罗斯福演说稿
罗斯福民主兵工厂演讲稿
罗斯福民主兵工厂演讲稿尊敬的先生们、女士们：今天，我站在这里，向你们讲述关于罗斯福民主兵工厂的演讲。
在这个特殊的时刻，我们面临着前所未有的挑战，但我相信，只要我们团结一心，共同努力，我们一定能够战胜困难，迎接未来的挑战。
罗斯福民主兵工厂是我们国家的重要产业基地，它承载着我们国家的未来和希望。
在这里，我们生产着各种各样的军火装备，为保卫国家安全和维护世界和平做出了巨大的贡献。
然而，我们面临着一些困难和挑战，我们需要团结一致，共同努力，才能够克服这些困难，实现我们的目标。
首先，我们需要加强生产管理，提高生产效率。
我们要采取科学的生产管理方法，合理安排生产计划，提高设备利用率，减少生产浪费，从而提高生产效率，确保我们能够按时完成各项生产任务。
其次，我们需要加强技术创新，提高产品质量。
我们要加大科研投入，吸引优秀的科研人才，加强技术攻关，不断提高产品的技术含量和品质水平，以满足国内外客户的需求，赢得客户的信赖和支持。
最后，我们需要加强团队建设，营造良好的工作氛围。
我们要加强员工培训，提高员工的综合素质和技能水平，激发员工的工作热情和创造力，营造和谐的工作氛围，使每个员工都能够全力以赴地投入到工作中，为实现我们的共同目标而努力奋斗。
在这个特殊的时刻，我们每个人都肩负着重大的责任，我们要紧密团结在党的周围，坚定不移地贯彻党的路线方针政策，不断提高政治觉悟和工作能力，为实现我们的共同目标而努力奋斗。
让我们携起手来，共同努力，为实现我们的共同梦想而努力奋斗！最后，我相信，只要我们团结一心，共同努力，我们一定能够战胜困难，迎接未来的挑战。
让我们共同努力，为实现我们的共同目标而努力奋斗！谢谢大家！。
罗斯福国耻演讲稿
罗斯福国耻演讲稿尊敬的各位领导、各位同事：今天，我站在这里，深感国耻，深感愧疚。
我们的国家曾经历了无数的屈辱和磨难，我们的人民曾饱受着沉重的苦难。
我们不能忘记那些曾经为国家流血牺牲的英雄，我们更不能忘记那些曾经为国家奋斗拼搏的人民。
然而，我们却在某些时刻背弃了自己的初心，违背了自己的信仰，让国家陷入了深深的羞耻之中。
我们面对的是一个强大的敌人，他们的野心膨胀，他们的侵略不止，他们的残暴无情。
但我们却在某些时刻选择了软弱和妥协，我们放弃了抵抗，放弃了自由，放弃了尊严。
我们的国家被侵略，我们的人民被奴役，我们的民族蒙羞于世。
在这个时刻，我们不能再沉默，我们不能再退缩，我们必须挺身而出，捍卫我们的国家，捍卫我们的尊严。
我们要向世界展示我们的坚定和勇敢，我们要向敌人展示我们的不屈和坚强。
我们要让他们知道，我们有着无尽的力量，我们有着无穷的勇气，我们有着无比的决心。
我们要团结起来，共同面对敌人的挑衅，共同守护我们的国土，共同捍卫我们的尊严。
我们要用行动来证明，我们是一个团结的民族，我们是一个坚强的国家。
我们要向世界宣告，我们绝不屈服，我们绝不退缩，我们绝不放弃。
在这个关键的时刻，我们要铭记历史，珍惜现在，展望未来。
我们要铭记那些为国家流血牺牲的英雄，我们要珍惜那些为国家奋斗拼搏的人民，我们要展望一个更加美好的未来，一个更加繁荣的国家。
让我们携起手来，共同努力，共同奋斗，共同创造一个更加美好的明天。
让我们用自己的行动，向世界展示我们的团结和力量，向敌人展示我们的决心和勇气。
让我们共同守护我们的国家，捍卫我们的尊严，让我们共同书写一个不朽的历史，共同创造一个灿烂的未来。
谢谢大家！。
罗斯福对日宣战演讲稿
罗斯福对日宣战演讲稿尊敬的美国同胞们：今天，我怀着沉重而坚定的心情站在这里，向你们传达一个严峻的决定。
就在不久前，1941 年 12 月 7 日，一个将永远被铭记的日子，日本帝国对我们的珍珠港发动了卑鄙无耻的突然袭击。
那是一个宁静的周日清晨，我们的士兵们还在睡梦中，我们的战舰和飞机安静地停泊在港内。
然而，日本的战机如恶魔般呼啸而来，投下了致命的炸弹，射出了罪恶的子弹。
我们的战舰起火燃烧，我们的飞机化作废墟，我们的士兵在毫无防备的情况下遭受了惨重的伤亡。
这是一场对和平与正义的公然践踏，是对人类文明的粗暴侵犯。
我们曾经努力寻求和平，我们曾经希望通过外交手段解决争端。
但日本的这一暴行让我们清楚地看到，他们对和平毫无诚意，他们的野心是无止境的。
我们不能，也绝不会坐视不管。
我们不能容忍这样的侵略行为，我们不能让那些逝去的生命白白牺牲。
因此，我，作为美国总统，在此郑重宣布，美国将对日本帝国宣战。
这不是一个轻率的决定，而是一个经过深思熟虑、基于正义和尊严的决定。
我们深知战争的残酷，我们深知战争将带来伤痛和牺牲。
但我们更清楚，如果我们不挺身而出，不捍卫自由和正义，那么更多的无辜生命将受到威胁，更多的和平与安宁将被破坏。
我们的军队已经做好了准备，他们将以无畏的勇气和坚定的信念投入战斗。
我们的工业将全力运转，为战争提供源源不断的物资支持。
我们的人民将团结一心，共同为了国家的荣誉和尊严而奋斗。
我们将与我们的盟友并肩作战，共同对抗日本的侵略。
我们相信，正义必将战胜邪恶，自由必将战胜奴役。
我们将战斗到底，直到日本侵略者被彻底击败，直到和平与正义重新降临这个世界。
美国同胞们，这是我们的时刻，这是我们的使命。
让我们摒弃恐惧，坚定信念，勇往直前。
让我们用我们的力量和勇气，为了自由，为了正义，为了我们的国家，为了我们的未来，去战斗！愿上帝保佑我们，愿上帝保佑美国！谢谢大家！在珍珠港遭受袭击后的日子里，整个美国沉浸在巨大的悲痛和愤怒之中。
美国总统(富兰克林-罗斯福)就职演说 First Inaugural Address三篇
美国总统（富兰克林-罗斯福）就职演说 First InauguralAddress三篇第一篇：美国总统（富兰克林-罗斯福）就职演说 First Inaugural Address尊敬的国民们：在我接受美国总统职位之际，我感到非常荣幸和谦卑。
我明白，我所面临的挑战是巨大的，但我也深信，只要我们共同努力，我们将能够克服一切困难，实现美国的伟大梦想。
我们所处的时刻是艰难的。
我们的国家正经历着严重的经济衰退，数以百万计的人们失去了工作，贫困和失望笼罩着整个国家。
然而，我要告诉你们，这不是我们失败的标志，而是我们的机会。
这是我们改变的时刻，我们要发扬美国人民的精神，重振我们的国家。
我们必须首先解决经济问题。
我将领导一项全面的计划，以刺激经济增长，减少失业率。
我将努力推动立法，为那些最需要帮助的人提供援助，并确保我们的经济政策旨在促进公平和机会平等。
此外，我们还面临着许多其他的挑战。
我们必须改善我们的教育系统，确保每个人都有平等的接受教育的机会。
我们必须保护我们的环境，采取措施应对气候变化。
我们还必须加强我们的国家安全，确保我们的国土不受任何威胁。
在我们面临这些挑战的同时，我们也要记住我们的价值观和人道主义。
我们要对我们的盟友和合作伙伴保持坚定的承诺，我们要尊重和包容不同的文化和宗教信仰。
我们要努力促进和平与稳定，并在国际舞台上发挥我们的领导作用。
最后，我要呼吁全体美国人民团结起来。
我们必须超越党派之争，抛弃分裂和仇恨，共同为我们的国家的利益而努力。
我们必须相信，只有通过团结和合作，我们才能取得成功。
国民们，我知道我们面临着艰巨的任务，但我相信我们拥有足够的力量和智慧来应对挑战。
让我们携起手来，为创造一个更加繁荣、公正和和谐的美国而努力！谢谢大家，愿上帝保佑美利坚合众国！第二篇：美国总统（富兰克林-罗斯福）就职演说 First Inaugural Address尊敬的公民们：我站在这里的时候，我感到非常谦卑和荣幸。
罗斯福就职演讲稿中文
罗斯福就职演讲稿中文亲爱的同胞们，我站在这里的时候，深感历史的重负压在我的肩上。
我们面临着艰巨的挑战，但我相信，只要我们团结一心，我们必将克服困难，走向更加美好的未来。
首先，我要感谢我的前任胡佛总统，他为国家付出了辛勤努力。
我们接手的时候，正值经济大萧条的风雨飘摇时期。
工人失业，企业破产，民众生活困顿。
我们必须立即采取行动，挽回状况。
所以我们制定了新政，采取一系列措施来改善经济状况。
我们通过实施金融改革，加强监管，恢复人们对银行的信心。
我们推动了工业复兴，投资建设基础设施，创造就业机会。
我们还推出了社会保障制度，保障老年人和弱势群体的生活。
然而，我们的工作还远未完成。
我计划进一步扩大社会保障制度，确保每个人都能得到应有的关爱。
我将继续推动经济复苏，鼓励创新，促进经济增长。
我们将继续改革金融业，以防止经济崩溃的发生。
此外，我们也必须关注国际形势。
我们正生活在一个动荡不安的世界中，各国之间面临着许多挑战和冲突。
我将努力推动国际合作，维护世界和平和稳定。
我相信通过对话和谈判，我们可以解决分歧，达成共识。
最后，我要呼吁每个人都参与到国家建设中来。
我们的命运紧紧相连，只有大家团结一心，才能共同创造美好的未来。
我们应该尊重和包容不同的观点，共同努力，实现我们的梦想。
亲爱的同胞们，我们面临的挑战艰巨，但我们拥有无限的勇气和毅力。
我们的历史证明了我们的坚韧和坚持不懈的精神。
让我们携手合作，战胜困难，创造一个更加公正、繁荣和充满希望的国家。
谢谢大家！愿上帝保佑美利坚合众国！。
美国第26任总统 西奥多·罗斯福就职演说
就职演说1905年3月4日* *西奥多·罗斯福于1901年9月第二十五任总统威廉·麦金莱遇刺身亡后继任总统，1904年正式当选总统。
这里刊登的是他正式就职时发表的演说。
同胞们：世界上没有哪一个民族比我们更有理由感到欣慰，这样说决无炫耀我们自己的实力之意，而是满怀虔诚地向上帝表达感激之情，感谢他为我们创造条件，使我们能够获得如此巨大的物质财富和如此美好的幸福生活。
我们作为一个民族，已经得到上帝许可，在这片新大陆上奠定我们国民生活的基础。
我们是过去一切时代的继承者，但我们却几乎不必承受那些古老国家中由某种以往文明的传统势力所强加的惩罚。
我们从未为生存所迫而与任何异族作战，但我们的生活却仍然一直在呼唤活力和奋斗，因为舍此我们那些更加雄健刚毅的美德就会丧失殆尽。
在这样的条件下，倘若我们仍然遭到失败，那就是我们自己的过失；我们在过去已经获得的成功，以及我们确信未来将带给我们的胜利，不应在我们心里激起狂妄自大的情绪，而毋宁应使我们对生活赋予我们的一切，保持深刻而恒久的意识，使我们充分认识自己肩负的责任，并以坚定不移的决心展示，一个处于自由政府之下的强大民族一定能够兴旺发达，无论在物质生活还是在精神生活方面都会如此。
赋予我们的东西既然很多，那么期望于我们的理所当然也就不少。
我们对他人和对自己都负有种种责任，对此我们都不能逃避。
我们已成为一个伟大的国家，我们在同世界上其他国家交往时，这一事实促使我们的行为举止必须像一个负有这种责任的民族。
我们对其他所有的国家都应抱有真心实意的友好态度，而不问其国家的大小强弱。
我们不仅应当用言辞而且应当用行动来显示，我们热切地期望本着公正和宽厚地承认其一切权利的精神对待他们，从而博得他们的好感。
但公正和宽宏大量之于一个国家正如对个人一样，只有由强者而不是弱者表现出来才最有意义。
我们从来都小心地避免损害他人，因而我们同样应当分毫不减地坚持自己不受虐待。
我们盼望和平，但我们盼望的是正义的和平，是光明正大的和平。
罗斯福演讲稿3篇
罗斯福演讲稿3篇本文是关于罗斯福演讲稿3篇，仅供参考，希望对您有所帮助，感谢阅读。
president hoover mister chief justice, my friends:this is a day of national consecration, and i am certain that on this day my fellow americans expect that on my induction in the presidency i will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impeis. this is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly nor need we shrink from honestly facing the conditions facing our country today this great nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper so first of all, let me express my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself - nameless, unreasoning, un justified terror, which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. in every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves, which is essential to victory and i am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.in such a spirit on my part and on yours, we face our common difficulties. they concern, thank god, only material things. values have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen, our ability to pay has fallen, government of all kinds is faced by serious curta您正在查看《罗斯福就职演讲稿英文》iiment of income, the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side, farmers find no markets for their produce, and the savings of many years and thousands of families are gone.more important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equal and great number toil with little return. onlya foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.and yet, our distress comes from no failure of substance, we are stricken by no plague of locusts. compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed andwere not afraid, we have so much to be thankful for nature surrounds us with her bounty and human, efforts have multiplied it. plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind’s goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure and have abdicated. practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.true, they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the patten 您正在查看《罗斯福就职演讲稿英文》of an outworn tradition. faced by a failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money stripped of the lure of profit by which they induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortation, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. they only know the rules of a generation of self seekers. they have no vision, and when there is no vision, the people perish.yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civiiization. we may now restore that temp1e to the ancient truths.a measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social value, more noble than mere monetary profits.happiness lies not in the mere possession of money it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative efforts, the joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. these dark days, my friends, will be worth all theycost us, if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered on to, but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of a false belief that public office and high political position are to be val您正在查看《罗斯福就职演讲稿英文》ued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profits, and there must be an end to our conduct in banking and in business, which too of ten has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrong-doing. small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty on honon on the sacredness of our obligation, on faithful protection and on unselfish performance. without them it cannot live.restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. this nation is asking for action, and action now.our greatest primary task is to put people to work. this is no unsolvable problem if we take it wise1y and courageously it can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.hand in hand with that, we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution in an effort to provide better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.yes the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the value 您正在查看《罗斯福就职演讲稿英文》of the agricultural product and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. it can be helped by preventing realistically thetragedy of the growing losses through fore closures of our small homes and our farms. it can be helped by insistence that the federal, the state, and the local government act forthwith on the demands that their costs be drastically reduce. it can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are of ten scattered, uneconomical, unequal. it can be helped by national planning for, and supervision of all forms of transportation, and of communications, and other utilities that have a definitely public character. there are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by mere1y talking about it. we must act, we must act quickly.and finally in our progress toward a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against the return of the evils of the old order; there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments; there must be an end to speculation with other people-s money; and there must be provisions for an adequate but sound currency.these, my friends, are the lines of attack. i shall presently urge upon a new congress in special session, detailed measures for their ful您正在查看《罗斯福就职演讲稿英文》of the agricultural product and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. it can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing losses through fore closures of our small homes and our farms. it can be helped by insistence that the federal, the state, and the local government act forthwith on the demands that their costs be drastically reduce. it can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are of ten scattered, uneconomical, unequal. it can be helped by national planning for, and supervision of all forms of transportation, and of communications, and other utilities that have a definitely public character. there are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by mere1y talking about it. we must act, we must act quickly.and finally in our progress toward a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against the return of the evils of the old order; there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments; there must be an end to speculation with other people-s money; and there must be provisions for an adequate but sound currency.these, my friends, are the lines of attack. i shall presently urge upon a new congress in special session, detailed measures for their ful您正在查看《罗斯福就职演讲稿英文》gation, and respects the sanctity of his agreement, in and with, a world of neighbor.if i read the temper of our people correctly we now realize what we have never realized before, our inter-dependence on each other, that we cannot merely take, but we must give as well. that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discip1ine, no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective. we are all ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline because it makes possible a 1eadership which aims at the larger good. this, i propose to offet we are going to larger purposes, bind upon us, bind upon us all, as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.with this pledge taken, i assume unhesitatingly, the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems. action in this image, action to this end, is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from my ancestors. our constitution is so simple, so practical, that it is possible always, to meet extraordinary needs, by changes in emphasis and arrangements without loss of a cen您正在查看《罗斯福就职演讲稿英文》tral form, that is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen. it has met every stress of vast expansion of territory of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.and it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority wi1l be fully equal, fully adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. but it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for underlay action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.we face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity in the clearest consciousness of seeking all and precious moral values, with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike, we aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.we do not distrust the future of essential democracy the people of the united states have not failed. in their need, they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. they have asked for discipline, and direction under leadership, they have made me the present instrument of their wishes. in the spirit of the gift, i take it.in this ded您正在查看《罗斯福就职演讲稿英文》ication, in this dedication of a nation, we humbly ask the b1essings of god, may he protect each and every one of us, may he guide me in the days to come.您正在查看《罗斯福就职演讲稿英文》胡佛总统，首席法官先生，朋友们：今天，对我们国家来说，是一个神圣的日子。
富兰克林罗斯福就职演讲
富兰克林罗斯福就职演讲篇一：罗斯福的首次就职演说美国总统罗斯福的首次就职演说1933年3月4日富兰克林罗斯福就任美国总统之时，美国正在遭受经济危机的沉重打击。
他在就职演说中呼吁美国人摆脱恐惧心理，迅速行动起来应付危机，并要求国会授予他广泛的行政权力。
值此我就职之际，同胞们肯定期望我以我国当前情势所要求的坦率和果断来发表演说。
现在确实尤其有必要坦白而果敢地谈一谈真情实况，全部的真情实况。
我们没有必要去躲闪，不去老老实实地面对我国今天的情况。
我们的国家过去经得起考验，今后还会经得起考验，复兴起来，繁荣下去。
因此，首先，允许我申明我的坚定信念：我们唯一值得恐惧的就是恐惧本身——会使我们由后退转而前进所需的努力陷于瘫痪的那种无名的、没有道理的、毫无根据的害怕。
在我们国家生活中每一个黑暗的时刻，直言不讳、坚强有力的领导都曾经得到人民的谅解和支持，从而保证了胜利。
我坚信，在当前的危机时期，你们也会再一次对领导表示支持。
我和你们都要以这样一种精神来面对共同的困难。
感谢上帝，这些困难都只是物质方面的。
价值贬缩到难以想象的程度；赋税增加了；我们纳税的能力则已降低；各级政府都遇到严重的收入减少；叹交换手段难逃贸易长流冰封，看工业企业尽成枯枝残叶；农场主的产品找不到市场；千万个家庭的多年积蓄毁于一旦。
更重要的是，大批的失业公民面临严峻的生存问题，而艰苦劳动却所得甚微的也不在少数。
只有愚蠢的乐天派才能否认眼前的暗淡现实。
但是，我们的困难并不是由于实质上的失败。
我们没有遭到什么蝗虫之害。
我们的祖先笃信上帝，无所畏惧，因而所向披靡，比起他们的艰险，我们还该说是万幸。
大自然的施惠不减，而人的努力更是使其倍增。
我们手头并不匮乏，然而丰足却激发不起来慷慨的用度。
这首先是因为掌握人类物品交换的统治者们的顽固和无能，他们承认失败而自动退位。
贪得无厌的钱商们在舆论的法庭上被宣告有罪，是为人类思想感情上所厌弃的。
他们也的确作了努力，但是他们的努力脱不开过时传统的巢臼。
罗斯福就职演讲稿
罗斯福就职演讲稿【篇一：罗斯福就职演说】1933年3月4日美国第32届总统罗斯福就职演说这是奉献的日子。
值此就职之际，同胞们一定期待着我能够就我国目前所处形势，向他们做出坦率而果断的说明。
现在正是坦诚而勇敢地说出实情、全部实情的最好时机。
我们毋须害怕直面我们目前的困境。
我们伟大的国家过去经得住磨难，而且还将复兴，繁荣。
因此，首先允许我表明我坚定的信念，我们唯一应该感到恐惧的是恐惧本身——那种无以名状的、盲目而不可理喻的恐惧，它阻碍人们做出必要的努力，反败为胜。
在我国历史上任何一个黑色时期，每一位强有力的、真诚的领导人都曾经得到了人民的理解和支持，这是胜利的根本保证。
我深信，在目前的危急时刻，你们必将再次对我们的执政表示支持。
我和你们一起以这种精神来面对共同的困难。
感谢上帝，这些困难都只是物质方面的。
购买力已经萎缩到难以想象的程度；税收增加；人们的支持能力下降；各级政府机关面临着严重的经费削减；现行的贸易交易途径被冻结；工业企业枯枝败叶般四处飘零；农场主无法找到销售市场；成千上万家庭多年的积蓄丧失殆尽。
更为严重的是，大批失业的市民们面临着严酷的生存困境，而众多的人们只能以艰苦的劳作换取微薄的报酬。
只有盲目乐观的人才会无视现实的严峻。
然而，我们的不幸并不是由物质的匮乏造成的。
我们没有遭受蝗虫的灾害。
与我们的祖先所经受的艰难相比，我们要幸运的多了。
而我们的祖先以其坚定信仰和无畏精神战胜了这一切。
大自然的恩泽不断，而人类的努力更使它锦上添花。
我们的门廊前堆满了财富，但是大肆的挥霍却使我们入不敷出。
这种后果主要是由商品交易的巨头们的顽固不化和愚蠢无能造成的。
他们已经承认了失败，自动引退了。
钱商们的无耻行径在公众舆论的法庭上受到谴责，并为世人所唾弃。
是的，他们曾经努力过，但是他们的努力却无法挣脱陈规旧俗的束缚。
面对着信用危机，他们只是建议发放更多的贷款。
他们惯常以利润引诱和控制大众，一旦失去了利润的诱饵，他们便不惜恩惠并施，声泪俱下地恳求公众重新恢复信心。
美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿中英文
美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿中英文富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福(Franklin D.Roosevelt，1882年1月30日-1945年4月12日)，美国第32任总统，美国历史上唯一连任超过两届(连任四届，病逝于第四届任期中)的总统，美国迄今为止在任时间最长的总统。
罗斯福家族在美国大约有近320xx年的历史，美国第26任总统西奥多·罗斯福是富兰克林·罗斯福的堂叔。
以下是给大家分享了美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿中英文，希望大家有帮助。
美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿(中文版)胡佛总统，首席法官先生，朋友们：今天，对我们的国家来说，是一个神圣的日子。
我肯定，同胞们都期待我在就任总统时，会像我国目前形势所要求的那样，坦率而果断地向他们讲话。
现在正是坦白、勇敢地说出实话，说出全部实话的最好时刻。
我们不必畏首畏尾，不老老实实面对我国今天的情况。
这个伟大的国家会一如既往地坚持下去，它会复兴和繁荣起来。
因此，让我首先表明我的坚定信念：我们唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身--一种莫名其妙、丧失理智的、毫无根据的恐惧，它把人转退为进所需的种种努力化为泡影。
凡在我国生活阴云密布的时刻，坦率而有活力的领导都得到过人民的理解和支持，从而为胜利准备了必不可少的条件。
我相信，在目前危急时刻，大家会再次给予同样的支持。
我和你们都要以这种精神，来面对我们共同的困难。
感谢上帝，这些困难只是物质方面的。
价值难以想象地贬缩了;课税增加了;我们的支付能力下降了;各级政府面临着严重的收入短缺;交换手段在贸易过程中遭到了冻结;工业企业枯萎的落叶到处可见;农场主的产品找不到销路;千家万户多年的积蓄付之东流。
更重要的是，大批失业公民正面临严峻的生存问题，还有大批公民正以艰辛的劳动换取微薄的报酬。
只有愚蠢的乐天派会否认当前这些阴暗的现实。
但是，我们的苦恼决不是因为缺乏物资。
我们没有遭到什么蝗虫的灾害。
我们的先辈曾以信念和无畏一次次转危为安，比起他们经历过的险阻，我们仍大可感到欣慰。
罗斯福国耻演讲稿
罗斯福国耻演讲稿尊敬的各位听众，今天，我站在这里，带着沉重的心情和坚定的信念，与大家共同回顾一段我们国家历史上最为艰难的时刻，那就是罗斯福总统所称的“国耻”。
这不仅是一段痛苦的历史，更是一次深刻的启示，让我们从中汲取力量，砥砺前行。
让我们回顾那段黑暗的岁月。
在20世纪30年代，美国正面临着严重的经济危机，失业率居高不下，民众生活困苦。
就在这时，我们的国家陷入了一场道德和政治的危机，那就是罗斯福总统所称的“国耻”。
在这场危机中，我们看到了人性的丑恶，道德的沦丧。
许多人为了追求个人利益，不择手段地损害国家和社会的利益。
他们利用政治权力，进行贪污腐败，损害了政府的公信力；他们利用经济手段，进行垄断欺诈，损害了市场的公平竞争；他们利用舆论工具，进行虚假宣传，损害了社会的公正性。
这场危机不仅损害了我们的国家，也损害了我们的人民。
它让人们失去了信心，怀疑我们的国家是否能够走出困境，怀疑我们的社会是否还有希望。
然而，就在这时，罗斯福总统站了出来，他用坚定的声音，批判了那些损害国家利益的行为，他用勇敢的行动，打击了那些损害社会公正的势力。
他告诉我们，只有揭露黑暗，才能迎接光明；只有勇敢面对，才能战胜困难。
罗斯福总统的这次演讲，像一把锐利的剑，刺破了黑暗，照亮了前路。
他让我们看到了希望，看到了未来。
他的演讲，激发了我们的民族精神，让我们明白了，只有团结一心，才能战胜困难；只有共同努力，才能实现梦想。
这段历史，让我们看到了人性的弱点，也让我们看到了人性的伟大。
它让我们明白，每个人都有责任维护国家的荣誉和尊严，每个人都有责任为社会的发展和进步贡献力量。
今天，我们站在这里，不仅要回顾那段历史，更要从中汲取力量，砥砺前行。
我们要以罗斯福总统为榜样，勇敢地面对困难，坚定地走出困境。
我们要以那段历史为鉴，时刻提醒自己，不要重蹈覆辙。
让我们携手共进，为实现我们伟大的梦想，为创造我们美好的未来，而努力奋斗！谢谢大家！。
关于罗斯福励志演讲稿
大家好！今天，我站在这里，怀着无比激动的心情，向大家分享一位伟大的历史人物——富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福。
他是一位历经磨难、坚韧不拔的领袖，更是一位充满智慧和勇气的励志楷模。
今天，让我们共同回顾罗斯福的励志人生，汲取他的精神力量，为实现中华民族伟大复兴的中国梦而努力奋斗！一、苦难中的成长罗斯福出生于1882年，他的童年并不幸福。
年幼时，他就失去了母亲，与父亲相依为命。
在父亲的关爱和引导下，罗斯福度过了愉快的童年。
然而，在他18岁时，父亲又不幸去世，这对他来说无疑是一个沉重的打击。
然而，罗斯福并没有被命运击垮，他选择勇敢地面对生活，开始了自己的奋斗之路。
二、坚韧不拔的精神罗斯福的一生充满了坎坷。
1918年，他在第一次世界大战期间感染了肺炎，导致身体残疾。
面对身体的残缺，罗斯福没有放弃，他坚定地表示：“上帝没有给我健全的身体，但我有健全的心灵。
”他坚持锻炼，努力克服身体上的困难，最终成功当选为纽约州的州长。
三、勇于担当的责任1929年，美国爆发了严重的经济危机。
罗斯福临危受命，担任了美国总统。
他勇敢地承担起拯救国家的重任，提出了“新政”方案，通过一系列改革措施，逐步带领美国走出了经济困境。
在他的领导下，美国成功度过了这场危机，为后来的繁荣奠定了基础。
四、激励人心的演讲罗斯福是一位出色的演讲家，他的演讲总能激发人们的斗志。
在1933年的就职典礼上，他发表了著名的演讲：“我们唯一恐惧的，就是恐惧本身。
”这句话成为了鼓舞人心的名言，激励着无数人勇敢地面对生活中的困难。
五、坚定信念的领袖罗斯福在任期间，领导美国参加了第二次世界大战。
面对强大的敌人，他坚定地表示：“我们将战斗到底，直到最后胜利！”在他的带领下，美国人民团结一心，最终赢得了战争的胜利。
六、罗斯福的励志精神从罗斯福的一生中，我们可以汲取以下励志精神：1. 勇于面对困难：面对生活中的困境，我们要勇敢地面对，不退缩，不放弃。
2. 坚定信念：信念是人生的支柱，我们要坚定信念，为实现自己的目标而努力奋斗。
罗斯福珍珠港事件演说中文稿
副总统先生、议长先生、参众两院各位议员：昨天，1941年12月7日——我们必须永远记住这个耻辱的日子——美利坚合众国受到了日本帝国海空军突然的蓄意的进攻。
美国和日本是和平相处的，在日本的哀求下我们仍在同它的政府和天皇进行会谈，以期维护太平洋和平。
实际上，就在日本空军中队已经开始轰炸美国瓦湖岛之后的一小时，日本驻美国大使和他的同僚还向我们的国务卿提交了一份对美国最近致日方信函的正式答复。
虽然复函声称继续现行外交谈判似已无用，但并未包含有关战争或武装进攻的威胁或暗示。
历史将会证明，夏威夷距日本这么遥远，表明这次进攻是经过许多天或甚至许多个星期精心策划的。
在斡旋期间，日本政府蓄意以虚伪的声明和表示继续维护和平的愿望来欺骗美国。
昨天对夏威夷岛的进攻给美国海陆军部队造成了严重的损害。
我遗憾地告诉各位，很多美国人丧失了生命，此外，据报，美国船只在旧金山和火奴鲁鲁（檀香山）之间的公海上也遭到了鱼雷袭击。
昨天，日本政府已发动了对马来亚的进攻。
昨夜，日本军队进攻了香港。
昨夜，日本军队进攻了关岛。
昨夜，日本军队进攻了菲律宾群岛。
昨夜，日本人进攻了威克岛。
今晨，日本人进攻了中途岛。
因此，日本在整个太平洋区域采取了突然的攻势。
昨天和今天的事实不言自明。
美国的人民已经形成了自己的见解，并且十分清楚这关系到我们国家的安全和生存的本身。
作为陆海军，总司令，我已指示，为了我们的防务采取一切措施。
但是，我们整个国家都将永远记住这次对我们进攻的性质。
不论要用多长时间才能战胜这次预谋的入侵，美国人民以自己的正义力量一定要赢得绝对的胜利。
我们现在预言，我们不仅要做出最大的努力来保卫我们自己，我们还将确保这种形式的背信弃义永远不会再危及我们。
我这样说，相信是表达了国会和人民的意志。
敌对行动已经存在。
无庸讳言，我国人民、我国领土和我国利益都处于严重危险之中。
相信我们的武装部队——依靠我国人民的坚定决心－－我们将取得必然的胜利，愿上帝帮助我们！我要求国会宣布：自1941年12月7日星期日日本发动无端的、卑鄙的进攻时起，美国和日本帝国之间已处于战争状态。
西奥多罗斯福总统就职演说就职演说
西奥多罗斯福总统就职演说就职演说
尊敬的美国公民们：
今天，我站在这里，站在我们伟大国家的橡树阴影下，站在这个伟大的国家的总统职
位上，为了维护我们的宪法、保卫我们的自由、为我们的人民谋福祉，和你们一起铭
记西奥多罗斯福在任总统时的就职演说。
当时，我们面临着许多困难和挑战，正像我们今天一样。
我们的经济受到了严重的衰退，许多家庭陷入了绝望和困境。
我们国家的信心和动力都被压抑了。
然而，正是在这样的逆境中，我向你们保证，我们将迎难而上。
我相信，只要我们团
结起来，共同努力，我们一定能够克服当前的困难和挑战。
我们必须重振美国的经济，为我们的人民创造更多的机会和繁荣。
我们需要采取果断的行动，推动经济复苏，刺激就业增长，投资于基础设施建设，提
供教育和培训机会，以及保护我们的环境。
我相信，通过优先考虑我们人民的利益，
我们将能够实现我们的共同目标。
除了经济问题，我们还面临着其他严峻的挑战，如环境污染、贫困和社会不公等。
我
们必须合力应对这些挑战，并确保每个人都能够享有平等的机会和权利。
我承诺，我将始终站在我们国家和人民的一边，为了每一个美国人的利益而努力。
我
将倾听你们的声音，代表你们的利益，并采取必要的措施来解决我们所面临的问题。
最后，我要向全体美国人民发出一个呼吁：让我们团结起来，共同努力，为我们的国
家和人民谋幸福和繁荣。
就像西奥多罗斯福曾经说过的那样，“美国的未来属于那些
奋斗不止、充满希望和勇气的人民。
”
让我们共同努力，迎接挑战，创造美好的未来！谢谢大家，上帝保佑美国！。
罗斯福演讲稿(共3篇)
罗斯福演讲稿（共3篇）第1篇：罗斯福演讲稿篇一：罗斯福演讲稿 1 演讲全文：pearl harbor addre to the nation mr.vice president, mr.speaker, members of the senate, and of the house of representatives: yesterday, december 7th, 1941 -- a date which will live in infamy -- the united states of america was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the empire of japan. the united states was at peace with that nation and, at the solicitation of japan, was still in conversation with its government and its emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the pacific. it will be recorded that the distance of hawaii from japan makes it obvious that the attack was deliberately planned many days or evenweeks ago.during the intervening time, the japanese government has deliberately sought to deceive the united states by false statements and expreions of hope for continued peace. the attack yesterday on the hawaiian islands has caused severe damage to american naval and military forces.i regret to tell you that very many american lives have been lost.in addition, american ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between san francisco andhonolulu. yesterday, the japanese government also launched an attack against malaya. last night, japanese forces attacked hong st night, japanese forces attacked guam. last night, japanese forces attacked the philippine islands. last night, the japanese attacked wake island. and this morning, the japanese attacked midway island. japan has, therefore, undertaken a surprise offensive extending throughout the pacific area.the facts of yesterday and today speak for themselves.the people of the united states have already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.i believe that i interpret the will of the congre and of the people when i aert that wewill not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make it very certain that this form of treachery shall never again endanger us. hostilities exist.there is no blinking at the fact that our people, our territory, and our interests are in grave danger. with confidence in our armed forces, with the unbounding determination of our people, we will gain the inevitable triumph -- so help us god.i ask that the congre declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by japan on sunday, december 7th, 1941, a state of war has existed between the united states and the japanese empire.篇二：中文版罗斯福四大自由演讲稿富兰克林．罗斯福四大自由在一九四一年一月六日致国会的咨文中，富兰克林．罗斯福总统要求国会根据租借法案，把必要的武器装备提供给那些总统认为其防御对美国利益至关重要的国家。
美国总统罗斯福英语演讲稿_英语演讲稿_
美国总统罗斯福英语演讲稿My friends:This is not a fireside chat on war. It is a talk on national security; because the nub of the whole purpose of your President is to keep you now, and your children later, and your grandchildren much later, out of a last-ditch war for the preservation of American independence, and all of the things that American independence means to you and to me and to ours.Tonight, in the presence of a world crisis, my mind goes back eight years to a night in the midst of a domestic crisis. It was a time when the wheels of American industry were grinding to a full stop, when the whole banking system of our country had ceased to function. I well remember that while I sat in my study in the White House, preparing to talk with the people of the United States, I had before my eyes the picture of all those Americans with whom I was talking. I saw the workmen in the mills, the mines, the factories, the girl behind the counter, the small shopkeeper, the farmer doing his spring plowing, the widows and the old men wondering about their life's savings. I tried to convey to the great mass of American people what the banking crisis meant to them in their daily lives.Tonight, I want to do the same thing, with the same people, in this new crisis which faces America. We met the issue of 1933 with courage and realism. We face this new crisis, this new threat to the security of our nation, with the same courage and realism. Never before since Jamestown and Plymouth Rock has our American civilization been in such danger as now. For on September 27th, 1940 -- this year -- by an agreement signed inBerlin, three powerful nations, two in Europe and one in Asia, joined themselves together in the threat that if the United States of America interfered with or blocked the expansion program of these three nations -- a program aimed at world control -- they would unite in ultimate action against the United States.The Nazi masters of Germany have made it clear that they intend not only to dominate all life and thought in their own country, but also to enslave the whole of Europe, and then to use the resources of Europe to dominate the rest of the world. It was only three weeks ago that their leader stated this: "There are two worlds that stand opposed to each other." And then in defiant reply to his opponents he said this: "Others are correct when they say: 'With this world we cannot ever reconcile ourselves.''' I can beat any other power in the world." So said the leader of the Nazis.In other words, the Axis not merely admits but the Axis proclaims that there can be no ultimate peace between their philosophy -- their philosophy of government -- and our philosophy of government. In view of the nature of this undeniable threat, it can be asserted, properly and categorically, that the United States has no right or reason to encourage talk of peace until the day shall come when there is a clear intention on the part of the aggressor nations to abandon all thought of dominating or conquering the world.At this moment the forces of the States that are leagued against all peoples who live in freedom are being held away from our shores. The Germans and the Italians are being blocked on the other side of the Atlantic by the British and by the Greeks, and by thousands of soldiers and sailors who were able to escape from subjugated countries. In Asia the Japanese are beingengaged by the Chinese nation in another great defense. In the Pacific Ocean is our fleet.Some of our people like to believe that wars in Europe and in Asia are of no concern to us. But it is a matter of most vital concern to us that European and Asiatic war-makers should not gain control of the oceans which lead to this hemisphere. One hundred and seventeen years ago the Monroe Doctrine was conceived by our government as a measure of defense in the face of a threat against this hemisphere by an alliance in Continental Europe. Thereafter, we stood guard in the Atlantic, with the British as neighbors. There was no treaty. There was no "unwritten agreement." And yet there was the feeling, proven correct by history, that we as neighbors could settle any disputes in peaceful fashion. And the fact is that during the whole of this time the Western Hemisphere has remained free from aggression from Europe or from Asia.Does anyone seriously believe that we need to fear attack anywhere in the Americas while a free Britain remains our most powerful naval neighbor in the Atlantic? And does anyone seriously believe, on the other hand, that we could rest easy if the Axis powers were our neighbors there? If Great Britain goes down, the Axis powers will control the Continents of Europe, Asia, Africa, Austral-Asia, and the high seas. And they will be in a position to bring enormous military and naval resources against this hemisphere. It is no exaggeration to say that all of us in all the Americas would be living at the point of a gun -- a gun loaded with explosive bullets, economic as well as military. We should enter upon a new and terrible era in which the whole world, our hemisphere included, would be run by threats of brute force. And to survive in such a world, we would have to convert ourselvespermanently into a militaristic power on the basis of war economy.Some of us like to believe that even if Britain falls, we are still safe, because of the broad expanse of the Atlantic and of the Pacific. But the width of those oceans is not what it was in the days of clipper ships. At one point between Africa and Brazil the distance is less than it is from Washington to Denver, Colorado, five hours for the latest type of bomber. And at the north end of the Pacific Ocean, America and Asia almost touch each other. Why, even today we have planes that could fly from the British Isles to New England and back again without refueling. And remember that the range of the modern bomber is ever being increased.During the past week many people in all parts of the nation have told me what they wanted me to say tonight. Almost all of them expressed a courageous desire to hear the plain truth about the gravity of the situation. One telegram, however, expressed the attitude of the small minority who want to see no evil and hear no evil, even though they know in their hearts that evil exists. That telegram begged me not to tell again of the ease with which our American cities could be bombed by any hostile power which had gained bases in this Western Hemisphere. The gist of that telegram was: "Please, Mr. President, don't frighten us by telling us the facts." Frankly and definitely there is danger ahead -- danger against which we must prepare. But we well know that we cannot escape danger, or the fear of danger, by crawling into bed and pulling the covers over our heads.Some nations of Europe were bound by solemn nonintervention pacts with Germany. Other nations were assured by Germany that they need never fear invasion. Noninterventionpact or not, the fact remains that they were attacked, overrun, thrown into modern slavery at an hour's notice -- or even without any notice at all. As an exiled leader of one of these nations said to me the other day, "The notice was a minus quantity. It was given to my government two hours after German troops had poured into my country in a hundred places." The fate of these nations tells us what it means to live at the point of a Nazi gun.The Nazis have justified such actions by various pious frauds. One of these frauds is the claim that they are occupying a nation for the purpose of "restoring order." Another is that they are occupying or controlling a nation on the excuse that they are "protecting it" against the aggression of somebody else. For example, Germany has said that she was occupying Belgium to save the Belgians from the British. Would she then hesitate to say to any South American country: "We are occupying you to protect you from aggression by the United States"? Belgium today is being used as an invasion base against Britain, now fighting for its life. And any South American country, in Nazi hands, would always constitute a jumping off place for German attack on any one of the other republics of this hemisphere.Analyze for yourselves the future of two other places even nearer to Germany if the Nazis won. Could Ireland hold out? Would Irish freedom be permitted as an amazing pet exception in an unfree world? Or the islands of the Azores, which still fly the flag of Portugal after five centuries? You and I think of Hawaii as an outpost of defense in the Pacific. And yet the Azores are closer to our shores in the Atlantic than Hawaii is on the other side.There are those who say that the Axis powers would never have any desire to attack the Western Hemisphere. That is the same dangerous form of wishful thinking which has destroyedthe powers of resistance of so many conquered peoples. The plain facts are that the Nazis have proclaimed, time and again, that all other races are their inferiors and therefore subject to their orders. And most important of all, the vast resources and wealth of this American hemisphere constitute the most tempting loot in all of the round world.Let us no longer blind ourselves to the undeniable fact that the evil forces which have crushed and undermined and corrupted so many others are already within our own gates. Your government knows much about them and every day is ferreting them out. Their secret emissaries are active in our own and in neighboring countries. They seek to stir up suspicion and dissension, to cause internal strife. They try to turn capital against labor, and vice versa. They try to reawaken long slumbering racial and religious enmities which should have no place in this country. They are active in every group that promotes intolerance. They exploit for their own ends our own natural abhorrence of war. These trouble-breeders have but one purpose. It is to divide our people, to divide them into hostile groups and to destroy our unity and shatter our will to defend ourselves.There are also American citizens, many of them in high places, who, unwittingly in most cases, are aiding and abetting the work of these agents. I do not charge these American citizens with being foreign agents. But I do charge them with doing exactly the kind of work that the dictators want done in the United States. These people not only believe that we can save our own skins by shutting our eyes to the fate of other nations. Some of them go much further than that. They say that we can and should become the friends and even the partners of the Axis powers. Some of them even suggest that we should imitate the methods of thedictatorships. But Americans never can and never will do that.The experience of the past two years has proven beyond doubt that no nation can appease the Nazis. No man can tame a tiger into a kitten by stroking it. There can be no appeasement with ruthlessness. There can be no reasoning with an incendiary bomb. We know now that a nation can have peace with the Nazis only at the price of total surrender. Even the people of Italy have been forced to become accomplices of the Nazis; but at this moment they do not know how soon they will be embraced to death by their allies.The American appeasers ignore the warning to be found in the fate of Austria, Czechoslovakia, Poland, Norway, Belgium, the Netherlands, Denmark, and France. They tell you that the Axis powers are going to win anyway; that all of this bloodshed in the world could be saved, that the United States might just as well throw its influence into the scale of a dictated peace and get the best out of it that we can. They call it a "negotiated peace." Nonsense! Is it a negotiated peace if a gang of outlaws surrounds your community and on threat of extermination makes you pay tribute to save your own skins? For such a dictated peace would be no peace at all. It would be only another armistice, leading to the most gigantic armament race and the most devastating trade wars in all history. And in these contests the Americas would offer the only real resistance to the Axis power. With all their vaunted efficiency, with all their parade of pious purpose in this war, there are still in their background the concentration camp and the servants of God in chains.The history of recent years proves that the shootings and the chains and the concentration camps are not simply the transient tools but the very altars of modern dictatorships. They may talkof a "new order" in the world, but what they have in mind is only a revival of the oldest and the worst tyranny. In that there is no liberty, no religion, no hope. The proposed "new order" is the very opposite of a United States of Europe or a United States of Asia. It is not a government based upon the consent of the governed. It is not a union of ordinary, self-respecting men and women to protect themselves and their freedom and their dignity from oppression. It is an unholy alliance of power and pelf to dominate and to enslave the human race.The British people and their allies today are conducting an active war against this unholy alliance. Our own future security is greatly dependent on the outcome of that fight. Our ability to "keep out of war" is going to be affected by that outcome. Thinking in terms of today and tomorrow, I make the direct statement to the American people that there is far less chance of the United States getting into war if we do all we can now to support the nations defending themselves against attack by the Axis than if we acquiesce in their defeat, submit tamely to an Axis victory, and wait our turn to be the object of attack in another war later on.If we are to be completely honest with ourselves, we must admit that there is risk in any course we may take. But I deeply believe that the great majority of our people agree that the course that I advocate involves the least risk now and the greatest hope for world peace in the future.The people of Europe who are defending themselves do not ask us to do their fighting. They ask us for the implements of war, the planes, the tanks, the guns, the freighters which will enable them to fight for their liberty and for our security. Emphatically, we must get these weapons to them, get them to them insufficient volume and quickly enough so that we and our children will be saved the agony and suffering of war which others have had to endure.Let not the defeatists tell us that it is too late. It will never be earlier. Tomorrow will be later than today.Certain facts are self-evident.In a military sense Great Britain and the British Empire are today the spearhead of resistance to world conquest. And they are putting up a fight which will live forever in the story of human gallantry. There is no demand for sending an American expeditionary force outside our own borders. There is no intention by any member of your government to send such a force. You can therefore, nail, nail any talk about sending armies to Europe as deliberate untruth. Our national policy is not directed toward war. Its sole purpose is to keep war away from our country and away from our people.Democracy's fight against world conquest is being greatly aided, and must be more greatly aided, by the rearmament of the United States and by sending every ounce and every ton of munitions and supplies that we can possibly spare to help the defenders who are in the front lines. And it is no more un-neutral for us to do that than it is for Sweden, Russia, and other nations near Germany to send steel and ore and oil and other war materials into Germany every day in the week.We are planning our own defense with the utmost urgency, and in its vast scale we must integrate the war needs of Britain and the other free nations which are resisting aggression. This is not a matter of sentiment or of controversial personal opinion. It is a matter of realistic, practical military policy, based on the advice of our military experts who are in close touch with existingwarfare. These military and naval experts and the members of the Congress and the Administration have a single-minded purpose: the defense of the United States.This nation is making a great effort to produce everything that is necessary in this emergency, and with all possible speed. And this great effort requires great sacrifice. I would ask no one to defend a democracy which in turn would not defend every one in the nation against want and privation. The strength of this nation shall not be diluted by the failure of the government to protect the economic well-being of its citizens. If our capacity to produce is limited by machines, it must ever be remembered that these machines are operated by the skill and the stamina of the workers.As the government is determined to protect the rights of the workers, so the nation has a right to expect that the men who man the machines will discharge their full responsibilities to the urgent needs of defense. The worker possesses the same human dignity and is entitled to the same security of position as the engineer or the manager or the owner. For the workers provide the human power that turns out the destroyers, and the planes, and the tanks. The nation expects our defense industries to continue operation without interruption by strikes or lockouts. It expects and insists that management and workers will reconcile their differences by voluntary or legal means, to continue to produce the supplies that are so sorely needed. And on the economic side of our great defense program, we are, as you know, bending every effort to maintain stability of prices and with that the stability of the cost of living.Nine days ago I announced the setting up of a more effective organization to direct our gigantic efforts to increase theproduction of munitions. The appropriation of vast sums of money and a well-coordinated executive direction of our defense efforts are not in themselves enough. Guns, planes, ships and many other things have to be built in the factories and the arsenals of America. They have to be produced by workers and managers and engineers with the aid of machines which in turn have to be built by hundreds of thousands of workers throughout the land. In this great work there has been splendid cooperation between the government and industry and labor. And I am very thankful.American industrial genius, unmatched throughout all the world in the solution of production problems, has been called upon to bring its resources and its talents into action. Manufacturers of watches, of farm implements, of Linotypes and cash registers and automobiles, and sewing machines and lawn mowers and locomotives, are now making fuses and bomb packing crates and telescope mounts and shells and pistols and tanks.But all of our present efforts are not enough. We must have more ships, more guns, more planes -- more of everything. And this can be accomplished only if we discard the notion of "business as usual." This job cannot be done merely by superimposing on the existing productive facilities the added requirements of the nation for defense. Our defense efforts must not be blocked by those who fear the future consequences of surplus plant capacity. The possible consequences of failure of our defense efforts now are much more to be feared. And after the present needs of our defense are past, a proper handling of the country's peacetime needs will require all of the new productive capacity, if not still more. No pessimistic policy aboutthe future of America shall delay the immediate expansion of those industries essential to defense. We need them.I want to make it clear that it is the purpose of the nation to build now with all possible speed every machine, every arsenal, every factory that we need to manufacture our defense material. We have the men, the skill, the wealth, and above all, the will. I am confident that if and when production of consumer or luxury goods in certain industries requires the use of machines and raw materials that are essential for defense purposes, then such production must yield, and will gladly yield, to our primary and compelling purpose.So I appeal to the owners of plants, to the managers, to the workers, to our own government employees to put every ounce of effort into producing these munitions swiftly and without stint. With this appeal I give you the pledge that all of us who are officers of your government will devote ourselves to the same whole-hearted extent to the great task that lies ahead.As planes and ships and guns and shells are produced, your government, with its defense experts, can then determine how best to use them to defend this hemisphere. The decision as to how much shall be sent abroad and how much shall remain at home must be made on the basis of our overall military necessities.We must be the great arsenal of democracy.For us this is an emergency as serious as war itself. We must apply ourselves to our task with the same resolution, the same sense of urgency, the same spirit of patriotism and sacrifice as we would show were we at war.We have furnished the British great material support and we will furnish far more in the future. There will be no "bottlenecks"in our determination to aid Great Britain. No dictator, no combination of dictators, will weaken that determination by threats of how they will construe that determination. The British have received invaluable military support from the heroic Greek Army and from the forces of all the governments in exile. Their strength is growing. It is the strength of men and women who value their freedom more highly than they value their lives.I believe that the Axis powers are not going to win this war. I base that belief on the latest and best of information.We have no excuse for defeatism. We have every good reason for hope -- hope for peace, yes, and hope for the defense of our civilization and for the building of a better civilization in the future. I have the profound conviction that the American people are now determined to put forth a mightier effort than they have ever yet made to increase our production of all the implements of defense, to meet the threat to our democratic faith.美国总统罗斯福：我的朋友们：这不是战争的炉边谈话。
罗斯福就职演讲稿中文
罗斯福就职演讲稿中文亲爱的美国公民：曾经，我们的国家陷入了一场严重的经济危机，人们面临贫困和失业的困境。
如今，我站在这里，作为美国的总统。
我来向你们保证，我们将会迈出重建国家的第一步。
我们需要面对现实，我们需要将过去的错误吸取教训，开始为未来做准备。
我们不能再袖手旁观，让我们的国家陷入更深的困境中。
相反，我们必须齐心协力，采取果断的行动。
首先，我将推动一项全面的经济复苏计划。
这个计划将着重于创造就业机会，提高工资水平，以及确保人们能够享有平等的经济机会。
我们将着手改革我们的金融体系，以防止再次发生经济危机。
我们将鼓励创新和企业家精神，以促进经济增长和繁荣。
此外，我们将关注教育和医疗保健的改革。
每个人都应该有平等接受高质量教育的机会，不论他们的家庭背景或经济状况。
同样重要的是，每个人都应该能够获得负担得起的医疗保健服务。
我们将努力确保每个人都能享有健康福祉。
此外，我们将重建我们的基础设施，包括道路、桥梁和公共交通系统。
这将创造就业机会，同时改善我们的交通和通信网络。
最后，我们将致力于维护和促进全球的和平与稳定。
我们将以合作和对话的方式与其他国家建立互利共赢的关系。
我们将积极参与全球事务，推动共同解决重大问题，如气候变化和恐怖主义。
亲爱的美国公民，我相信我们可以振兴我们的国家，创造一个更加繁荣、公正和和谐的美国。
我们将共同努力，克服困难，迎接挑战。
让我们行动起来，重建我们的国家，为我们的孩子和孙子们创造一个更美好的未来。
谢谢大家！。
1933年美国总统罗斯福就职演说(中文版)
我们唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身富兰克林-罗斯福第一次就职演讲星期六,1933年3月4日我肯定，同胞们都期待我在就任总统时，会像我国目前形势所要求的那样，坦率而果断地向他们讲话。
现在正是但白、勇敢地说出实话，说出全部实话的最好时刻，我们不必畏首畏尾，不着老实实面对我国今天的情况，这个伟大的国家会一如既住地坚持下去，它会复兴和繁荣起来。
因此，让我首先表明我的坚定信念：我们唯一下得不害怕的就是害怕本身——一种莫明其妙的、丧失理智的、毫无根据的恐惧，它会把转退为进所需的种种努力化为泡影。
凡在我国生活阴云密布的时刻，坦率而有活力的领导都得到过人民的理解和支持，从而为胜利准备了必不可少的条件。
我相信，在目前危急时刻，大家会再次给予同样的支持。
我和你们都要以这种槽神，来面对我们共同的困难。
感谢上帝，这些困难只是物质方面的。
价值难以想象地贬缩了；课税增加了，我们的支付能力下降了；各级政府面临着严重的收入短缺；交换手段在贸易过程中遭到了冻结；工业企业枯萎的落叶到处可见；农场主的产品找不到销路；千家万户多年的积蓄付之东流。
更重要的是，大批失业公民正面临严峻的生育问题，还有大批公民正以艰辛的劳动换取微薄的报酬。
只有愚蠢的乐天派会否认当前这些阴暗的现实。
但是，我们的苦恼决不是因为缺乏物资。
我们没有遭到什么蝗虫灾害。
我们的先辈曾以信念和无畏一次次转危为安，比起他们经历过的险阻，我们仍大可感到欣慰。
大自然仍在给予我们恩惠，人类的努力已使之倍增。
富足的憎景近在咫尺，但就在我们见到这种情景的时候，宽裕的生活却悄然离去。
这主要是因为主宰人类物资交换的统治者们失败了，他们固执己见而又无能为力，因而已经认定失败，并撒手不管了，贪得无厌的货币兑换商的种种行径，将受到舆论法庭的起诉，将受到人类心灵和理智的唾弃。
幸福并不在于单纯地占有主钱；幸福还在于取得成就后的喜悦，在于创造性努力时的激情。
务必不能再忘记劳动带来的喜悦和激励，而去疯狂地追逐那转瞬即逝的利润。
就职演讲稿-罗斯福就职演讲稿中文
就职演讲稿-罗斯福就职演讲稿中文亲爱的美国人民：从这一刻起，我将履行我当选总统后的首要职责。
我向国家、各位公民以及世界表示我将全力以赴，以最大努力履行我的职责。
我想首先向我的前任致以最高的赞扬。
他为国家带来了巨大的付出和贡献，他将继续保持我的支持和尊重。
我也想向我的继任者致以我最诚挚的祝福和成功的祝愿。
我们国家面临着许多挑战和困难，现在正是时候我们团结一致，共同努力，克服这些问题并建设一个更加强大、繁荣和公正的国家。
在我即将履行总统职务的这一天，我要向大家强调我的信念和承诺。
我相信我们的国家是一个伟大的国家，我们的民主价值触动了世界各地，我们的创新推动了科技进步，我们的勇气塑造了我们国家的历史。
我承诺，我将坚持人民至上的原则。
无论种族、宗教、性别或国籍，每一个公民都应该被平等对待，拥有机会和尊严。
我将努力减少贫困和不平等，建立一个包容和公正的社会，使每个人都能够充分发展自己的潜能。
我承诺，我将保护我们的国家免受任何形式的威胁，并确保我们的安全和繁荣。
我将与国际社会合作，解决全球挑战，维护和促进世界和平。
我承诺，我将推动创新和发展，确保我们的经济增长和就业机会。
我将倡导科学、教育和技能培训的重要性，使我们的人民能够适应不断变化的世界。
最后，我要呼吁每一个美国公民，每个人都可以成为国家发展的一部分。
每个人都可以为我们的国家作出贡献，为我们的社会带来积极的变化。
我们的国家需要每个人的参与和努力。
让我们共同努力，实现我们的梦想，建设一个更加美好的未来。
我坚信，只要我们团结一致，我们将能够克服任何困难，实现我们的目标。
谢谢大家！愿上帝保佑美国！。
- 1、下载文档前请自行甄别文档内容的完整性，平台不提供额外的编辑、内容补充、找答案等附加服务。
- 2、"仅部分预览"的文档,不可在线预览部分如存在完整性等问题,可反馈申请退款(可完整预览的文档不适用该条件!)。
- 3、如文档侵犯您的权益，请联系客服反馈,我们会尽快为您处理(人工客服工作时间：9:00-18:30)。
I am certain that my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impel. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself—nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone.More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.Yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply. Primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind’s goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.True they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They know only the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.The money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. The measure of the restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that ourtrue destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves and to our fellow men.Recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, on unselfish performance; without them it cannot live.Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This Nation asks for action, and action now.Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our natural resources.Hand in hand with this we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land. The task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by insistence that the Federal, State, and local governments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, and unequal. It can be helped by national planning for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of communications and other utilities which have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped merely by talking about it. We must act and act quickly.Finally, in our progress toward a resumption of work we require two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order; there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments; there must be an end to speculation with other people’s money, and there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.There are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special session detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the several States.Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order and making income balance outgo. Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time and necessity secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy. I favor as a practical policy the putting of first things first. I shall spare no effort to restore world trade byinternational economic readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements in all parts of the United States—a recognition of the old and permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to recovery. It is the immediate way. It is the strongest assurance that the recovery will endure.In the field of world policy I would dedicate this Nation to the policy of the good neighbor—the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others—the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors.If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize as we have never realized before our interdependence on each other; that we can not merely take but we must give as well; that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no progress is made, no leadership becomes effective. We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our lives and property to such discipline, because it makes possible a leadership which aims at a larger good. This I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes will bind upon us all as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in time of armed strife.With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.Action in this image and to this end is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from our ancestors. Our Constitution is so simple and practical that it is possible always to meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form. That is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has produced. It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.It is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority may be wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require. These measures, or such other measures as the Congress may build out of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.But in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two courses, and in the event thatthe national emergency is still critical, I shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me. I shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis—broad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.For the trust reposed in me I will return the courage and the devotion that befit the time. I can do no less.We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of the national unity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values; with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike. We aim at the assurance of a rounded and permanent national life.We do not distrust the future of essential democracy. The people of the United States have not failed. In their need they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline and direction under leadership. They have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift I take it.In this dedication of a Nation we humbly ask the blessing of God. May He protect each and every one of us. May He guide me in the days to come.。