to cities added to demand; China’s urbanisation rate has more than doubled to 55% today from 26% in 1990. Both these factors are fading. Many Chinese have already upgraded to snazzier flats than their original state-issued boxes. And though millions continue to move to cities every year, the pace of urbanisation is slowing.Many analysts now expect housing sales, which have reached about 10m units annually, to start falling soon. There will still be homes aplenty to build but fewer with each passing year. Those who were over-optimistic about the longevity of the boom are paying a price. Chinese steelmakers had created capacity for 1.2 billion tonnes a year. The 820m tonnes produced last year may well be the top.Property is thus turning from a driver into a drag for the Chinese economy. Wang Tao of UBS, a bank, estimates that every ten percentage-point drop in construction growth cuts as much as three percentage points off GDP. She forecasts a deceleration of about half that size this year.The more sedate reality is sinking in. In the south of Henan province, the county of Gushi had wanted to expand its central city to reach a population of 1.2m, from 500,000 now. Construction work is feverish. The clang of hammers and the growl of diggers reverberate throughout its streets. But with housing sales failing to meet expectations, Gushi has lowered its sights. It is aiming instead for a population of 800,000. Muddy fields on the outskirts that had been zoned for development seem destined to remain untouched.Dragged down by debtOne way China could rekindle its property market is by using its banks to pump cash into the economy, as it did in 2008 when the global financial crisis struck. Yet that would be a dreadful mistake. Officials have their hands full already trying to deal with the legacy of the previous lending binge. Total debt has surged, rising from about 150% of GDP in 2008 to more than 250% today (see chart 2). Increases of smaller magnitudes were precursors to financial turmoil in Japan in the 1990s and much of the West over the past decade.With debt clogging up the economy’s gears, Chinese lending has grown less potent. In the six years before the financial crisis, each yuan of new credit resulted in about five yuan of economic output. In the six years since the crisis, each yuan of credit has yielded three of output. Banks report that a mere 1.25% of their assets have soured, but investors price their shares as if the true number is closer to 10%. Within banks themselves, there is distrust. “The headquarters don’t believe the provinces,” says a credit officer with a major lender.Until recently China could grow its way out of debt trouble. That is no longer an option. With inflation low and the economy weakening, nominal growth is half as fast as a few years earlier. The financial system is also far more complex than it was in the late 1990s, the last time China had a surge in bad debts. State-owned banks accounted for almost all lending back then. Since the financial crisis their share has fallen to less than two-thirds. Loosely regulated “shadow banks” make up much of the rest.But there is no ironclad law that a big rise in debt must result in crisis. Much depends on how liabilities are managed. China has several advantages. The vast majority of its debts are held at home. In many cases both debtors and creditors answer to the same master, the government. A state-owned bank is not about to call in a loan from a state-owned shipbuilder. This buys it time to sort out the mess. Debts are also concentrated. Households have not borrowed much, nor has the central government. The main culprits are local governments and a relatively narrow group of companies: state-owned enterprises, property developers and construction firms.China’s defences are now being tested by the prospect of the first big default in its property sector. Kaisa, a developer embroiled in a corruption case, is in negotiations with bondholders to restructure its debt. So far there has been no contagion throughout the financial industry. Investors have come to the same conclusion as Moody’s, a ratings agency: it is an isolated case, not symptomatic of systemic risks.In that respect, China’s real debt problem is similar to its property malaise. An acute crisis is unlikely, but the prognosis is still bleak. Credit growth has fallen below 15%year-on-year, down by about a quarter from the average of the past decade. But since nominal growth is even slower, China’s debt-to-GDP level continues to rise. Lending will thus have to slow yet further, one more dark cloud over the horizon.Back-up powerReporting about China’s economy sometimes gives the impression that it is one giant credit-fuelled property bubble. Were that true, the twin slowdowns in construction and lending would be enough to wrestle growth down to the low single digits, perhaps even into recession—a scenario touted for years by the most bearish analysts. China’s downturn still has a way to run but such pessimism has consistently been wide of the mark. A simple, if under-appreciated, reason is that it is a continental-sized economy, with a lot more going for it than one or two industries. And although the days of explosive catch-up growth are over now that China has gained middle-income status, it has scope for more moderate catch-up. Its per-capita GDP at purchasing-power parity is $12,000, not quite two-thirds that of Turkey and barely a third of South Korea’s.A much-needed shift towards consumption-led growth is just getting under way. Investment accounts for 50% of economic output, well beyond what even Japan and South Korea registered in their most intensive growth phases. Without rebalancing, overcapacity in industry would only get more severe, further undermining the return on capital. At last, there are glimmers of hope. Investment growth has halved in recent years but consumption growth has held steady; in future, as China’s growth slows, consumption should contribute a bigger share of it (see chart 3).This is in part testament to the government’s progress in constructing a social safety net. Health insurance, old-age benefits and free schooling, though works in progress, appear to have helped check the remarkable propensity of Chinese to save. At about 40% of income, the household savings rate has stopped rising in the past few years.。