美国经典英文演讲100篇_0

合集下载

[整理]100篇美国经典英文演讲稿

美国经典英文演讲100篇:Brandenburg Gate AddressRonald ReaganRemarks at the Brandenburg Gatedelivered 12 June 1987, West Berlin[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio.(2)]Thank you. Thank you, very much.Chancellor Kohl, Governing Mayor Diepgen, ladies and gentlemen: Twenty four years ago, President John F. Kennedy visited Berlin, and speaking to the people of this city and the world at the city hall. Well since then two other presidents have come, each in his turn to Berlin. And today, I, myself, make my second visit to your city.We come to Berlin, we American Presidents, because it's our duty to speak in this place of freedom. But I must confess, we’re drawn here by other things as well; by the feeling of history in this city -- more than 500 years older than our own nation; by the beauty of the Grunewald and the Tiergarten; most of all, by your courage and determination. Perhaps the composer, Paul Linke, understood something about American Presidents. You see, like so many Presidents before me, I come here today because wherever I go, whatever I do: “Ich hab noch einen Koffer in Berlin” [I still have a suitcase in Berlin.]Our gathering today is being broadcast throughout Western Europe and North America. I understand that it is being seen and heard as well in the East. To those listening throughout Eastern Europe, I extend my warmest greetings and the good will of the American people. To those listening in East Berlin, a special word: Although I cannot be with you, I address my remarks to you just as surely as to those standing here before me. For I join you, as I join your fellow countrymen in the West, in this firm, this unalterable belief: Es gibt nur ein Berlin. [There is only one Berlin.]Behind me stands a wall that encircles the free sectors of this city, part of a vast system of barriers that divides the entire continent of Europe. From the Baltic South, those barriers cut across Germany in a gash of barbed wire, concrete, dog runs, and guard towers. Farther south, there may be no visible, no obvious wall. But there remain armed guards and checkpoints all the same -- still a restriction on the right to travel, still an instrument to impose upon ordinary men and women the will of a totalitarian state.Yet, it is here in Berlin where the wall emerges most clearly; here, cutting across your city, where the news photo and the television screen have imprinted this brutal division of a continent upon the mind of the world.Standing before the Brandenburg Gate, every man is a German separated from his fellow men.Every man is a Berliner, forced to look upon a scar.President Von Weizsäcker has said, "The German question is open as long as the Brandenburg Gate is closed." Well today -- today I say: As long as this gate is closed, as long as this scar of a wall is permitted to stand, it is not the German question alone that remains open, but the question of freedom for all mankind.Yet, I do not come here to lament. For I find in Berlin a message of hope, even in the shadow of this wall, a message of triumph.In this season of spring in 1945, the people of Berlin emerged from their air-raid shelters to find devastation. Thousands of miles away, the people of the United States reached out to help. And in 1947 Secretary of State -- as you've been told -- George Marshall announced the creation of what would become known as the Marshall Plan. Speaking precisely 40 years ago this month, he said: "Our policy is directed not against any country or doctrine, but against hunger, poverty, desperation, and chaos."In the Reichstag a few moments ago, I saw a display commemorating this 40th anniversary of the Marshall Plan. I was struck by a sign -- the sign on aburnt-out, gutted structure that was being rebuilt. I understand that Berliners of my own generation can remember seeing signs like it dotted throughout the western sectors of the city. The sign read simply: "The Marshall Plan is helping here to strengthen the free world." A strong, free world in the West -- that dream became real. Japan rose from ruin to become an economic giant. Italy, France, Belgium -- virtually every nation in Western Europe saw political and economic rebirth; the European Community was founded.In West Germany and here in Berlin, there took place an economic miracle, the Wirtschaftswunder. Adenauer, Erhard, Reuter, and other leaders understood the practical importance of liberty -- that just as truth can flourish only when the journalist is given freedom of speech, so prosperity can come about only when the farmer and businessman enjoy economic freedom. The German leaders -- the German leaders reduced tariffs, expanded free trade, lowered taxes. From 1950 to 1960 alone, the standard of living in West Germany and Berlin doubled.Where four decades ago there was rubble, today in West Berlin there is the greatest industrial output of any city in Germany: busy office blocks, fine homes and apartments, proud avenues, and the spreading lawns of parkland. Where a city's culture seemed to have been destroyed, today there are two great universities, orchestras and an opera, countless theaters, and museums. Where there was want, today there's abundance -- food, clothing, automobiles -- the wonderful goods of the Kudamm.¹ From devastation, from utter ruin, you Berliners have, in freedom, rebuilt a city that once again ranks as one of the greatest on earth. Now the Soviets may have had other plans. But my friends, there were a few things the Soviets didn't count on: Berliner Herz, Berliner Humor, ja, und Berliner Schnauze. [Berliner heart, Berliner humor, yes, and a Berliner Schnauze.²]In the 1950s -- In the 1950s Khrushchev predicted: "We will bury you."But in the West today, we see a free world that has achieved a level of prosperity and well-being unprecedented in all human history. In the Communist world, we see failure, technological backwardness, declining standards of health, even want of the most basic kind -- too little food. Even today, the Soviet Union still cannot feed itself. After these four decades, then, there stands before the entire world one great and inescapable conclusion: Freedom leads to prosperity. Freedom replaces the ancient hatreds among the nations with comity and peace. Freedom is the victor.And now -- now the Soviets themselves may, in a limited way, be coming to understand the importance of freedom. We hear much from Moscow about a new policy of reform and openness. Some political prisoners have been released. Certain foreign news broadcasts are no longer being jammed. Some economicenterprises have been permitted to operate with greater freedom from state control.Are these the beginnings of profound changes in the Soviet state? Or are they token gestures intended to raise false hopes in the West, or to strengthen the Soviet system without changing it? We welcome change and openness; for we believe that freedom and security go together, that the advance of human liberty -- the advance of human liberty can only strengthen the cause of world peace.There is one sign the Soviets can make that would be unmistakable, that would advance dramatically the cause of freedom and peace.General Secretary Gorbachev, if you seek peace, if you seek prosperity for the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, if you seek liberalization: Come here to this gate.Mr. Gorbachev, open this gate.Mr. Gorbachev -- Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall!I understand the fear of war and the pain of division that afflict this continent, and I pledge to you my country's efforts to help overcome these burdens. To be sure, we in the West must resist Soviet expansion. So, we must maintain defenses of unassailable strength. Yet we seek peace; so we must strive to reduce arms on both sides.Beginning 10 years ago, the Soviets challenged the Western alliance with a grave new threat, hundreds of new and more deadly SS-20 nuclear missiles capable of striking every capital in Europe. The Western alliance responded by committing itself to a counter-deployment (unless the Soviets agreed tonegotiate a better solution) -- namely, the elimination of such weapons on both sides. For many months, the Soviets refused to bargain in earnestness. As the alliance, in turn, prepared to go forward with its counter-deployment, there were difficult days, days of protests like those during my 1982 visit to this city; and the Soviets later walked away from the table.But through it all, the alliance held firm. And I invite those who protested then -- I invite those who protest today -- to mark this fact: Because we remained strong, the Soviets came back to the table. Because we remained strong, today we have within reach the possibility, not merely of limiting the growth of arms, but of eliminating, for the first time, an entire class of nuclear weapons from the face of the earth.As I speak, NATO ministers are meeting in Iceland to review the progress of our proposals for eliminating these weapons. At the talks in Geneva, we have also proposed deep cuts in strategic offensive weapons. And the Western allies have likewise made far-reaching proposals to reduce the danger of conventional war and to place a total ban on chemical weapons.While we pursue these arms reductions, I pledge to you that we will maintain the capacity to deter Soviet aggression at any level at which it might occur. And in cooperation with many of our allies, the United States is pursuing the Strategic Defense Initiative -- research to base deterrence not on the threat of offensive retaliation, but on defenses that truly defend; on systems, in short, that will not target populations, but shield them. By these means we seek to increase the safety of Europe and all the world. But we must remember a crucial fact: East and West do not mistrust each other because we are armed; we are armed because we mistrust each other. And our differences are not about weapons but about liberty. When President Kennedy spoke at the City Hall those24 years ago, freedom was encircled; Berlin was under siege. And today, despite all the pressures upon this city, Berlin stands secure in its liberty. And freedom itself is transforming the globe.In the Philippines, in South and Central America, democracy has been given a rebirth. Throughout the Pacific, free markets are working miracle after miracle of economic growth. In the industrialized nations, a technological revolution is taking place, a revolution marked by rapid, dramatic advances in computers and telecommunications.In Europe, only one nation and those it controls refuse to join the community of freedom. Yet in this age of redoubled economic growth, of information and innovation, the Soviet Union faces a choice: It must make fundamental changes, or it will become obsolete.Today, thus, represents a moment of hope. We in the West stand ready to cooperate with the East to promote true openness, to break down barriers that separate people, to create a safer, freer world. And surely there is no better place than Berlin, the meeting place of East and West, to make a start.Free people of Berlin: Today, as in the past, the United States stands for the strict observance and full implementation of all parts of the Four Power Agreement of 1971. Let us use this occasion, the 750th anniversary of this city, to usher in a new era, to seek a still fuller, richer life for the Berlin of the future. Together, let us maintain and develop the ties between the Federal Republic and the Western sectors of Berlin, which is permitted by the 1971 agreement.And I invite Mr. Gorbachev: Let us work to bring the Eastern and Western parts of the city closer together, so that all the inhabitants of all Berlin can enjoy the benefits that come with life in one of the great cities of the world.To open Berlin still further to all Europe, East and West, let us expand the vital air access to this city, finding ways of making commercial air service to Berlin more convenient, more comfortable, and more economical. We look to the day when West Berlin can become one of the chief aviation hubs in all central Europe.With -- With our French -- With our French and British partners, the United States is prepared to help bring international meetings to Berlin. It would be only fitting for Berlin to serve as the site of United Nations meetings, or world conferences on human rights and arms control, or other issues that call for international cooperation.There is no better way to establish hope for the future than to enlighten young minds, and we would be honored to sponsor summer youth exchanges, cultural events, and other programs for young Berliners from the East. Our French and British friends, I'm certain, will do the same. And it's my hope that an authority can be found in East Berlin to sponsor visits from young people of the Western sectors.One final proposal, one close to my heart: Sport represents a source of enjoyment and ennoblement, and you may have noted that the Republic of Korea -- South Korea -- has offered to permit certain events of the 1988 Olympics to take place in the North. International sports competitions of all kinds could take place in both parts of this city. And what better way todemonstrate to the world the openness of this city than to offer in some future year to hold the Olympic games here in Berlin, East and West.In these four decades, as I have said, you Berliners have built a great city. You've done so in spite of threats -- the Soviet attempts to impose theEast-mark, the blockade. Today the city thrives in spite of the challenges implicit in the very presence of this wall. What keeps you here? Certainly there's a great deal to be said for your fortitude, for your defiant courage. But I believe there's something deeper, something that involves Berlin's whole look and feel and way of life -- not mere sentiment. No one could live long in Berlin without being completely disabused of illusions. Something, instead, that has seen the difficulties of life in Berlin but chose to accept them, that continues to build this good and proud city in contrast to a surrounding totalitarian presence, that refuses to release human energies or aspirations, something that speaks with a powerful voice of affirmation, that says "yes" to this city, yes to the future, yes to freedom. In a word, I would submit that what keeps you in Berlin -- is "love."Love both profound and abiding.Perhaps this gets to the root of the matter, to the most fundamental distinction of all between East and West. The totalitarian world produces backwardness because it does such violence to the spirit, thwarting the human impulse to create, to enjoy, to worship. The totalitarian world finds even symbols of love and of worship an affront.Years ago, before the East Germans began rebuilding their churches, they erected a secular structure: the television tower at Alexander Platz. Virtually ever since, the authorities have been working to correct what they view as the tower's one major flaw: treating the glass sphere at the top with paints and chemicals of every kind. Yet even today when the sun strikes that sphere, that sphere that towers over all Berlin, the light makes the sign of the cross. There in Berlin, like the city itself, symbols of love, symbols of worship, cannot be suppressed.As I looked out a moment ago from the Reichstag, that embodiment of German unity, I noticed words crudely spray-painted upon the wall, perhaps by a young Berliner (quote):"This wall will fall. Beliefs become reality."Yes, across Europe, this wall will fall, for it cannot withstand faith; it cannot withstand truth. The wall cannot withstand freedom.And I would like, before I close, to say one word. I have read, and I have been questioned since I've been here about certain demonstrations against my coming. And I would like to say just one thing, and to those who demonstrate so.I wonder if they have ever asked themselves that if they should have the kind of government they apparently seek, no one would ever be able to do what they're doing again.-------------Thank you and God bless you all. Thank you. -------------。

美国经典英文演讲100篇Checkers

I just don't believe in that, and I can say that never, while I have been in the Senate of the United States, as far as the people that contributed to this fund are concerned, have I made a telephone call for them to an agency, or have I gone down to an agency on their behalf. And the records will show that, the records which are in the hands of the administration.
Richard M. Nixon: "Checkers"
"...the kids, like all kids, love the dog, and...regardless of what they say about it, we're gonna keep it."
[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from the audio]
My Fellow Americans,
I come before you tonight as a candidate for the Vice Presidency and as a man whose honesty and integrity has been questioned.
Now, the usual political thing to do when charges are made against you is to either ignthout giving details. I believe we've had enough of that in the United States, particularly with the present Administration in Washington, D.C. To me the office of the Vice Presidency of the United States is a great office, and I feel that the people have got to have confidence in the integrity of the men who run for that office and who might obtain it.

美国经典英文演讲100篇Eulogy for Robert Francis Kennedy

美国经典英文演讲100篇:Eulogy for Robert Francis KennedyEdward M. KennedyAddress at the Public Memorial Service for Robert F. Kennedydelivered 8 June 1968 at St. Patrick's Cathedral, New York[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio.]Your Eminences, Your Excellencies, Mr. President:On behalf of Mrs. Kennedy, her children, the parents and sisters of Robert Kennedy, I want to express what we feel to those who mourn with us today in this Cathedral and around the world.We loved him as a brother, and as a father, and as a son. From his parents, and from his older brothers and sisters -- Joe and Kathleen and Jack -- he received an inspiration which he passed on to all of us. He gave us strength in time of trouble, wisdom in time of uncertainty, and sharing in time of happiness. He will always be by our side.Love is not an easy feeling to put into words. Nor is loyalty, or trust, or joy. But he was all of these. He loved life completely and he lived it intensely.A few years back, Robert Kennedy wrote some words about his own father which expresses [sic] the way we in his family felt about him. He said of what his father meant to him, and I quote: "What it really all adds up to is love -- not love as it is described with such facility in popular magazines, but the kind of love that is affection and respect, order and encouragement, and support. Our awareness of this was an incalculable source of strength, and because real love is something unselfish and involves sacrifice and giving, we could not help but profit from it." And he continued, "Beneath it all, he has tried to engender a social conscience. There were wrongs which needed attention. There were people who were poor and needed help. And we have a responsibility to them and to this country. Through no virtues and accomplishments of our own, we have been fortunate enough to be born in the United States under the most comfortable conditions. We, therefore, have a responsibility to others who are less well off."That is what Robert Kennedy was given. What he leaves to us is what he said, what he did, and what he stood for. A speech he made to the young people of South Africa on their Day of Affirmation in 1966 sums it up the best, and I would like to read it now:"There is discrimination in this world and slavery and slaughter and starvation. Governments repress their people; millions are trapped in poverty while the nation grows rich and wealth is lavished on armaments everywhere. These are differing evils, but they are the common works of man. They reflect the imperfection of human justice, the inadequacy of human compassion, our lack of sensibility towards the suffering of our fellows. But we can perhaps remember -- even if only for a time -- that those who live with us are our brothers; that they share with us the same short moment of life; that they seek -- as we do -- nothing but the chance to live out their lives in purpose and happiness, winning what satisfaction and fulfillment they can.Surely, this bond of common faith, this bond of common goal, can begin to teach us something. Surely, we can learn, at least, to look at those around us as fellow men. And surely we can begin to work a little harder to bind up the wounds among us and to become in our own hearts brothers and countrymen once again. The answer is to rely on youth -- not a time of life but a state of mind, a temper of the will, a quality of imagination, a predominance of courage over timidity, of the appetite for adventure over the love of ease. The cruelties and obstacles of this swiftly changing planet will not yield to the obsolete dogmas and outworn slogans. They cannot be moved by those who cling to a present that is already dying, who prefer the illusion ofsecurity to the excitement and danger that come with even the most peaceful progress.It is a revolutionary world we live in, and this generation at home and around the world has had thrust upon it a greater burden of responsibility than any generation that has ever lived. Some believe there is nothing one man or one woman can do against the enormous array of the world's ills. Yet many of the world's great movements, of thought and action, have flowed from the work of a single man. A young monk began the Protestant reformation; a young general extended an empire from Macedonia to the borders of the earth; a young woman reclaimed the territory of France; and it was a young Italian explorer who discovered the New World, and the 32 year-old Thomas Jefferson who [pro]claimed that "all men are created equal."These men moved the world, and so can we all. Few will have the greatness to bend history itself, but each of us can work to change a small portion of events, and in the total of all those acts will be written the history of this generation. *It is from numberless diverse acts of courage and belief that human history is shaped.* Each time a man stands up for an ideal, or acts to improve the lot of others, or strikes out against injustice, he sends forth a tiny ripple of hope, and crossing each other from a million different centers of energy and daring, those ripples build a current that can sweep down the mightiest walls of oppression and resistance.Few are willing to brave the disapproval of their fellows, the censure of their colleagues, the wrath of their society. Moral courage is a rarer commodity than bravery in battle or great intelligence. Yet it is the one essential, vital quality for those who seek to change a world that yields most painfully to change. And I believe that in this generation those with the courage to enter the moral conflict will find themselves with companions in every corner of the globe.For the fortunate among us, there is the temptation to follow the easy and familiar paths of personal ambition and financial success so grandly spread before those who enjoy the privilege of education. But that is not the road history has marked out for us. Like it or not, we live in times of danger and uncertainty. But they are also more open to the creative energy of men than any other time in history. All of us will ultimately be judged, and as the years pass we will surely judge ourselves on the effort we have contributed to building a new world society and the extent to which our ideals and goals have shaped that event.*The future does not belong to those who are content with today, apathetic toward common problems and their fellow man alike, timid and fearful in the face of new ideas and bold projects. Rather it will belong to those who can blend vision, reason and courage in a personal commitment to the ideals and great enterprises of American Society.* Our future may lie beyond our vision, but it is not completely beyond our control. It is the shaping impulse of America that neither fate nor nature nor the irresistible tides of history, but the work of our own hands, matched to reason and principle, that will determine our destiny. There is pride in that, even arrogance, but there is also experience and truth. In any event, it is the only way we can live."That is the way he lived. That is what he leaves us.My brother need not be idealized, or enlarged in death beyond what he was in life; to be remembered simply as a good and decent man, who saw wrong and tried to right it, saw suffering and tried to heal it, saw war and tried to stop it.Those of us who loved him and who take him to his rest today, pray that what he was to us and what he wished for others will some day come to pass for all the world.As he said many times, in many parts of this nation, to those he touched and who sought to touch him:"Some men see things as they are and say why.I dream things that never were and say why not."。

经典美国励志演讲稿英文

Ladies and Gentlemen,Good morning/afternoon/evening. It is a great honor to stand before you today and share a message that has inspired countless individuals throughout the history of our great nation. Today, I want to talk about the power of dreams.Dreams are the seeds of our future. They are the sparks that ignite the flame of passion within us. They are the guiding stars that light our path when the darkness of doubt and fear tries to engulf us. Dreams are the essence of what it means to be human.In the words of Thomas Edison, "Our greatest weakness lies in giving up. The most certain way to succeed is always to try just one more time." This quote encapsulates the spirit of perseverance that has driven so many Americans to achieve greatness.Let us look at some of the greatest dreamers in American history. Take Abraham Lincoln, for instance. He dreamt of a nation "dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal." Despite facing countless setbacks and personal hardships, he never wavered in his pursuit of this dream. His unwavering determination led to the preservation of our nation and the eventual abolition of slavery.Or consider the story of Martin Luther King Jr. He dreamt of a world where people would be judged not by the color of their skin, but by the content of their character. His dream was a powerful force for change, and it inspired a generation to fight for equality and justice.These individuals were not just dreamers; they were doers. They took their dreams and turned them into reality. They understood that the power of dreams lies not in the dreams themselves, but in the actions we take to bring them to life.So, how do we harness the power of our dreams? Here are a few key steps:1. Believe in Yourself: The first step in pursuing your dreams is to believe in yourself. You must have faith in your abilities and yourvision. Remember, "You have to believe in yourself before others will believe in you." As confidence grows, so does your power to achieve.2. Set Clear Goals: Dreams are powerful, but they can also be overwhelming. To turn your dreams into reality, break them down into smaller, more manageable goals. This will give you a clear roadmap and help you stay focused on the journey.3. Stay Persistent: The road to success is often filled with obstacles and setbacks. When faced with adversity, remember that persistence is key. As Walt Disney once said, "All our dreams can come true, if we have the courage to pursue them."4. Surround Yourself with Support: Pursuing a dream can be a challenging and lonely journey. Surround yourself with people who believe in you and support your goals. They will provide encouragement, advice, and the strength you need to overcome obstacles.5. Embrace Failure: Failure is not the opposite of success; it is a stepping stone on the path to success. When you fail, analyze what went wrong and learn from it. Use these experiences to grow and improve.6. Stay Passionate: Passion is the fuel that drives us forward. Keep your passion alive by reminding yourself why you started this journey in the first place. Let your passion guide you through the ups and downs.In conclusion, the power of dreams is a transformative force. It has the power to inspire, motivate, and change the world. As Americans, we have a rich history of dreamers who have shaped our nation and the world.Today, I encourage each and every one of you to embrace your dreams. Do not let fear or doubt hold you back. Take that first step, and remember that the journey is just as important as the destination.In the words of Nelson Mandela, "Education is the most powerful weapon which you can use to change the world." Educate yourself, challenge yourself, and never stop dreaming.Thank you for listening. May your dreams ignite the fire within you, and may you have the courage to pursue them with unwavering determination. God bless America, and may God bless your dreams.The End.。

美国经典英文演讲100篇Civil_Rights_Address

美国经典英文演讲100篇:Civil Rights AddressJohn F. KennedyCivil Rights AddressGood evening, my fellow citizens:I hope that every American, regardless of where he lives, will stop and examine his conscience about this and other related incidents. This Nation was founded by men of many nations and backgrounds. It was founded on the principle that all men are created equal, and that the rights of every man are diminished when the rights of one man are threatened.Today, we are committed to a worldwide struggle to promote and protect the rights of all who wish to be free. And when Americans are sent to Vietnam or West Berlin, we do not ask for whites only. It oughta be possible, therefore, for American students of any co lor to attend any public institution they select without having to be backed up by troops. It oughta to be possible for American consumers of any color to receive equal service in places of public accommodation, such as hotels and restaurants and theaters and retail stores, without being forced to resort to demonstrations in the street, and it oughta be possible for American citizens of any color to register and to vote in a free election without interference or fear of reprisal. It oughta to be possible, in short, for every American to enjoy the privileges of being American without regard to his race or his color. In short, every American ought to have the right to be treated as he would wish to be treated, as one would wish his children to be treated. But this is not the case.The Negro baby born in America today, regardless of the section of the State in which he is born, has about one-half as much chance of completing a high school as a white baby born in the same place on the same day, one-third as much chance of completing co llege, one-third as much chance of becoming a professional man, twice as much chance of becoming unemployed, about one-seventh as much chance of earning$10,000 a year, a life expectancy which is 7 years shorter, and the prospects of earning only half as much.This is not a sectional issue. Difficulties over segregation and discrimination exist in every city, in every State of the Unio n, producing in many cities a rising tide of discontent that threatens the public safety. Nor is this a partisan issue. In a time of domestic crisis men of good will and generosity should be able to unite regardless of party or po litics. This is not even a legal or legislative issue alone. It is better to settle these matters in the courts than on the streets, and new laws are needed at every level, but law alone cannot make men see right. We are confronted primarily with a moral issue. It is as o ld as the Scriptures and is as clear as the American Constitutio n.The heart of the question is whether all Americans are to be afforded equal rights and equal opportunities, whether we are going to treat our fellow Americans as we want to be treated. If an American, because his skin is dark, cannot eat lunch in a restaurant open to the public, if he cannot send his children to the best public school available, if he cannot vote for the public officials who will represent him, if, in short, he cannot enjoy the full and free life which all of us want, then who among us would be content to have the color of his skin changed and stand in his place? Who among us would then be content with the counsels of patience and delay?One hundred years of delay have passed since President Linco ln freed the slaves, yet their heirs, their grandsons, are not fully free. They are not yet freed from the bonds of injustice. They are not yet freed from social and economic oppression. And this Nation, for all its hopes and all its boasts, will not be fully free until all its citizens are free.We preach freedom around the world, and we mean it, and we cherish our freedom here at home, but are we to say to the world, and much more importantly, to each other that this is the land of the free except for the Negroes; that we have nosecond-class citizens except Negroes; that we have no class or caste system, no ghettoes, no master race except with respect to Negroes?Now the time has come for this Nation to fulfill its promise. The events in Birmingham and elsewhere have so increased the cries for equality that no city or State or legislative body can prudently choose to ignore them. The fires of frustration and discord are burning in every city, North and South, where legal remedies are not at hand. Redress is sought in the streets, in demonstratio ns, parades, and protests which create tensions and threaten vio lence and threaten lives.We face, therefore, a moral crisis as a country and a people. It cannot be met by repressive po lice action. It cannot be left to increased demonstrations in the streets. It cannot be quieted by token moves or talk. It is a time to act in the Congress, in your State and local legislative body and, above all, in all of our daily lives. It is not enough to pin the blame on others, to say this a problem of one section of the country or another, or deplore the facts that we face. A great change is at hand, and our task, our obligation, is to make that revolution, that change, peaceful and constructive for all. Those who do nothing are inviting shame, as well as vio lence. Those who act boldly are recognizing right, as well as reality.Next week I shall ask the Congress of the United States to act, to make a commitment it has not fully made in this century to the proposition that race has no place in American life or law. The Federal judiciary has upheld that propositio n in a series of forthright cases. The Executive Branch has adopted that proposition in the conduct of its affairs, including the employment of Federal personnel, the use of Federal facilities, and the sale of federally financed housing. But there are other necessary measures which only the Congress can provide, and they must be provided at this session. The old code of equity law under which we live commands for every wrong a remedy, but in too many communities, in too many parts of the country, wrongs are inflicted on Negro citizens and there are no reme dies at law. Unless the Congress acts, their only remedy is the street.I am, therefore, asking the Congress to enact legislatio n giving all Americans the right to be served in facilities which are open to the public -- hotels, restaurants, theaters, retail stores, and similar establishments. This seems to me to be an elementary right. Its denial is an arbitrary indignity that no American in 1963 should have to endure, but many do.I have recently met with scores of business leaders urging them to take voluntary action to end this discriminatio n, and I have been encouraged by their response, and in the last two weeks over 75 cities have seen progress made in desegregating these kinds of facilities. But many are unwilling to act alone, and for this reason, nationwide legislation is needed if we are to move this problem from the streets to the courts.I'm also asking the Congress to authorize the Federal Government to participate more fully in lawsuits designed to end segregation in public education. We have succeeded in persuading many districts to desegregate vo luntarily. Dozens have admitted Negroes without vio lence. Today, a Negro is attending a State-supported institution in every one of our 50 States, but the pace is very slow.Too many Negro children entering segregated grade schools at the time of the Supreme Court's decision nine years ago will enter segregated high schools this fall, having suffered a loss which can never be restored. The lack of an adequate education denies the Negro a chance to get a decent job.The orderly implementation of the Supreme Court decision, therefore, cannot be left solely to those who may not have the economic resources to carry the legal action or who may be subject to harassment.Other features will be also requested, including greater protection for the right to vote. But legislation, I repeat, cannot solve this problem alo ne. It must be solved in the homes of every American in every community across our country. In this respect I wanna pay tribute to those citizens Nort h and South who've been working in their communities to make life better forall. They are acting not out of sense of legal duty but out of a sense of human decency. Like our so ldiers and sailo rs in all parts of the world they are meeting freedom's challenge o n the firing line, and I salute them for their honor and their courage.My fellow Americans, this is a problem which faces us all -- in every city of the North as well as the South. Today, there are Negroes unemployed, two or three times as many compared to whites, inadequate education, moving into the large cities, unable to find work, yo ung people particularly out of work without hope, denied equal rights, denied the opportunity to eat at a restaurant or a lunch counter or go to a movie theater, denied the right to a decent educatio n, denied almost today the right to attend a State university even though qualified. It seems to me that these are matters which concern us all, not merely Presidents or Congressmen or Governors, but every citizen of the United States.This is one country. It has become one country because all of us and all the people who came here had an equal chance to develop their talents. We cannot say to ten percent of the population that you can't have that right; that your children cannot have the chance to develop whatever talents they have; that the only way that they are go ing to get their rights is to go in the street and demonstrate. I think we owe them and we owe ourselves a better country than that.Therefore, I'm asking for your help in making it easier for us to move ahead and to provide the kind of equality of treatment which we would want ourselves; to give a chance for every child to be educated to the limit of his talents.As I've said before, not every child has an equal talent or an equal ability or equal motivation, but they should have the equal right to develop their talent and their ability and their motivation, to make something of themselves.We have a right to expect that the Negro community will be responsible, will uphold the law, but they have a right to expectthat the law will be fair, that the Constitution will be co lor blind, as Justice Harlan said at the turn of the century.This is what we're talking about and this is a matter which concerns this country and what it stands for, and in meeting it I ask the support of all our citizens.Thank you very much.。

美国大学著名演讲稿英文

Ladies and Gentlemen,Good morning! It is an honor to stand before you today and share with you some thoughts about the power of dreams and perseverance. As we all know, the journey of life is not always smooth, and it requires determination and resilience to overcome the challenges that come our way. I believe that the key to success lies in dreaming big and never giving up on our dreams.Firstly, let me talk about the power of dreams. Dreams are the sparks that ignite the fire within us. They are the seeds that grow into the mighty trees of our lives. Dreams give us direction, purpose, and meaning. Without dreams, life becomes meaningless and dull. Dreams inspire us to strive for excellence, to push beyond our limits, and to achieve the impossible.When I was a child, I had a dream of becoming a doctor. I wanted to help people and make a difference in their lives. This dream kept me going through the tough times, and it gave me the motivation to work hard and never give up. I remember the countless hours I spent studying and practicing, the sleepless nights, and the countless sacrifices I made. But every time I felt like giving up, I would think about my dream and the joy it brought me. That is the power of dreams.Now, let's talk about perseverance. Perseverance is the ability to keep going despite setbacks and failures. It is the quality that separates successful people from those who give up. Perseverance is what allows us to rise above adversity and achieve our goals.In my journey to becoming a doctor, I faced many challenges. I encountered failures, setbacks, and moments of doubt. But I never gave up. I believed that if I kept pushing forward, I would eventually reach my destination. I learned that perseverance is not about how fast you can run; it is about how long you can endure.One of the greatest lessons I learned in my journey was the importance of resilience. Resilience is the ability to bounce back from adversity. It is the quality that allows us to face life's challenges with courageand determination. Resilience is what helps us to overcome obstacles and continue moving forward.In my years of studying medicine, I encountered many patients who had suffered from severe injuries or diseases. Some of them were in excruciating pain, while others were struggling to cope with the loss of a loved one. Despite their suffering, many of these patients showed an incredible amount of resilience. They never gave up, and they continued to fight for their lives. That resilience inspired me to become a better doctor and to help others in their time of need.Ladies and Gentlemen, the power of dreams and perseverance is notlimited to the field of medicine. It applies to every aspect of life. Whether you aspire to become a scientist, an artist, a teacher, or an entrepreneur, the key to success lies in dreaming big and never giving up on your dreams.To achieve your dreams, you need to have a clear vision of what you want to achieve. You need to be passionate about your goals and willing to put in the effort required to reach them. You also need to be resilient and persevere through the tough times. Remember, every setback is a setup for a comeback.In conclusion, the power of dreams and perseverance is a force that can change the world. It is a force that can help us overcome adversity, achieve our goals, and make a difference in the lives of others. So, dream big, work hard, and never give up. The future is bright, and it is within your reach.Thank you.。

美国经典英文演讲100篇Truth_and_Tolerance_in_America

美国经典英文演讲100篇:"Truth and Tolerance in America"Edward M. KennedyFaith, Truth and Tolerance in America.Actually, a number of people in Washington were surprised that I was invited to speak here -- and even more surprised when I accepted the invitation. They seem to think that it’s easier for a camel to pass through the eye of the needle than for a Kennedy to come to the campus of Liberty Baptist College. In honor of our meeting, I have asked Dr. Falwell, as your Chancellor, to permit all the students an extra hour next Saturday night before curfew. And in return, I have promised to watch the Old Time Gospel Hour next Sunday morning.I realize that my visit may be a little controversial. But as many of you have heard, Dr. Falwell recently sent me a membership in the Moral Majority -- and I didn't even apply for it. And I wonder if that means that I'm a member in good standing.[Falwell: Somewhat]Somewhat, he says.This is, of course, a nonpolitical speech which is probably best under the circumstances. Since I am not a candidate for President, it would certainly be inappropriate to ask for your support in this election and probably inaccurate to thank you for it in the last one.I have come here to discuss my beliefs about faith and country, tolerance and truth in America. I know we begin with certain disagreements; I strongly suspect that at the end of the evening some of our disagreements will remain. But I also hope that tonight and in the months and years ahead, we will always respect the right of others to differ, that we will never lose sight of our own fallibility, that we will view ourselves with a sense ofperspective and a sense of humor. After all, in the New Testament, even the Disciples had to be taught to look first to the beam in their own eyes, and only then to the mote in their neighbor’s eyes.I am mindful of that counsel. I am an American and a Catholic;I love my country and treasure my faith. But I do not assume that my conception of patriotism or policy is invariably correct, or that my convictions about religion should command any greater respect than any other faith in this pluralistic society. I believe there surely is such a thing as truth, but who among us can claim a monopoly on it?There are those who do, and their own words testify to their intolerance. For example, because the Moral Majority has worked with members of different denominations, one fundamentalist group has denounced Dr. Falwell for hastening the ecumenical church and for "yoking together with Roman Catholics, Mormons, and others." I am relieved that Dr. Falwell does not regard that as a sin, and on this issue, he himself has become the target of narrow prejudice. When people agree on public policy, they ought to be able to work together, even while they worship in diverse ways. For truly we are all yoked together as Americans, and the yoke is the happy one of individual freedom and mutual respect.But in saying that, we cannot and should not turn aside from a deeper and more pressing question -- which is whether and how religion should influence government. A generation ago, a presidential candidate had to prove his independence of undue religious influence in public life, and he had to do so partly at the insistence of evangelical Protestants. John Kennedy said at that time: “I believe in an America where there is no religious bloc voting of any kind.” Only twenty years later, another candidate was appealing to a[n] evangelical meeting as a religious bloc. Ronald Reagan said to 15 thousand evangelicals at the Roundtable in Dallas: “ I know that you can’t endorse me. I want you to know I endorse you and what you are doing.”To many Americans, that pledge was a sign and a symbol of a dangerous breakdown in the separation of church and state. Yet this principle, as vital as it is, is not a simplistic and rigid command. Separation of church and state cannot mean an absolute separation between moral principles and political power. The challenge today is to recall the origin of the principle, to define its purpose, and refine its application to the politics of the present.The founders of our nation had long and bitter experience with the state, as both the agent and the adversary of particular religious views. In colonial Maryland, Catholics paid a double land tax, and in Pennsylvania they had to list their names on a public roll -- an ominous precursor of the first Nazi laws against the Jews. And Jews in turn faced discrimination in all of the thirteen original Colonies. Massachusetts exiled Roger Williams and his congregation for contending that civil government had no right to enforce the Ten Commandments. Virginia harassed Baptist teachers, and also established a religious test for public service, writing into the law that no “popish followers” could hold any office.But during the Revolution, Catholics, Jews, andNon-Conformists all rallied to the cause and fought valiantly for the American commonwealth -- for John Winthrop’s “city upon a hill.” Afterwards, when the Constitution was ratified and then amended, the framers gave freedom for all religion, and from any established religion, the very first place in the Bill of Rights.Indeed the framers themselves professed very different faiths: Washington was an Episcopalian, Jefferson a deist, and Adams a Calvinist. And although he had earlier opposed toleration, John Adams later contributed to the building of Catholic churches, and so did George Washington. Thomas Jefferson said his proudest achievement was not the presidency, or the writing the Declaration of Independence, but drafting the Virginia Statute of Religious Freedom. He stated the vision of the first Americans and the First Amendment very clearly: “The God who gave us life gave us liberty at the same time.”The separation of church and state can sometimes be frustrating for women and men of religious faith. They may be tempted to misuse government in order to impose a value which they cannot persuade others to accept. But once we succumb to that temptation, we step onto a slippery slope where everyone’s freedom is at risk. Those who favor censorship should recall that one of the first books ever burned was the first English translation of the Bible. As President Eisenhower warned in 1953, “Don’t join the book burners...the right to say ideas, the right to record them, and the right to have them accessible to others is unquestioned -- or this isn’t America.” And if that right is denied, at some future day the torch can be turned against any other book or any other belief. Let us never forget: Today’s Moral Majority could b ecome tomorrow’s persecuted minority.The danger is as great now as when the founders of the nation first saw it. In 1789, their fear was of factional strife among dozens of denominations. Today there are hundreds -- and perhaps even thousands of faiths -- and millions of Americans who are outside any fold. Pluralism obviously does not and cannot mean that all of them are right; but it does mean that there are areas where government cannot and should not decide what it is wrong to believe, to think, to read, and to do. As Professor Larry Tribe, one of the nation’s leading constitutional scholars has written, “Law in a non-theocratic state cannot measure religious truth, nor can the state impose it."The real transgression occurs when religion wants government to tell citizens how to live uniquely personal parts of their lives. The failure of Prohibition proves the futility of such an attempt when a majority or even a substantial minority happens to disagree. Some questions may be inherently individual ones, or people may be sharply divided about whether they are. In such cases, like Prohibition and abortion, the proper role of religion is to appeal to the conscience of the individual, not the coercive power of the state.But there are other questions which are inherently public in nature, which we must decide together as a nation, and wherereligion and religious values can and should speak to our common conscience. The issue of nuclear war is a compelling example. It is a moral issue; it will be decided by government, not by each individual; and to give any effect to the moral values of their creed, people of faith must speak directly about public policy. The Catholic bishops and the Reverend Billy Graham have every right to stand for the nuclear freeze, and Dr. Falwell has every right to stand against it.There must be standards for the exercise of such leadership, so that the obligations of belief will not be debased into an opportunity for mere political advantage. But to take a stand at all when a question is both properly public and truly moral is to stand in a long and honored tradition. Many of the great evangelists of the 1800s were in the forefront of the abolitionist movement. In our own time, the Reverend William Sloane Coffin challenged the morality of the war in Vietnam. Pope John XXIII renewed the Gospel’s call to social justice. And Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. who was the greatest prophet of this century, awakened our nation and its conscience to the evil of racial segregation.Their words have blessed our world. And who now wishes they had been silent? Who would bid Pope John Paul [II] to quiet his voice against the oppression in Eastern Europe, the violence in Central America, or the crying needs of the landless, the hungry, and those who are tortured in so many of the dark political prisons of our time?President Kennedy, who said that “no religious body should seek to impose its will,” also urged religious leaders to state their views and give their commitment when the public debate involved ethical issues. In drawing the line between imposed will and essential witness, we keep church and state separate, and at the same time we recognize that the City of God should speak to the civic duties of men and women.There are four tests which draw that line and define the difference.First, we must respect the integrity of religion itself.People of conscience should be careful how they deal in the word of their Lord. In our own history, religion has been falsely invoked to sanction prejudice -- even slavery -- to condemn labor unions and public spending for the poor. I believe that the prophecy, ”The poor you have always with you” is an indictment, not a commandment. And I respectfully suggest that God has taken no position on the Department of Education -- and that a balanced budget constitutional amendment is a matter of economic analysis, and not heavenly appeals.Religious values cannot be excluded from every public issue; but not every public issue involves religious values. And how ironic it is when those very values are denied in the name of religion. For example, we are sometimes told that it is wrong to feed the hungry, but that mission is an explicit mandate given to us in the 25th chapter of Matthew.Second, we must respect the independent judgments of conscience.Those who proclaim moral and religious values can offer counsel, but they should not casually treat a position on a public issue as a test of fealty to faith. Just as I disagree with the Catholic bishops on tuition tax credits -- which I oppose -- so other Catholics can and do disagree with the hierarchy, on the basis of honest conviction, on the question of the nuclear freeze.Thus, the controversy about the Moral Majority arises not only from its views, but from its name -- which, in the minds of many, seems to imply that only one set of public policies is moral and only one majority can possibly be right. Similarly, people are and should be perplexed when the religious lobbying group Christian Voice publishes a morality index of congressional voting records, which judges the morality of senators by their attitude toward Zimbabwe and Taiwan.Let me offer another illustration. Dr. Falwell has written -- and I quote: “To stand against Israel is to stand against God.” Nowthere is no one in the Senate who has stood more firmly for Israel than I have. Yet, I do not doubt the faith of those on the other side. Their error is not one of religion, but of policy. And I hope to be able to persuade them that they are wrong in terms of both America’s interest and the justice of Israel’s cause.Respect for conscience is most in jeopardy, and the harmony of our diverse society is most at risk, when we re-establish, directly or indirectly, a religious test for public office. That relic of the colonial era, which is specifically prohibited in the Constitution, has reappeared in recent years. After the last election, the Reverend James Robison warned President Reagan no to surround himself, as president before him had, “with the counsel of the ungodly.” I utte rly reject any such standard for any position anywhere in public service. Two centuries ago, the victims were Catholics and Jews. In the 1980s the victims could be atheists; in some other day or decade, they could be the members of the Thomas Road Baptist Church. Indeed, in 1976 I regarded it as unworthy and un-American when some people said or hinted that Jimmy Carter should not be president because he was a born again Christian. We must never judge the fitness of individuals to govern on the bas[is] of where they worship, whether they follow Christ or Moses, whether they are called “born again” or “ungodly.” Where it is right to apply moral values to public life, let all of us avoid the temptation to beself-righteous and absolutely certain of ourselves. And if that temptation ever comes, let us recall Winston Churchill’s humbling description of an intolerant and inflexible colleague: “There but for the grace of God goes God.”Third, in applying religious values, we must respect the integrity of public debate.In that debate, faith is no substitute for facts. Critics may oppose the nuclear freeze for what they regard as moral reasons. They have every right to argue that any negotiation with the Soviets is wrong, or that any accommodation with them sanctions their crimes, or that no agreement can be good enough and therefore all agreements only increase the chance of war. I do not believe that, but it surely does not violate thestandard of fair public debate to say it. What does violate that standard, what the opponents of the nuclear freeze have no right to do, is to assume that they are infallible, and so any argument against the freeze will do, whether it is false or true.The nuclear freeze proposal is not unilateral, but bilateral -- with equal restraints on the United States and the Soviet Union. The nuclear freeze does not require that we trust the Russians, but demands full and effective verification. The nuclear freeze does not concede a Soviet lead in nuclear weapons, but recognizes that human beings in each great power already have in their fallible hands the overwhelming capacity to remake into a pile of radioactive rubble the earth which God has made.There is no morality in the mushroom cloud. The black rain of nuclear ashes will fall alike on the just and the unjust. And then it will be too late to wish that we had done the real work of this atomic age -- which is to seek a world that is neither red nor dead.I am perfectly prepared to debate the nuclear freeze on policy grounds, or moral ones. But we should not be forced to discuss phantom issues or false charges. They only deflect us form the urgent task of deciding how best to prevent a planet divided from becoming a planet destroyed.And it does not advance the debate to contend that the arms race is more divine punishment than human problem, or that in any event, the final days are near. As Pope John said two decades ago, at the opening of the Second Vatican Council: “We must beware of those who burn with zeal, but are not endowed with much sense... we must disagree with the prophets of doom, who are always forecasting disasters, as though the end of the earth was at hand.” The message which echoes across the years is very clear: The earth is still here; and if we wish to keep it, a prophecy of doom is no alternative to a policy of arms control.Fourth, and finally, we must respect the motives of those who exercise their right to disagree.We sorely test our ability to live together if we readily question each other’s integrity. It may be harder t o restrain our feelings when moral principles are at stake, for they go to the deepest wellsprings of our being. But the more our feelings diverge, the more deeply felt they are, the greater is our obligation to grant the sincerity and essential decency of our fellow citizens on the other side.Those who favor E.R.A [Equal Rights Amendment] are not “antifamily” or “blasphemers.” And their purpose is not “an attack on the Bible.” Rather, we believe this is the best way to fix in our national firmament the ideal that not only all men, but all people are created equal. Indeed, my mother, who strongly favors E.R.A., would be surprised to hear that she is anti-family. For my part, I think of the amendment’s opponents as wrong on the issue, but not as lacking in moral characterI could multiply the instances of name-calling, sometimes on both sides. Dr. Falwell is not a “warmonger.” And “liberal clergymen” are not, as the Moral Majority suggested in a recent letter, equivalent to “Soviet sympathizers.” The critics of official prayer in public schools are not “Pharisees”; many of them are both civil libertarians and believers, who think that families should pray more at home with their children, and attend church and synagogue more faithfully. And people are not sexist because they stand against abortion, and they are not murderers because they believe in free choice. Nor does it help anyone’s cause to shout such epithets, or to try and shout a speaker down -- which is what happened last April when Dr. Falwell was hissed and heckled at Harvard. So I am doubly grateful for your courtesy here this evening. That was not Harvard’s finest hour, but I am happy to say that the loudest applause from the Harvard audience came in defense of Dr. Falwell’s right to speak.In short, I hope for an America where neither "fundamentalist" nor "humanist" will be a dirty word, but a fair description of the different ways in which people of good will look at life and into their own souls.I hope for an America where no president, no public official, no individual will ever be deemed a greater or lesser American because of religious doubt -- or religious belief.I hope for an America where the power of faith will always burn brightly, but where no modern Inquisition of any kind will ever light the fires of fear, coercion, or angry division.I hope for an America where we can all contend freely and vigorously, but where we will treasure and guard those standards of civility which alone make this nation safe for both democracy and diversity.Twenty years ago this fall, in New York City, President Kennedy met for the last time with a Protestant assembly. The atmosphere had been transformed since his earlier address during the 1960 campaign to the Houston Ministerial Association. He had spoken there to allay suspicions about his Catholicism, and to answer those who claimed that on the day of his baptism, he was somehow disqualified from becoming President. His speech in Houston and then his election drove that prejudice from the center of our national life. Now, three years later, in November of 1963, he was appearing before the Protestant Council of New York City to reaffirm what he regarded as some fundamental truths. On that occasion, John Kennedy said: “The family of man is not limited to a single race or religion, to a single city, or country...the family of man is nearly 3 billion strong. Most of its members are not white and most of them are not Christian.” And as President Kennedy reflected on that reality, he restated an ideal for which he had lived his life -- that “the members of this family should be at peace with one another.”That ideal shines across all the generations of our history and all the ages of our faith, carrying with it the most ancient dream. For as the Apostle Paul wrote lo ng ago in Romans: “If it be possible, as much as it lieth in you, live peaceable with all men.”I believe it is possible; the choice lies within us; as fellow citizens, let us live peaceable with each other; as fellow human。

美国经典英文演讲100篇We shall overcome

There is no Negro problem. There is no Southern problem. There is no Northern problem. There is only an American problem. And we are met here tonight as Americans -- not as Democrats or Republicans. We are met here as Americans to solve that problem.
Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, Members of the Congress:
I speak tonight for the dignity of man and the destiny of democracy. I urge every member of both parties, Americans of all religions and of all colors, from every section of this country, to join me in that cause.
In our time we have come to live with the moments of great crisis. Our lives have been marked with debate about great issues -- issues of war and peace, issues of prosperity and depression. But rarely in any time does an issue lay bare the secret heart of America itself. Rarely are we met with a ge, not to our growth or abundance, or our welfare or our security, but rather to the values, and the purposes, and the meaning of our beloved nation.

美国经典英文演讲100篇1990_Wellesley_College_Commencement_Address

美国经典英文演讲100篇:1990 Wellesley College Commencement Address Barbara Pierce BushThank you very, very much, President Keohane. Mrs. Gorbachev, Trustees, faculty, parents, and I should say, Julia Porter, class president, and certainly my new best friend, Christine Bicknell -- and, of course, the Class of 1990. I am really thrilled to be here today, and very excited, as I know all of you must be, that Mrs. Gorbachev could join us.These -- These are exciting times. They're exciting in Washington, and I have really looked forward to coming to Wellesley. I thought it was going to be fun. I never dreamt it would be this much fun. So, thank you for that.More than ten years ago, when I was invited here to talk about our experiences in the People's Republic of China, I was struck by both the natural beauty of your campus and the spirit of this place.Wellesley, you see, is not just a place but an idea -- an experiment in excellence in which diversity is not just tolerated, but is embraced. The essence of this spirit was captured in a moving speech about tolerance given last year by a student body president of one of your sister colleges. She related the story by Robert Fulghum about a young pastor, finding himself in charge of some very energetic children, hits upon the game called "Giants, Wizards, and Dwarfs." "You have to decide now," the pastor instructed the children, "which you are -- a giant, a wizard, or a dwarf?" At that, a small girl tugging at his pants leg, asked, "But where do the mermaids stand?" And the pastor tells her there are no mermaids. And she says, "Oh yes there are -- they are. I am a mermaid."Now this little girl knew what she was, and she was not about to give up on either her identity, or the game. She intended to take her place wherever mermaids fit into the scheme of things. "Where do the mermaids stand? All of those who are different, those who do not fit the boxes and the pigeonholes?" "Answer that question," wrote Fulghum, "And you can build a school, anation, or a whole world." As that very wise young woman said, "Diversity, like anything worth having, requires effort -- effort to learn about and respect difference, to be compassionate with one another, to cherish our own identity, and to accept unconditionally the same in others.You should all be very proud that this is the Wellesley spirit. Now I know your first choice today was Alice Walker -- guess how I know! -- known for The Color Purple. Instead you got me -- known for the color of my hair. Alice Walker's book has a special resonance here. At Wellesley, each class is known by a special color. For four years the Class of '90 has worn the color purple. Today you meet on Severance Green to say goodbye to all of that, to begin a new and a very personal journey, to search for your own true colors.In the world that awaits you, beyond the shores of Waban -- Lake Waban, no one can say what your true colors will be. But this I do know: You have a first class education from a first class school. And so you need not, probably cannot, live a"paint-by-numbers" life. Decisions are not irrevocable. Choices do come back. And as you set off from Wellesley, I hope that many of you will consider making three very special choices.The first is to believe in something larger than yourself, to get involved in some of the big ideas of our time. I chose literacy because I honestly believe that if more people could read, write, and comprehend, we would be that much closer to solving so many of the problems that plague our nation and our society.And early on I made another choice, which I hope you'll make as well. Whether you are talking about education, career, or service, you're talking about life -- and life really must have joy. It's supposed to be fun.One of the reasons I made the most important decision of my life, to marry George Bush, is because he made me laugh. It's true, sometimes we've laughed through our tears, but that shared laughter has been one of our strongest bonds. Find the joy in life, because as Ferris Bueller said on his day off, "Lifemoves pretty fast; and ya don't stop and look around once in a while, ya gonna miss it."(I'm not going to tell George ya clapped more for Ferris than ya clapped for George.)The third choice that must not be missed is to cherish your human connections: your relationships with family and friends. For several years, you've had impressed upon you the importance to your career of dedication and hard work. And, of course, that's true. But as important as your obligations as a doctor, a lawyer, a business leader will be, you are a human being first. And those human connections --- with spouses, with children, with friends -- are the most important investments you will ever make.At the end of your life, you will never regret not having passed one more test, winning one more verdict, or not closing one more deal. You will regret time not spent with a husband, a child, a friend, or a parent.We are in a transitional period right now -- We are in a transitional period right now, fascinating and exhilarating times, learning to adjust to changes and the choices we, men and women, are facing. As an example, I remember what a friend said, on hearing her husband complain to his buddies that he had to babysit. Quickly setting him straight, my friend told her husband that when it's your own kids, it's not called babysitting.Now maybe we should adjust faster; maybe we should adjust slower. But whatever the era twenty -- whatever the era, whatever the times, one thing will never change: fathers and mothers, if you have children, they must come first. You must read to your children, and you must hug your children, and you must love your children. Your success as a family, our success as a society, depends not on what happens in the White House, but on what happens inside your house.For over fifty years, it was said that the winner of Wellesley's annual hoop race would be the first to get married. Now they say,the winner will be the first to become a C.E.O. Both -- Both of those stereotypes show too little tolerance for those who want to know where the mermaids stand. So -- So I want to offer a new legend: the winner of the hoop race will be the first to realize her dream -- not society's dreams -- her own personal dream.And who -- Who knows? Somewhere out in this audience may even be someone who will one day follow in my footsteps, and preside over the White House as the President's spouse -- and I wish him well.Well, the controversy ends here. But our conversation is only beginning. And a worthwhile conversation it has been. So as you leave Wellesley today, take with you deep thanks for the courtesy and the honor you have shared with Mrs. Gorbachev and with me.Thank you. God bless you. And may your future be worthy of your dreams.。

美国经典英文演讲100篇：TheBallotortheBullet

Malcolm X： "The Ballot or the Bullet" Mr. Moderator， Reverend Cleage， Brother Lomax， brothers and sisters， and friends and I see some enemies. In fact， I think we'd be fooling ourselves if we had an audience this large and didn't realize that there were some enemies present. This afternoon we want to talk about the ballot or the bullet. The ballot or the bullet explains itself. But before we get into it， since this is the year of the ballot or the bullet， I would like to clarify some things that refer to me personally ——concerning my own personal position. I'm still a Muslim. That is， my religion is still Islam. My religion is still Islam. I still credit Mr. Mohammed for what I know and what I am. He's the one who opened my eyes. At present， I'm the Minister of the newly founded Muslim Mosque，Incorporated which has its offices in the Teresa Hotel， right in the heart of Harlem —— that's the black belt in New York city. And when we realize that Adam Clayton Powell is a Christian minister， he's the —— he heads Abyssinian Baptist Church， but at the same time， he's more famous for his political struggling. And Dr. King is a Christian Minister， in Atlanta – or from Atlanta Georgia —— or in Atlanta， Georgia， but he's become more famous for being involved in the civil rights struggle. There's another in New York， Reverend Galamison ——I don't know if you've heard of him out here – he's a Christian Minister from Brooklyn， but has become famous for his fight against a segregated school system in Brooklyn. Reverend Clee， right here， is a Christian Minister， here in Detroit. He's the head of the “Freedom Now Party.” All of these are Christian Ministers —— All of these are Christian Ministers， but they don't come to us as Christian Ministers. They come to us as fighters in some other category. I'm a Muslim minister —— the same as they are Christian Ministers —— I'm a Muslim minister. And I don't believe in fighting today in any one front， but on all fronts. In fact， I'm a black Nationalist Freedom Fighter. Islam is my religion， but I believe my religion is my personal business. It governs my personal life， my personal morals. And my religious philosophy is personal between me and the God in whom I believe； just as the religious philosophy of these others is between them and the God in whom they believe. And this is best this way. Were we to come out here discussing religion， we'd have too many differences from the outstart and we could never get together. So today， though Islam is my religious philosophy， my political， economic，and social philosophy is Black Nationalism. You and I —— As I say， if we bring up religion we'll have differences； we'll have arguments； and we'll never be able to get together. But if we keep our religion at home， keep our religion in the closet， keep our religion between ourselves and our God， but when we come out here， we have a fight that's common to all of us against a [sic] enemy who is common to all of us. The political philosophy of Black Nationalism only means that the black man should control the politics and the politicians in his own community. The —— The time —— The time when white people can come in our community and get us to vote for them so that they can be our political leaders and tell us what to do and what not to do is long gone. By the same token， the time when that same white man， knowing that your eyes are too far open， can send another negro into the community and get you and me to support him so he can use him to lead us astray —— those days are long gone too. The political philosophy of Black Nationalism only means that if you and I are going to live in a Black community ——and that's where we're going to live， cause as soon as you move into one of their —— soon as you move out of the Black community into their community， it's mixed for a period of time， but they're gone and you're right there all by yourself again. We must —— We must understand the politics of our community and we must know what politics is supposed to produce. We must know what part politics play in our lives. And until we become politically mature we will always be mislead， lead astray， or deceived or maneuvered into supporting someone politically who doesn't have the good of our community at heart. So the political philosophy of Black Nationalism only means that we will have to carry on a program， a political program， of re-education to open our peoples eyes， make us become more politically conscious， politically mature，and then we will —— whenever we get ready to cast our ballot that ballot， will be cast for a man of the community who has the good of the community of heart. The economic philosophy of Black Nationalism only means that we should own and operate and control the economy ofour community. You would never found —— you can't open up a black store in a white community. White men won't even patronize you. And he's not wrong. He's got sense enough to look out for himself. You the one who don't have sense enough to look out for yourself. The white man —— The white man is too intelligent to let someone else come and gain control of the economy of his community. But you will let anyone come in and take control of the economy of your community， control the housing，control the education， control the jobs， control the businesses， under the pre-text that you want to integrate. No， you outta your mind. The political， the economic philosophy of Black Nationalism only means that we have to become involved in a program of reeducation to educate our people into the importance of knowing that when you spend your dollar out of the community in which you live， the community in which you spend your money becomes richer and richer； the community out which you take your money becomes poorer and poorer. And because these Negroes， who have been mislead， misguided， are breaking their necks to take their money and spend it with The Man， The Man is becoming richer and richer， and you're becoming poorer and poorer. And then what happens？ The community in which you live becomes a slum. It becomes a ghetto. The conditions become run down. And then you have the audacity to complain about poor housing in a run-down community. Why you run it down yourself when you take your dollar out. And you and I are in the double-track， because not only do we lose by taking our money someplace else and spending it， when we try and spend it in our own community we're trapped because we haven't had sense enough to set up stores and control the businesses of our own community. The man who's controlling the stores in our community is a man who doesn't look like we do. He's a man who doesn't even live in the community. So you and I， even when we try to spend our money in the block where we live or the area where we live， we're spending it with a man who， when the sun goes down， takes that basket full of money in another part of the town. So we're trapped， trapped， double-trapped， triple -rapped. Anywhere we go we find that we're trapped. And every kind of solution that someone comes up with is just another trap. But the political and economic philosophy of Black Nationalism —— the economic philosophy of Black Nationalism shows our people the importance of setting up these little stores and developing them and expanding them into larger operations. Woolworth didn't start out big like they are today. They started out with a dime store and expanded and expanded and then expanded until today， they're are all over the country and all over the world， and they get to some of everybody's money. Now this is what you and I —— General Motors is same way. They didn't start out like they it is. It started out just a little rat race type operation. And it expanded and it expanded until today where it is right now. And you and I have to make a start and the best place to start is right in the community where we live. So our people not only have to be reeducated to the importance of supporting black business， but the black man himself has to be made aware of the importance of going into business. And once you and I go into business， we own and operate at least the businesses in our community. What we will be doing is developing a situation wherein we will actually be able to create employment for the people in the community. And once you can create some employment in the community where you live it will eliminate the necessity of you and me having to act ignorantly and disgracefully， boycotting and picketing some practice some place else trying to beg him for a job. Anytime you have to rely upon your enemy for a job —— you're in bad shape. When you have —— he is your enemy. Let me tell you， you wouldn't be in this country if some enemy hadn't kidnapped you and brought you here. On the other hand， some of you think you came here on the Mayflower. So as you can see brothers and sisters， today —— this afternoon， it is not our intention to discuss religion. We're going to forget religion. If we bring up religion， we'll be in an argument， and the best way to keep away from arguments and differences —— as I said earlier —— put your religion at home —— in the closet. Keep it between you and your God. Because if it hasn't done anything more for you than it has， you need to forget it anyway. Whether you are —— Whether you are a Christian， or a Muslim， or a Nationalist， we all have the same problem. They don't hang you because you're a Baptist； they hang you 'cause you're black. They don't attack me because I'm a Muslim； they attack me 'cause I'm black. They attack all of us for the same reason； all of us catch hell from the same enemy. We're all in the same bag， in the same boat. We suffer political oppression， economic exploitation， and social degradation —— all of them from the same enemy. The government has failed us； you can't deny that. Anytime you live in the twentieth century， 1964， and you walkin' around here singing “We Shall Overcome，” the government has failed us. This is part of what's wrong with you —— you do too much singing. Today it's time to stop singing and start swinging. You can't sing up on freedom， but you can swing up on some freedom. Cassius Clay can sing， but singing didn't help him to become the heavy-weight champion of the world —— swinging helped him become the heavy-weight champion. This government has failed us； the government itself has failed us， and the white liberals who have been posing as our friends have failed us. And once we see that all these other sources to which we've turned have failed， we stop turning to them and turn to ourselves. We need a self help program， a do-it-yourself philosophy， a do-it-right-now philosophy， a it's-already-too- late philosophy. This is what you and I need to get with， and the only time —— the only way we are going to solve our problem is with a self-help program. Before we can get a self-help program started we have to have a self-help philosophy.。

经典英文演讲100篇

经典英文演讲100篇第一篇：经典英文演讲100篇Robert F.Kennedy: Remarks on the Assassination of Martin LutherKing, Jr.“Ladies and Gentlemen...Martin Luther King was shot and was killed tonight in Memphis, Tennessee”Ladies and Gentlemen: I'm only going to talk to you just for a minute or so this evening, because I have some very sad news for all of you--Could you lower those signs, please?--I have some very sad news for all of you, and, I think, sad news for all of our fellow citizens, and people who love peace all over the world;and that is that Martin Luther King was shot and was killed tonight in Memphis, Tennessee.Martin Luther King dedicated his life to love and to justice between fellow human beings.He died in the cause of that effort.In this difficult day, in this difficult time for the United States, it's perhaps well to ask what kind of a nation we are and what direction we want to move in.For those of you who are black--considering the evidence evidently is that there were white people who were responsible--you can be filled with bitterness, and with hatred, and a desire for revenge.We can move in that direction as a country, in greater polarization--black people amongst blacks, and white amongst whites, filled with hatred toward one another.Or we can make an effort, as Martin Luther King did, to understand, and to comprehend, and replace that violence, that stain of bloodshed that has spread across our land, with an effort to understand, compassion and love.For those of you who are black and are tempted to be filled with hatred and mistrust of the injustice of such an act, against all white people, I would only say that I can also feel in my own heartthe same kind of feeling.I had a member of my family killed, but he was killed by a white man.But we have to make an effort in the United States, we have to make an effort to understand, to get beyond, or go beyond these rather difficult times.My favorite poem, my favorite poet was Aeschylus.And he once wrote: “Even in our sleep, pain which cannot forget falls drop by drop upon the heart, until, in our own despair, against our will, comes wisdomthrough the awful grace of God.”What we need in the United States is not division;what we need in the United States is not hatred;what we need in the United States is not violence and lawlessness, but is love and wisdom, and compassion toward one another, and a feeling of justice toward those who still suffer within our country, whether they be white or whether they be black.So I ask you tonight to return home, to say a prayer for the family of Martin Luther King--yeah, it's true--but more importantly to say a prayer for our own country, which all of us love--a prayer for understanding and that compassion of which I spoke.We can do well in this country.We will have difficult times.We've had difficult times in the past.And we will have difficult times in the future.It is not the end of violence;it is not the end of lawlessness;and it's not the end of disorder.But the vast majority of white people and the vast majority of black people in this country want to live together, want to improve the quality of our life, and want justice for all human beings that abide in our land.Let us dedicate ourselves to what the Greeks wrote so many years ago: to tame the savageness of man and make gentle the life of this world.Let us dedicate ourselves to that, and say a prayer for our country and for our people.Thank you very much.第二篇：经典英文演讲美国20世纪经典英语演讲100篇（MP3+文本）••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Farewell Address to Congress·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1984 DNC Address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:We Shall Overcome·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Shuttle’’Challenger’’Disaster Address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Checkers·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Pearl Harbor Address to the Nation·美国经典英文演讲100篇:I Have a Dream·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Civil Rights Address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Time to Break Silence-Beyond Vietnam·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1988 DNC Keynote Address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Atoms for Peace·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Truman Doctrine·美国经典英文演讲100篇:First Inaugural Address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Great Arsenal of Democracy·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Acres of Diamonds·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Great Silent Majority·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Farewell Address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Oklahoma Bombing Memorial Address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Crisis of Confidence·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1992 DNC Address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:On Vietnam and Not Seeking Re-Election·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Cambodian Incursion Address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Eulogy for Robert Francis Kennedy·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Black Power·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Chappaquiddick·美国经典英文演讲100篇:40th Anniversary of D-Day Address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Presidential Nomination Acceptance..·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Marshall Plan·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Whisper of AIDS·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1988 DNC Address(下)·美国经典英文演讲100篇:I’ve Been to the Mountaintop·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Statement on the Articles of Impeachment·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1984 DNC Keynote Address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Houston Ministerial Association Speech·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Ballot or the Bullet·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1976 DNC Keynote Address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Inaugural Address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Television News Coverage•••••••••••••••••••••••·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Against Imperialism·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Four Freedoms·美国经典英文演讲100篇:American University Commencement Address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Nobel Prize Acceptance Speech·美国经典英文演讲100篇:First Fireside Chat·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Evil Empire·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Time for Choosing·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Ich bin ein Berliner·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Duty, Honor, Country·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Remarks on the Assassination of MLKing·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Message to the Grassroots·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Address on Taking the Oath of Office·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Sproul Hall Sit-in Speech...·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1980 DNC Address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Statement to the Senate Judiciary...·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Television and the Public Interest·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Presidential Nomination...·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Religious Belief and Public Morality·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Vice-Presi dential Nomination...·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Truth and Tolerance in America·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Great Society·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1988 DNC Address(上)·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Brandenburg Gate Address第三篇：英文演讲范文Serial News Broadcast, USA美国新闻广播,系列Male: Hello audience.男:大家好。

美国20世纪经典英语演讲稿（精选）

美国20世纪经典英语演讲稿美国20世纪经典英语演讲稿（精选）演讲稿是作为在特定的情境中供口语表达使用的文稿。

随着社会不断地进步，演讲稿在演讲中起到的作用越来越大，相信许多人会觉得演讲稿很难写吧，下面是小编帮大家整理的.美国20世纪经典英语演讲稿（精选），供大家参考借鉴，希望可以帮助到有需要的朋友。

I'm Elizabeth Glaser. Eleven years ago, while giving birth to my first child, I hemorrhaged and was transfused with seven pints of blood. Four years later, I found out that I had been infected with the AIDS virus and had unknowingly passed it to my daughter, Ariel, through my breast milk, and my son, Jake, in utero.Twenty years ago I wanted to be at the Democratic Convention because it was a way to participate in my country. Today, I am here because it's a matter of life and death. Exactly —— Exactly four years ago my daughter died of AIDS. She did not survive the Reagan Administration. I am here because my son and I may not survive four more years of leaders who say they care, but do nothing. I -- I am in a race with the clock. This is not about being a Republican or an Independent or a Democrat. It's about the future -- for each and every one of us.I started out just a mom -- fighting for the life of her child. But along the way I learned how unfair America can be today, not just for people who have HIV, but for many, many people -- poor people, gay people, people of color, children. A strange spokesperson for such a group: a well-to-do white woman. But I have learned my lesson the hard way, and I know that America has lost her path and is at risk of losing her soul. America wake up: We are all in a struggle between life and death.I understand -- I understand the sense of frustration and despair in our country, because I know firsthand about shouting for help and getting no answer. I went to Washington to tell Presidents Reagan and Bush that much, much more had to be done for AIDS research and care, and that children couldn't be forgotten. The first time, when nothing happened, I thought, "They just didn't hear me." The second time, when nothing happened, I thought, "Maybe I didn't shout loud enough." But now I realize they don't hear because they don't want to listen.When you cry for help and no one listens, you start to lose your hope. I began to lose faith in America. I felt my country was letting me down -- and it was. This is not the America I was raised to be proud of. I was raised to believe that other's problems were my problems as well. But when I tell most people about HIV, in hopes that they will help and care, I see the look in their eyes: "It's not my problem," they're thinking. Well, it's everyone's problem and we need a leader who will tell us that. We need a visionary to guide us -- to say it wasn't all right for Ryan White to be banned from school because he had AIDS, to say it wasn't alright for a man or a woman to be denied a job because they're infected with this virus. We need a leader who is truly committed to educating us.I believe in America, but not with a leadership of selfishness and greed -- where the wealthy get health care and insurance and the poor don't. Do you know -- Do you know how much my AIDS care costs? Over 40,000 dollars a year. Someone without insurance can't afford this. Even the drugs that I hope will keep me alive are out of reach for others. Is their life any less valuable? Of course not. This is not the America I was raised to be proud of -- where rich people get care and drugs that poor people can't.We need health care for all. We need a leader who will say this and do something about it.I believe in America, but not a leadership that talks about problems but is incapable of solving them -- two HIV commission reports with recommendations about what to do to solve this crisis sitting on shelves, gathering dust. We need a leader who will not only listen to these recommendations, but implement them.I believe in America, but not with a leadership that doesn't hold government accountable. I go to Washington to the National Institutes of Health and say, "Show me what you're doing on HIV." They hate it when I come because I try to tell them how to do it better. But that's why I love being a taxpayer, because it's my money and they must feel accountable.I believe in an America where our leaders talk straight. When anyone tells President Bush that the battle against AIDS is seriously under-funded, he juggles the numbers to mislead the public into thinking we're spending twice as much as we really are. While they play games with numbers, people are dying.I believe in America, but an America where there is a light in every home. A thousand points of light just wasn't enough: My house has been dark for too long.Once every generation, history brings us to an important crossroads. Sometimes in life there is that moment when it's possible to make a change for the better. This is one of those moments.For me, this is not politics. This is a crisis of caring.In this hall is the future -- women, men of all colors saying, "Take America back." We are -- We are just real people wanting a more hopeful life. But words and ideas are not enough. Goodthoughts won't save my family. What's the point of caring if we don't do something about it? A President and a Congress that can work together so we can get out of this gridlock and move ahead, because I don't win my war if the President cares and the Congress, or if the Congress cares and the President doesn't support the ideas.The people in this hall this week, the Democratic Party, all of us can begin to deliver that partnership, and in November we can all bring it home.My daughter lived seven years, and in her last year, when she couldn't walk or talk, her wisdom shone through. She taught me to love, when all I wanted to do was hate. She taught me to help others, when all I wanted to do was help myself. She taught me to be brave, when all I felt was fear. My daughter and I loved each other with simplicity. America, we can do the same.This was the country that offered hope. This was the place where dreams could come true, not just economic dreams, but dreams of freedom, justice, and equality. We all need to hope that our dreams can come true. I challenge you to make it happen, because all our lives, not just mine, depend on it.Thank you.。

美国经典英文演讲100篇Oklahoma Bombing Memorial Address

William Jefferson ClintonOklahoma Bombing Memorial Prayer Service Addressdelivered 23 April 1995 in Oklahoma City, OK[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio.(2)]Thank you very much, Governor Keating and Mrs. Keating, Reverend Graham, to the families of those who have been lost and wounded, to the people of Oklahoma City, who have endured so much, and the people of this wonderful state, to all of you who are here as our fellow Americans.I am honored to be here today to represent the American people. But I have to tell you that Hillary and I also come as parents, as husband and wife, as people who were your neighbors for some of the best years of our lives.Today our nation joins with you in grief. We mourn with you. We share your hope against hope that some may still survive. We thank all those who have worked so heroically to save lives and to solve this crime -- those here in Oklahoma and those who are all across this great land, and many who left their own lives to come here to work hand in hand with you. We pledge to do all we can to help you heal the injured, to rebuild this city, and to bring to justice those who did this evil.This terrible sin took the lives of our American family, innocent children in that building, only because their parents were trying to be good parents as well as good workers; citizens in the building going about their daily business; and many there who served the rest of us -- who worked to help the elderly and the disabled, who worked to support our farmers and our veterans, who worked toenforce our laws and to protect us. Let us say clearly, they served us well, and we are grateful.But for so many of you they were also neighbors and friends. You saw them at church or the PTA meetings, at the civic clubs, at the ball park. You know them in ways that all the rest of America could not. And to all the members of the families here present who have suffered loss, though we share your grief, your pain is unimaginable, and we know that. We cannot undo it. That is God's work.Our words seem small beside the loss you have endured. But I found a few I wanted to share today. I've received a lot of letters in these last terrible days. One stood out because it came from a young widow and a mother of three whose own husband was murdered with over 200 other Americans when Pan Am 103 was shot down. Here is what that woman said I should say to you today:The anger you feel is valid, but you must not allow yourselves to be consumed by it. The hurt you feel must not be allowed to turn into hate, but instead into the search for justice. The loss you feel must not paralyze your own lives. Instead, you must try to pay tribute to your loved ones by continuing to do all the things they left undone, thus ensuring they did not die in vain.Wise words from one who also knows.You have lost too much, but you have not lost everything. And you have certainly not lost America, for we will stand with you for as many tomorrows as it takes.If ever we needed evidence of that, I could only recall the words of Governor and Mrs. Keating: "If anybody thinks that Americans are mostly mean and selfish, they ought to come to Oklahoma. If anybody thinks Americans have lost the capacity for love and caring and courage, they ought to come to Oklahoma."To all my fellow Americans beyond this hall, I say, one thing we owe those who have sacrificed is the duty to purge ourselves of the dark forces which gave rise to this evil. They are forces that threaten our common peace, our freedom, our way of life. Let us teach our children that the God of comfort is also the God of righteousness: Those who trouble their own house will inherit the wind.¹ Justice will prevail.Let us let our own children know that we will stand against the forces of fear. When there is talk of hatred, let us stand up and talk against it. When there is talk of violence, let us stand up and talk against it. In the face of death, let us honor life. As St. Paul admonished us, Let us "not be overcome by evil, but overcome evil with good."²Yesterday, Hillary and I had the privilege of speaking with some children of other federal employees -- children like those who were lost here. And one little girl said something we will never forget. She said, "We should all plant a tree in memory of the children." So this morning before we got on the plane to come here, at the White House, we planted that tree in honor of the children of Oklahoma. It was a dogwood with its wonderful spring flower and its deep, enduring roots. It embodies the lesson of the Psalms -- that the life of a good person is like a tree whose leaf does not wither.³My fellow Americans, a tree takes a long time to grow, and wounds take a long time to heal. But we must begin. Those who are lost now belong to God. Some day we will be with them. But until that happens, their legacy must be our lives.Thank you all, and God bless you.。

美国经典英文演讲100篇_0

美国经典英文演讲100篇篇一：美国经典英文演讲100篇Black Power美国经典英文演讲100篇:”Black Power”Stokely CarmichaelBlack Powerdelivered October 1966, Berkeley, CA[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio. (2)]Thank you very much. It’s a privilege and an honor to be in the white intellectual ghetto of the West. We wanted to do a couple of things before we started. The first is that, based on the fact that SNCC, through the articulation of its program by its chairman, has been able to win elections in Georgia, Alabama, Maryland, and by ourappearance here will win an election in California, in 1968 I’m going to run for President of the United States. I just can’t make it, ‘cause I wasn’t born in the United States. That’s the only thing h olding me back.We wanted to say that this is a student conference, as it should be, held on a campus, and that we’re not ever to be caught up in the intellectual masturbation of the question of Black Power. That’s a function of people who are advertisers that call themselves reporters. Oh, for my members and friends of the press, my self-appointed white critics, I was reading Mr. Bernard Shaw two days ago, and I came across a very important quote which I think is most apropos for you. He says, “All criticism is a[n] autobiography.” Dig yourself. Okay. The philosophers Camus and Sartre raise the question whether or not a man can condemn himself. The black existentialist philosopher who is pragmatic, Frantz Fanon, answered the question. He said that man could not. Camus and Sartre was not. We in SNCC tend to agree withCamus and Sartre, that a man cannot condemn himself.1 Were he to condemn himself, he would then have to inflict punishment upon himself. An example would be the Nazis. Any prisoner who -- any of the Nazi prisoners who admitted, after he was caught andincarcerated, that he committed crimes, that he killed all the many people that he killed, he committed suicide. The only ones who were able to stay alive were the ones who never admitted that they committed a crimes [sic] against people -- that is, the ones who rationalized that Jews were not human beings and deserved to be killed, or that they were only following orders.On a more immediate scene, the officials and the population -- the white population -- in Neshoba County, Mississippi -- that’s where Philadelphia is -- could not -- could not condemn [Sheriff] Rainey, his deputies, and the other fourteen men that killed three human beings. They could not because they elected Mr. Rainey to do precisely what he did; and that for them to condemn him will be for them to condemn themselves. In a much larger view, SNCC says that white America cannot condemn herself. And since we are liberal, we have done it: You standcondemned. Now, a number of things that arises from that answer of how do you condemn yourselves. Seems to me that the institutions that function in this country are clearly racist, and that they’re built upon racism. And the question, then, is how can black people inside of this country move? And then how can white people who say they’re not a part of those institutions begin to move? And how then do we begin to clear away the obstacles that we have in this society, that make us live like human beings? How can we begin to build institutions that will allow people to relate with each other as human beings? This country has never done that, especially around the country of white or black.Now, several people have been upset because we’ve said thatintegration was irrelevant when initiated by blacks, and that in fact it was a subterfuge, an insidious subterfuge, for the maintenance of white supremacy. Now we maintain that in the past six years or so, this country has been feeding us a “thalidomide drug of integration,” and that som e negroes have been walking down a dream streettalking about sitting next to white people; and that that does not begin to solve the problem; that when we went to Mississippi we did not go to sit next to Ross Barnett2; we did not go to sit next to Jim Clark3; we went to get them out of our way; and that people ought to understand that; that we were never fighting for the right to integrate, we were fighting against white supremacy.Now, then, in order to understand white supremacy we must dismiss the fallacious notion that white people can give anybody their freedom. No man can give anybody his freedom. A man is born free. You may enslave a man after he is born free, and that is in fact what thiscountry does. It enslaves black people after they’re born, so that the only acts that white people can do is to stop denying black people their freedom; that is, they must stop denying freedom. They never give it to anyone.Now we want to take that to its logical extension, so that we could understand, then, what its relevancy would be in terms of new civil rights bills. I maintain that every civil rights bill in this country was passed for white people, not for black people. For example, I am black. I know that. I also know that while I am black I am a human being, and therefore I have the right to go into any public place. White people didn’t know that. Every time I tried to go into a place they stopped me. So some boys had to write a bill to tell that white man, “He’s a human being; don’t stop him.” That bil l was for that white man, not for me. I knew it all the time. I knew it all the time.I knew that I could vote and that that wasn’t a privilege; it was my right. Every time I tried I was shot, killed or jailed, beaten or economically deprived. So somebody had to write a bill for white people to tell them, “When a black man comes to vote, don’t bother him.” That bill, again, was for white people, not for black people; so that when you talk about open occupancy, I know I can live anyplace I want to live. It is white people across this country who are incapable of allowing me to live where I want to live. You need a civil rights bill, not me. I know I can live where I want to live.So that the failures to pass a civil rights bill isn’t because of Black Powe r, isn’t because of the Student Nonviolent CoordinatingCommittee; it’s not because of the rebellions that are occurring in the major cities. It is incapability of whites to deal with their own problems inside their own communities. That is the problem of the failure of the civil rights bill.And so in a larger sense we must then ask, How is it that black people move? And what do we do? But the question in a greater sense is, How can white people who are the majority -- and who are responsible for making democracy work -- make it work? They have miserably failed to this point. They have never made democracy work, be it inside the United States, Vietnam, South Africa, Philippines, South America, Puerto Rico. Wherever American has been, she has not been able to make democracy work; so that in a larger sense, we not only condemnthe country for what it’s done internally, but we must condemn it for what it does externally. We see this country trying to rule the world, and someone must stand up and start articulating that this country is not God, and cannot rule the world.Now, then, before we move on we ought to develop the white supremacy attitudes that were either conscious or subconscious thought and how theyrun rampant through the society today. For example, the missionaries were sent to Africa. They went with the attitude that blacks were automatically inferior. As a matter of fact, the first act the missionaries did, you know, when they got to Africa was to make us cover up our bodies, because they said it got them excited. We couldn’t go bare-breasted any more because they got excited.Now when the missionaries came to civilize us because we were uncivilized, educate us because we were uneducated, and give us some -- some literate studies because we were illiterate, they charged a price. The missionaries came with the Bible, and we had the land. When they left, they had the land, and we still have the Bible. And that has been the rationalization for Western civilization as it moves across the world and stealing and plundering and raping everybody in its path. Their one rationalization is that the rest of the world is uncivilized and they are in fact civilized. And they are un-civil-ized.And that runs on today, you see, because what we have today is we have what we call “modern-day Peace Corps missionaries,” and they come into our ghettos and they Head Start, Upward Lift, Bootstrap, and Upward Bound us into white society, ‘cause they don’t want to face the real problem which is a man is poor for one reason and one reason only: ‘cause he does not have money -- period. If you want to get rid of poverty, you give people money -- period.And you ought not to tell me about people who don’t work, and you can’t give people money without working, ‘cause if that were true, you’d have to start stopping Rockefeller, Bobby Kennedy, Lyndon Baines Johnson, Lady Bird Johnson, the whole of Standard Oil, the Gulf Corp, all of them, including probably a large number of the Board of Trustees of this university. So the question, then, clearly, is not whether or not one can work; it’s Who has power? Who has power to make his or her acts legitimate?That is all. And that this country, that power is invested in the hands of white people, and they make their acts legitimate. It is now, therefore, for black people to make our acts legitimate.Now we are now engaged in a psychological struggle in this country, and that is whether or not black people will have the right to use the words they want to use without white people giving their sanction to it; and that we maintain, whether they like it or not, we gonna use the word “Black Power” -- and let them address themselves to that; but that we are not going to wait for white people to sanction Black Power. We’re tired waiting; every time black people move in this country, they’re forced to defend their position before they move. It’s time that the people who are supposed to be defending their position do that. That’s white people. They ought to start defending themselves as to why they have oppressed and exploited us.Now it is clear that when this country started to move in terms of slavery, the reason for a man being picked as a slave was one reason -- because of the color of his skin. If one was black one wasautomatically inferior, inhuman, and therefore fit for slavery; so that the question of whether or not we are individually suppressed is nonsensical, and it’s a dowight lie. We are oppressed as a group because we are black, not because we are lazy, not because we’re apat hetic, not because we’re stupid, not because we smell, notbecause we eat watermelon and have good rhythm. We are oppressed because we are black.And in order to get out of that oppression one must wield the group power that one has, not the individual power which this country then sets the criteria under which a man may come into it. That is what is called in this country as integration: “You do what I tell you to do and then we’ll let you sit at the table with us.” And that we are saying that we haveto be opposed to that. We must now set up criteria and that if there’s going to be any integration, it’s going to be a two-way thing. If you believe in integration, you can come live in Watts. You can send your children to the ghetto schools. Let’s talk about that. If you believe in integration, then we’re going to start adopting us some white people to live in our neighborhood.So it is clear that the question is not one of integration or segregation. Integration is a man’s ability to want to move in the re by himself. If someone wants to live in a white neighborhood and he is black, that is his choice. It should be his rights. It is not because white people will not allow him. So vice versa: If a black man wants to live in the slums, that should be his right. Black people will let him. That is the difference. And it’s a difference on which this country makes a number of logical mistakes when they begin to try to criticize the program articulated by SNCC.篇二：美国经典英文演讲一百篇!练口语和演讲的好材料,值得收藏!!!美国经典英文演讲一百篇！练口语和演讲的好材料，值得收藏！！！来源：梁志埠的日志???????????????????????????????????????·美国20世纪经典英语演讲100篇（MP3+文本）·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Farewell Address to Congress ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1984 DNC Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:We Shall Overcome ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Shuttle’’Challenger’’Disaster Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Checkers ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Pearl Harbor Address to the Nation ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:I Have a Dream ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Civil Rights Addre ss ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Time to Break Silence-Beyond Vietnam ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1988 DNC Keynote Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Atoms for Peace ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Truman Doctrine ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:First Inaugural Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Great Arsenal of Democracy ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Acres of Diamonds ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Great Silent Majority ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Farewell Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Oklahoma Bombing Memorial Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Crisis of Confidence ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1992 DNC Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:On Vietnam and Not Seeking Re-Election ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Cambodian Incursion Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Eulogy for Robert Francis Kennedy ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Black Power ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Chappaquiddick ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:40th Anniversary of D-Day Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Presidential Nomination Acce ptance.. ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Marshall Plan ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Whisper of AIDS ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1988 DNC Address(下) ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:I’ve Been to the Mountaintop ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Statement on the Articles of Impeachment ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1984 DNC Keynote Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Houston Ministerial Association Speech ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Ballot or the Bullet ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1976 DNC Keynote Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Inaugural Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Television News Coverage? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Against Imperialism ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Four Freedoms ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:American University Commencement Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Nobel Prize Acceptance Speech ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:First Fireside Chat ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Evil Empire ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Time for Choo sing ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Ich bin ein Berliner ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Duty, Honor, Country ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Remarks on the Assassination of MLKing ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Message to the Grassroots ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Address on Taking the Oath of Office ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Sproul Hall Sit-i n Speech... ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1980 DNC Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Statement to the Senate Judiciary... ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Television and the Public Interest ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Presidential Nomination ... ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Religious Belief and Public Morality ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Vice-Presidential Nomination... ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Truth and Tolerance in America ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Great Society ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1988 DNC Address(上) ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Brandenburg Gate Address篇三：美国经典英文演讲100篇Sproul Hall Sit-in Speech美国经典英文演讲100篇:Sproul Hall Sit-in Speech...delivered 2 December 1964, The University of California at Berkeley [AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio]You know, I just wanna say one brief thing about something the previous speaker said. I didn’t wanna spend too much time on that ‘cause I don’t think it’s important enough. But one thing is worth considering.He’s the -- He’s the nominal head of an organization supposedly representative of the undergraduates. Whereas in fact under the currentdirector it derives -- its authority is delegated power from the Administration. It’s totally uepresentative of the graduate students and TAs.1But he made the following statement (I quote): “I would ask all those who are not definitely committed to the FSM2 cause to stay away from demonstration.” Alright, now listen to this: “For all upper division students who are interested in alleviating the TA shortage problem, I would encourage you to offer your services to Department Chairmen and Advisors.” That has two things: A strike breaker and a fink. I’d like to say -- like to say one other thing about a union problem. Upstairs you may have noticed they’re ready on the 2nd floor of Sproul Hall, Locals 40 and 127 of the Painters Union are painting the inside of the 2nd floor of Sproul Hall. Now, apparently that action had been planned some time in the past. I’ve tried to contact those unions. Unfortunately -- and [it] tears my heart out -- they’re asbureaucratized as the Administration. It’s difficult to get through toanyone in authority there. Very sad. We’re still -- We’re still making an attempt. Those people up there have no desire to interfere with what we’re doing. I would ask that they be considered and that they not be heckled in any way. And I think that -- you know -- while there’s unfortunately no sense of -- no sense of solidarity at this pointbetween unions and students, there at least need be no -- you know -- excessively hard feelings between the two groups.Now, there are at least two ways in which sit-ins and civil disobedience and whatever -- least two major ways in which it can occur. One, when a law exists, is promulgated, which is totally unacceptable to people and they violate it again and again and again till it’s rescinded, app ealed. Alright, but there’s another way. There’s another way. Sometimes, theform of the law is such as to render impossible its effective violation -- as a method to have it repealed. Sometimes, the grievances of people are more -- extend more -- to more than just the law, extend to a whole mode of arbitrary power, a whole mode of arbitrary exercise of arbitrary power.And that’s what we have here. We have an autocracy which -- which runs this university. It’s managed. We were told the following: IfPresident Kerr actually tried to get something more liberal out of the Regents in his telephone conversation, why didn’t he make somepublic statement to that effect? And the answer we received -- from a well-meaning liberal -- was the following: He said, “Would you ever imagine the manager of a firm making a statement publicly in opposition to his Board of Directors?” That’s the answer.Well I ask you to consider -- if this is a firm, and if the Board of Regents are the Board of Directors, and if President Kerr in fact is the manager, then I tell you something -- the faculty are a bunch of employees and we’re the raw material! But we’re a bunch of rawmaterials that don’t mean to be -- have any process upon us. Don’t mean to be made into any product! Don’t mean -- Don’t mean to end up being bought by some clients of the University, be they the government, be they industry, be they organized labor, be they anyone! We’re human beings!And that -- that brings me to the second mode of civil disobedience. There’s a time when the operation of the machine becomes so odious, makes you so sick at heart that you can’t take part! You can’t even passively take part! And you’ve got to put your bodies upon the gears and upon the wheels, upon the levers, upon all the apparatus -- and you’ve got to make it stop! And you’ve got to indicate to the peoplewho run it, to the people who own it -- that unless you’re free the machinewill be prevented from working at all!!That doesn’t mean -- I know it will be interpreted to mean,unfortunately, by the bigots who run The Examiner, for example -- That doesn’t mean that you have to break anything. One thousand people sitting down some place, not letting anybody by, not [letting] anything happen, can stop any machine, including this machine! And it will stop!!We’re gonna do the following -- and the greater the number of people, the safer they’ll be and the more effective it will be. We’re going, once again, to march up to the 2nd floor of Sproul Hall. And we’re gonna conduct our lives for awhile in the 2nd floor of Sproul Hall. We’ll show movies, for example. We tried to get -- and [they] shut them off. Unfortunately, that’s tied up in the court because of a lot of squeamish moral mothers for a moral America and other people on the outside. The same people who get all their ideas out of the San Francisco Examiner. Sad, sad. But, Mr. Landau -- Mr. Landau has gotten us some other films. Likewise, we’ll do something -- we’ll do something which hasn’toccurred at this University in a good long time! We’re going to have real classes up there! They’re gonna be freedom schools conducted up there! We’re going to have classes on [the] 1st and 14thamendments!! We’re gonna spend our time learning about the things this University is afraid that we know! We’re going to learn about freedom up there, and we’re going to learn by doing!!Now, we’ve had some good, long rallies. [Rally organizers inform Savio that Joan Baez has arrived.] Ju st one moment. We’ve had some good, long rallies. And I think I’m sicker of rallies than anyone else here. She’s not going to be long. I’d like to introduce one last person -- one last person before we enter Sproul Hall. Yeah. And the person is Joan Baez.。

美国经典英文演讲100篇Shuttle

美国经典英文演讲100篇:ShuttleRonald Reagan： The Space Shuttle "Challenger" Tragedy Address"We'll continue our quest in space. There will be more shuttle flights……more volunteers， more civilians， more teachers in space."Ladies and Gentlemen， I'd planned to speak to you tonight to report on the state of the Union， but the events of earlier today have led me to change those plans. Today is a day for mourning and remembering. Nancy and I are pained to the core by the tragedy of the shuttle Challenger. We know we share this pain with all of the people of our country. This is truly a national loss.Nineteen years ago， almost to the day， we lost three astronauts in a terrible accident on the ground. But we've never lost an astronaut in flight. We've never had a tragedy like this. And perhaps we've forgotten the courage it took for the crew of the shuttle. But they， the Challenger Seven， were aware of the dangers， but overcame them and did their jobs brilliantly. We mourn seven heroes： Michael Smith，Dick Scobee， Judith Resnik， Ronald McNair， Ellison Onizuka， Gregory Jarvis， and Christa McAuliffe. We mourn their loss as a nation together.For the families of the seven， we cannot bear， as you do， the full impact of this tragedy. But we feel the loss， and we're thinking about you so very much. Your loved ones were daring and brave， and they had that special grace， that special spirit that says， "Give me a challenge， and I'll meet it with joy." They had a hunger to explore the universe and discover its truths. They wished to serve， and they did. They served all of us.We've grown used to wonders in this century. It's hard to dazzle us. But for twenty-five years the United States space program has been doing just that. We've grown used to the idea of space， and， perhaps we forget that we've only just begun. We're still pioneers. They， the members of the Challenger crew， were pioneers.And I want to say something to the schoolchildren of America who were watching the live coverage of the shuttle's take-off. I know it's hard to understand， but sometimes painful things like this happen. It's all part of the process of exploration and discovery. It's all part of taking a chance and expanding man's horizons. The future doesn't belong to the fainthearted； it belongs to the brave. The Challenger crew was pulling us into the future， and we'll continue to follow them.I've always had great faith in and respect for our space program. And what happened today does nothing to diminish it. We don't hide our space program. We don't keep secrets and cover things up. We do it all up front and in public. That's the way freedom is， and we wouldn't change it for a minute.We'll continue our quest in space. There will be more shuttle flights and more shuttle crews and， yes， more volunteers， more civilians， more teachers in space. Nothing ends here； our hopes and our journeys continue.I want to add that I wish I could talk to every man and woman who works for NASA，or who worked on this mission and tell them： "Your dedication and professionalism have moved and impressed us for decades. And we know of your anguish. We share it."There's a coincidence today. On this day three hundred and ninety years ago，the great explorer Sir Francis Drake died aboard ship off the coast of Panama. In his lifetime the great frontiers were the oceans， and a historian later said， "He lived by the sea， died on it， and was buried in it." Well， today， we can say of the Challenger crew： Their dedication was， like Drake's， complete.The crew of the space shuttle Challenger honored us by the manner in which they lived their lives. We will never forget them， nor the last time we saw them， this morning， as they prepared for their journey and waved goodbye and "slipped the surly bonds of earth" to "touch the face of God."Thank you.1 2 3 4 5 6。

美国经典英文演讲100篇The_Marshall_Plan

美国经典英文演讲100篇:"The Marshall Plan"George C. MarshallThe Marshall Plan[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribedI am profoundly grateful, touched by the great distinction and honor and great compliment accorded me by the authorities of Harvard this morning. I am overwhelmed, as a matter of fact, and I am rather fearful of my inability to maintain such a high rating as you've been generous enough to accord to me. In these historic and lovely surroundings, this perfect day, and this very wonderful assembly, it is a tremendously impressive thing to an individual in my position.But to speak more seriously, I need not tell you that the world situation is very serio us. That must be apparent to all intelligent people. I think one difficulty is that the problem is one of such enormous complexity that the very mass of facts presented to the public by press and radio make it exceedingly difficult for the man in the street to reach a clear appraisement of the situatio n. Furthermore, the people of this country are distant from the troubled areas of the earth, and it is hard for them to comprehend the plight and consequent reactio ns of thelong-suffering peoples of Europe and the effect of those reactions on their governments in connection with our efforts to promote peace in the world.In considering the requirements for the rehabilitatio n of Europe, the physical loss of life, the visible destruction of cities, factories, mines, and railroads was correctly estimated, but it has become obvious during recent months that this visible destruction was probably less serious than the dislocation of the entire fabric of European economy. For the past ten years conditions have been highly abnormal. The feverish preparatio n for war and the more feverish maintenance of the war effort engulfed all aspects of national economies. Machinery has fallen into disrepair or is entirely obsolete. Under the arbitrary and destructive Nazi rule, virtually every possible enterprise was geared into the Germanwar machine. Long-standing commercial ties, private institutions, banks, insurance companies, and shipping companies disappeared through loss of capital, absorption through nationalization, or by simple destruction. In many countries, confidence in the local currency has been severely shaken. The breakdown of the business structure of Europe during the war was complete. Recovery has been serio usly retarded by the fact that two years after the close of hostilities a peace settlement with Germany and Austria has not been agreed upon. But even given a more prompt so lution of these difficult problems, the rehabilitation of the economic structure of Europe quite evidently will require a much longer time and greater effort than had been foreseen.There is a phase of this matter which is both interesting and serious. The farmer has always produced the foodstuffs to exchange with the city dweller for the other necessities of life. This division of labor is the basis of modern civilization. At the present time it is threatened with breakdown. The town and city industries are not producing adequate goods to exchange with the food-producing farmer. Raw materials and fuel are in short supply. Machinery, as I have said, is lacking or worn out. The farmer or the peasant cannot find the goods for sale which he desires to purchase. So the sale of his farm produce for money which he cannot use seems to him an unprofitable transaction. He, therefore, has withdrawn many fields from crop cultivatio n and he's using them for grazing. He feeds more grain to stock and finds for himself and his family an ample supply of food, however short he may be on clothing and the other ordinary gadgets of civilization.Meanwhile, people in the cities are short of food and fuel, and in some places approaching the starvation levels. So, the governments are forced to use their foreign money and credits to procure these necessities abroad. This process exhausts funds which are urgently needed for reconstructio n. Thus, a very serious situatio n is rapidly developing which bodes no good for the world. The modern system of the divisio n of labor upon which the exchange of products is based is in danger of breakingdown. The truth of the matter is that Europe's requirements for the next three or four years of foreign food and other essential products -- principally from America -- are so much greater than her present ability to pay that she must have substantial additional help or face economic, social, and political deterioration of a very grave character.The remedy seems to lie in breaking the vicious circle and restoring the confidence of the people of Europe in the economic future of their own countries and of Europe as a whole. The manufacturer and the farmer throughout wide areas must be able and willing to exchange their product for currencies, the continuing value of which is not open to questio n.Aside from the demoralizing effect on the world at large and the possibilities of disturbances arising as a result of the desperation of the people concerned, the consequences to the economy of the United States should be apparent to all. It is logical that the United States should do whatever it is able to do to assist in the return of normal economic health in the world, without which there can be no po litical stability and no assured peace. Our policy is directed not against any country or doctrine but against hunger, poverty, desperation, and chaos. Its purpose should be the revival of a working economy in the world so as to permit the emergence of po litical and social conditions in which free institutions can exist.Such assistance, I am convinced, must not be on a piecemeal basis, as vario us crises develop. Any assistance that this Government may render in the future should provide a cure rather than a mere palliative. Any government that is willing to assist in the task of recovery will find full cooperation, I am sure, on the part of the United States Government. Any government which maneuvers to block the recovery of other countries cannot expect help from us. Furthermore, governments, political parties, or groups which seek to perpetuate human misery in order to profit there from po litically or otherwise will encounter the opposition of the United States.It is already evident that before the United States Government can proceed much further in its efforts to alleviate the situation and help start the European world on its way to recovery, there must be some agreement among the countries of Europe as to the requirements of the situation and the part those countries themselves will take in order to give a proper effect to whatever actions might be undertaken by this Government. It would be neither fitting nor efficacious for our Government to undertake to draw up unilaterally a program designed to place Europe on its feet economically. This is the business of the Europeans. The initiative, I think, must come from Europe. The ro le of this country sho uld consist of friendly aid in the drafting of a European program and of later support of such a program so far as it may be practical for us to do so. The program should be a joint one, agreed to by a number, if not all, European nations.An essential part of any successful action on the part of the United States is an understanding on the part of the people of America of the character of the problem and the remedies to be applied. Political passion and prejudice should have no part. With foresight, and a willingness on the part of our people to face up to the vast responsibility which history has clearly placed upon our country, the difficulties I have outlined can and will be overcome.I am sorry that on each occasion I have said something publicly in regard to our international situation, I have been forced by the necessities of the case to enter into rather technical discussio ns. But, to my mind, it is of vast importance that our people reach some general understanding of what the complicatio ns really are, rather than react from a passion or a prejudice or an emotion of the moment.As I said more formally a moment ago, we are remote from the scene of these troubles. It is virtually impossible at this distance merely by reading, or listening, or even seeing photographs and motion pictures, to grasp at all the real significance of the situation. And yet the whole world of the future hangs o n a proper judgment. It hangs, I think, to a large extent on the realization of the American people, of just what are the variousdominant factors. What are the reactions of the people? What are the justifications of those reactions? What are the sufferings? What is needed? What can best be done? What must be done?Thank you very much.。

美国经典英文演讲100篇

美国经典英文演讲100篇篇一：美国经典英文演讲100篇Black Power美国经典英文演讲100篇："Black Power"Stokely CarmichaelBlack Powerdelivered October 1966,Berkeley,CA[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED：Text version below transcribed directly from audio.(2)]Thank you very much.It’s a privilege and an honor to be in the white intellectual ghetto of the West.We wanted to do a couple of things before we started.The first is that,based on the fact that SNCC,through the articulation of its program by its chairman,has been able to win elections in Georgia,Alabama,Maryland,and by our appearance here will win an election in California,in 1968 I'm going to run for President of the United States.I just can't make it,'cause I wasn't born in the United States.That's the only thing holding me back.We wanted to say that this is a student conference,as it should be,held on a campus,and that we're not ever to be caught up in the intellectual masturbation of the question of Black Power.That’s a function of people who are advertisers that call themselvesreporters.Oh,for my members and friends of the press,my self-appointed white critics,I was reading Mr.Bernard Shaw two days ago,and I came across a very important quote which I think is most apropos for you.He says,"All criticism is a[n]autobiography."Dig yourself.Okay.The philosophers Camus and Sartre raise the question whether or not a man can condemn himself.The black existentialist philosopher who is pragmatic,Frantz Fanon,answered the question.He said that man could not.Camus and Sartre was not.We in SNCC tend to agree withCamus and Sartre,that a man cannot condemn himself.1 Were he to condemn himself,he would then have to inflict punishment upon himself.An example would be the Nazis.Any prisoner who --any of the Nazi prisoners who admitted,after he was caught andincarcerated,that mitted crimes,that he killed all the many people that he killed,mitted suicide.The only ones who were able to stay alive were the ones who never admitted that mitted a crimes [sic]against people --that is,the ones who rationalized that Jews were not human beings and deserved to be killed,or that they were only following orders.On a more immediate scene,the officials and the population --the white population --in Neshoba County,Mississippi --that’s where Philadelphia is --could not --could not condemn [Sheriff]Rainey,his。

美国经典英语演讲

美国经典英语演讲美国经典英语演讲美国经典英语演讲1good morning,dear teacher and my friends.it’s a very intresting topic today.i think my dad was a hero for me when i was a young child. we'd go fishing, walks, and other fun things for a kid.every child has a good and great father, and so do i. my dad played a very important role in my daily life`````exactly speaking, in my past 16 years.my father always stands in the center of my life， from past till now and possibly in the future.my family was rather poor when i was in my childhood. we didn't have our own house and had to live in a shabby， small room rented from my father's factory. the room was so small that there was little space for people to walk. i didn't have my own bed and had to sleep with my parents. this is terrible both for my parents and me.but father made this all different!he works very hard on his own business, now we have our own 2 housese,surly,i have my own room.and he take our family so much happiness, richer and richer.when i was little, i did everything with my dad. you could always find me sitting on his knee or walking and doing everything with him. every night he would read me a bed time story and make the voices of each character.i learnt a lot from my daddy. i learnt to never take things to seriously and to always smile.like many other fathers, my dad and i also has generationgap. he is not good at or even can’t work the computer. so when i sitting at the computer desk,he wi ll say something like ‘you should pay more attention to your study’, ‘don’t waste time on the computer games’ , ‘it will be bad for your eyes’ and so on. how can i- a computer fan – reduce time on computer? so i continue studying and playing on ityears pasted, my father is over 45 now. it is time for me to look after him and i am sure i will do and we will live an even better life. and i will say,i really love you dad,cause you are the hero in my mind.thank you so much!美国经典英语演讲2Dear teacher, dear classmates:Good morning, everyone. Today, our speech topic is under the ancients says,So, what is the etiquette? Say simply, the etiquette is self-restraint and respect for the kind of behavior standards, is shown to others respect andunderstanding process and means.Civilized manners, not only a personal quality, embodiment that brought up, it is personal morals and embodiment of social ethics. More urban face, but also a nation's face.So study etiquette can not only inside strong personal qualities, plastic units outside more can lubrication and improve relationship.As with 5,000 years of civilizationWe were in society, identity, role in constantly changing. We this moment hate others, next moment often become people dislike of object. These are onlyThis semester, we have to createannual meeting of the activity at the site. Also, we have a new classroom, had dreamed of plastic runway, we still decorate calligraphy, folk musiccharacteristic such as corridor, and is equipped with calligraphy room, willdisplay the classmates of calligraphy. Besides characteristic corridor, we also designed the stair culture, wall culture, decorate virtue small story, the celebrity dicta, Olympic champion, scientists, dancers, etc. Campus environment will be beautiful and harmonious.美国经典英语演讲3Hi everybody.Beauty usually refers to what appeals to the eye. A nice and well built girl is regarded as beautiful. A bunch of vigorous flowers are also considered as beautiful. A splendid waterfall coming down from a mountain is as well looked on as beautiful.Beauty also refers to what appeals to the mind. The virtue of the Chinese nation-industry and bravery are taken as beautiful, because it helped to produce such a magnificent culture in the world. Einstein's theory of relativity is also perceived as beautiful, for it explains many natural phenomena so perfectly.Beauty is around us. If you keep an eye or pay some attention, it is never difficult to find something beautiful somewhere about you. Wonderful natural spots, historical relics,fine arts, splendid buildings, and kind people are just a few inches away.thank you.美国经典英语演讲4Who arrived at the place all belong to yesterday. Even if the mountains green again the water to show that water again gentleness. Too deep linger became a fetters trip over not only have two feet and in the future.How can you don't like to start? It is a pity that haven't seen on lofty mountains; See the lofty mountains and have not seen the sea vast is still a pity; See the vastness of the sea have never seen a vast desert still sad; See the vast desert have not seen the mystery of forest or regret. There are a lot of scenery in the world I have not old.I know dashan is rocky the sea waves the desert sand forest have a beast of prey. Even so I still like it.Break the peace of life is another scene. Glad I haven't old. What about even old not words called hale and hearty?So I would also like to learn from the mountain I also want to learn from the brave I also want to learn from the desert I also want to learn from the forest alert. I want to learn to taste a colorful life.How far one can go? This is not to ask two feet but ask ambition; Man can climb much higher? This thing is not to ask his hands but asked will. So I want to use the youth blood raise a lofty goals for yourself. Is not only to win a glorious but also in pursuit of a kind of state. Goals is glorious goal not life will be because of the wind and rain all the way walk becomes rich and colorful; In my opinion this is not to life.Yes I like to start I wish you also like it.In life often have numerous blow from outside but what effect will these blows to you the final say in your hands.。