艾森豪威尔告别演说
艾森豪威尔就职演说
美国历届总统就职演说（Dwight D. Eisenhower 1953）First Inaugural Address of Dwight D. EisenhowerTUESDAY, JANUARY 20, 1953My friends, before I begin the expression of those thoughts that I deem appropriate to this moment, would you permit me the privilege of uttering a little private prayer of my own. And I ask that you bow your heads:Almighty God, as we stand here at this moment my future associates in the executive branch o f government join me in beseeching that Thou will make full and complete our dedication to t he service of the people in this throng, and their fellow citizens everywhere.Give us, we pray, the power to discern clearly right from wrong, and allow all our words and actions to be governed thereby, and by the laws of this land. Especially we pray that our c oncern shall be for all the people regardless of station, race, or calling.May cooperation be permitted and be the mutual aim of those who, under the concepts of our C onstitution, hold to differing political faiths; so that all may work for the good of our be loved country and Thy glory. Amen.My fellow citizens:The world and we have passed the midway point of a century of continuing challenge. We sense with all our faculties that forces of good and evil are massed and armed and opposed as rar ely before in history.This fact defines the meaning of this day. We are summoned by this honored and historic cere mony to witness more than the act of one citizen swearing his oath of service, in the presen ce of God. We are called as a people to give testimony in the sight of the world to our fait h that the future shall belong to the free.Since this century's beginning, a time of tempest has seemed to come upon the continents of the earth. Masses of Asia have awakened to strike off shackles of the past. Great nations of Europe have fought their bloodiest wars. Thrones have toppled and their vast empires have d isappeared. New nations have been born.For our own country, it has been a time of recurring trial. We have grown in power and in re sponsibility. We have passed through the anxieties of depression and of war to a summit unma tched in man's history. Seeking to secure peace in the world, we have had to fight through t he forests of the Argonne, to the shores of Iwo Jima, and to the cold mountains of Korea.In the swift rush of great events, we find ourselves groping to know the full sense and mean ing of these times in which we live. In our quest of understanding, we beseech God's guidance. We summon all our knowledge of the past and we scan all signs of the future. We bring all our wit and all our will to meet the question:How far have we come in man's long pilgrimage from darkness toward light? Are we nearing the light--a day of freedom and of peace for all mankind? Or are the shadows of another night c losing in upon us?Great as are the preoccupations absorbing us at home, concerned as we are with matters that deeply affect our livelihood today and our vision of the future, each of these domestic prob lems is dwarfed by, and often even created by, this question that involves all humankind.This trial comes at a moment when man's power to achieve good or to inflict evil surpasses t he brightest hopes and the sharpest fears of all ages. We can turn rivers in their courses, level mountains to the plains. Oceans and land and sky are avenues for our colossal commerce. Disease diminishes and life lengthens.Yet the promise of this life is imperiled by the very genius that has made it possible. Nati ons amass wealth. Labor sweats to create--and turns out devices to level not only mountains but also cities. Science seems ready to confer upon us, as its final gift, the power to eras e human life from this planet.At such a time in history, we who are free must proclaim anew our faith. This faith is the a biding creed of our fathers. It is our faith in the deathless dignity of man, governed by et ernal moral and natural laws.This faith defines our full view of life. It establishes, beyond debate, those gifts of the Creator that are man's inalienable rights, and that make all men equal in His sight.In the light of this equality, we know that the virtues most cherished by free people--love of truth, pride of work, devotion to country--all are treasures equally precious in the live s of the most humble and of the most exalted. The men who mine coal and fire furnaces and ba lance ledgers and turn lathes and pick cotton and heal the sick and plant corn--all serve as proudly, and as profitably, for America as the statesmen who draft treaties and the legisla tors who enact laws.This faith rules our whole way of life. It decrees that we, the people, elect leaders not to rule but to serve. It asserts that we have the right to choice of our own work and to the r eward of our own toil. It inspires the initiative that makes our productivity the wonder of the world. And it warns that any man who seeks to deny equality among all his brothers betra ys the spirit of the free and invites the mockery of the tyrant.It is because we, all of us, hold to these principles that the political changes accomplishe d this day do not imply turbulence, upheaval or disorder. Rather this change expresses a pur pose of strengthening our dedication and devotion to the precepts of our founding documents,a conscious renewal of faith in our country and in the watchfulness of a Divine Providence.The enemies of this faith know no god but force, no devotion but its use. They tutor men in treason. They feed upon the hunger of others. Whatever defies them, they torture, especially the truth.Here, then, is joined no argument between slightly differing philosophies. This conflict str ikes directly at the faith of our fathers and the lives of our sons. No principle or treasur e that we hold, from the spiritual knowledge of our free schools and churches to the creativ e magic of free labor and capital, nothing lies safely beyond the reach of this struggle.Freedom is pitted against slavery; lightness against the dark.The faith we hold belongs not to us alone but to the free of all the world. This common bond binds the grower of rice in Burma and the planter of wheat in Iowa, the shepherd in souther n Italy and the mountaineer in the Andes. It confers a common dignity upon the French soldie r who dies in Indo-China, the British soldier killed in Malaya, the American life given in K orea.We know, beyond this, that we are linked to all free peoples not merely by a noble idea but by a simple need. No free people can for long cling to any privilege or enjoy any safety in economic solitude. For all our own material might, even we need markets in the world for the surpluses of our farms and our factories. Equally, we need for these same farms and factori es vital materials and products of distant lands. This basic law of interdependence, so mani fest in the commerce of peace, applies with thousand-fold intensity in the event of war.So we are persuaded by necessity and by belief that the strength of all free peoples lies in unity; their danger, in discord.To produce this unity, to meet the challenge of our time, destiny has laid upon our country the responsibility of the free world's leadership.So it is proper that we assure our friends once again that, in the discharge of this respons ibility, we Americans know and we observe the difference between world leadership and imperi alism; between firmness and truculence; between a thoughtfully calculated goal and spasmodic reaction to the stimulus of emergencies.We wish our friends the world over to know this above all: we face the threat--not with drea d and confusion--but with confidence and conviction.We feel this moral strength because we know that we are not helpless prisoners of history. W e are free men. We shall remain free, never to be proven guilty of the one capital offense a gainst freedom, a lack of stanch faith.In pleading our just cause before the bar of history and in pressing our labor for world pea ce, we shall be guided by certain fixed principles.These principles are:(1) Abhorring war as a chosen way to balk the purposes of those who threaten us, we hold it to be the first task of statesmanship to develop the strength that will deter the forces of aggression and promote the conditions of peace. For, as it must be the supreme purpose of al l free men, so it must be the dedication of their leaders, to save humanity from preying upo n itself.In the light of this principle, we stand ready to engage with any and all others in joint ef fort to remove the causes of mutual fear and distrust among nations, so as to make possible drastic reduction of armaments. The sole requisites for undertaking such effort are that--in their purpose--they be aimed logically and honestly toward secure peace for all; and that--in their result-- they provide methods by which every participating nation will prove good f aith in carrying out its pledge.(2) Realizing that common sense and common decency alike dictate the futility of appeasement, we shall never try to placate an aggressor by the false and wicked bargain of trading honor for security. Americans, indeed all free men, remember that in the final choice a soldier's pack is not so heavy a burden as a prisoner's chains.(3) Knowing that only a United States that is strong and immensely productive can help defend freedom in our world, we view our Nation's strength and security as a trust upon which res ts the hope of free men everywhere. It is the firm duty of each of our free citizens and of every free citizen everywhere to place the cause of his country before the comfort, the conv enience of himself.(4) Honoring the identity and the special heritage of each nation in the world, we shall nev er use our strength to try to impress upon another people our own cherished political and ec onomic institutions.(5) Assessing realistically the needs and capacities of proven friends of freedom, we shall strive to help them to achieve their own security and well-being. Likewise, we shall count u pon them to assume, within the limits of their resources, their full and just burdens in the common defense of freedom.(6) Recognizing economic health as an indispensable basis of military strength and the free world's peace, we shall strive to foster everywhere, and to practice ourselves, policies tha t encourage productivity and profitable trade. For the impoverishment of any single people i n the world means danger to the well-being of all other peoples.(7) Appreciating that economic need, military security and political wisdom combine to sugge st regional groupings of free peoples, we hope, within the framework of the United Nations,to help strengthen such special bonds the world over. The nature of these ties must vary wit h the different problems of different areas.In the Western Hemisphere, we enthusiastically join with all our neighbors in the work of pe rfecting a community of fraternal trust and common purpose.In Europe, we ask that enlightened and inspired leaders of the Western nations strive with r enewed vigor to make the unity of their peoples a reality. Only as free Europe unitedly mars hals its strength can it effectively safeguard, even with our help, its spiritual and cultur al heritage.(8) Conceiving the defense of freedom, like freedom itself, to be one and indivisible, we ho ld all continents and peoples in equal regard and honor. We reject any insinuation that one race or another, one people or another, is in any sense inferior or expendable.(9) Respecting the United Nations as the living sign of all people's hope for peace, we shal l strive to make it not merely an eloquent symbol but an effective force. And in our quest f or an honorable peace, we shall neither compromise, nor tire, nor ever cease.By these rules of conduct, we hope to be known to all peoples.By their observance, an earth of peace may become not a vision but a fact.This hope--this supreme aspiration--must rule the way we live.We must be ready to dare all for our country. For history does not long entrust the care of freedom to the weak or the timid. We must acquire proficiency in defense and display stamina in purpose.We must be willing, individually and as a Nation, to accept whatever sacrifices may be requi red of us. A people that values its privileges above its principles soon loses both.These basic precepts are not lofty abstractions, far removed from matters of daily living. T hey are laws of spiritual strength that generate and define our material strength. Patriotis m means equipped forces and a prepared citizenry. Moral stamina means more energy and more p roductivity, on the farm and in the factory. Love of liberty means the guarding of every res ource that makes freedom possible--from the sanctity of our families and the wealth of our s oil to the genius of our scientists.And so each citizen plays an indispensable role. The productivity of our heads, our hands, a nd our hearts is the source of all the strength we can command, for both the enrichment of o ur lives and the winning of the peace.No person, no home, no community can be beyond the reach of this call. We are summoned to ac t in wisdom and in conscience, to work with industry, to teach with persuasion, to preach wi th conviction, to weigh our every deed with care and with compassion. For this truth must beclear before us: whatever America hopes to bring to pass in the world must first come to pa ss in the heart of America.The peace we seek, then, is nothing less than the practice and fulfillment of our whole fait h among ourselves and in our dealings with others. This signifies more than the stilling of guns, easing the sorrow of war. More than escape from death, it is a way of life. More than a haven for the weary, it is a hope for the brave.This is the hope that beckons us onward in this century of trial. This is the work that awai ts us all, to be done with bravery, with charity, and with prayer to Almighty God.。
艾森豪威尔离职演讲
美国第34任总统艾森豪威尔告别演说(全文)时间：1961年1月17日地点：白宫我来说两句再过三天，在我为我国服务半个世纪之后，随着总统的权威按传统的隆重仪式归属我的继任者，本人将卸下公职。
我们现在的日期距本世纪中点已过十年，这个世纪经历了大国之间四次大的战争，我们自己的国家卷入其中三次。
尽管发生了这些大规模的战祸，当今美国乃是世界上最强大、最有影响、生産力最高的国家。
我们自然爲此卓越成就感到自豪，但我们也意识到，美国的领导地位和威信不仅取决于我们举世无双的物质进步、财富和军事力量，而且取决于我们如何爲世界和平与人类福利使用我们的力量。
纵观美国在自由政府体制上的探索历程，我们的基本目的始终是维护和平，促进人类进步，在人民中和国家之间增进自由权，提高尊严，宏扬正直的品质。
追求较低的目标会辱没一个自由、有虔诚宗教信仰的民族。
任何由于骄傲自大或理解力不强或缺乏奉献精神的失败都将在国内外给我们带来严重损害。
走向这些崇高目标的进程一直受到现在正席卷全球的冲突的威胁。
这种冲突迫使我们全神贯注，全力以赴。
我们面对一种敌对的意识形态──具有世界性规模和无神论性质，目标残忍，手段阴险。
不幸的是，它所造成的危险将长期存在。
欲成功地对付它，所要求的与其说是危急关头感情上短暂的痛苦，毋宁说是作出牺牲以使我们能坚定踏实、任劳任怨地承担一场长期复杂斗争的重任──与自由共存亡。
只有这样我们才能战胜一次又一次的挑衅，始终朝着世界持久和平和人类美好未来的方向前进。
我们的军队是维护和平必不可少的要素。
我们的武装力量必须强大，随时准备投入行动，以使任何潜在的侵略者都不敢贸然以卵击石。
我们今天的军事组织与我的任何一位和平时期前任所了解的，与第二次世界大战或朝鲜战争中的军人所了解的军事组织大相径庭。
直至最近的一次世界性冲突之前、美国仍没有军事工业。
美国的犁铧制造商们在必要时也能制造剑。
但是现在我们不能再以临阵磨枪的方式承担国防上的风险；我们已被迫创建一个规模宏大的永久性军事工业。
英语演讲稿-Atoms for Peace by 德怀特·艾森豪威尔
英语演讲稿Atoms for Peace by 德怀特·艾森豪威尔美国名人100大演讲Madam President and* Members of the General Assembly: When Secretary General Hammarskjold’s invitation to address this General Assembly reached me in Bermuda, I was just beginning a series of conferences with the Prime Ministers and Foreign Ministers of Great Britain and of France. Our subject was some of the problems that beset our world.During the remainder of the Bermuda Conference, I had constantly in mind that ahead of me lay a great honor. That honor is mine today, as I stand here, privileged to address the General Assembly of the United Nations.At the same time that I appreciate the distinction of addressing you, I have a sense of exhilaration as I look upon this Assembly. Never before in history has so much hope for so many people been gathered together in a single organization. Your deliberations and decisions during these somber years have already realized part of those hopes.But the great tests and the great accomplishments still lie ahead. And in the confident expectation of those accomplishments, I would use the office which, for the time being, I hold, to assure you that the Government of the United States will remain steadfast in its support of this body. This we shall do in the conviction that you will provide a great share of the wisdom, of the courage, and the faith which can bring to this world lasting peace for all nations, and happiness and well-being for all men.Clearly, it would not be fitting for me to take this occasion to present to you a unilateral American report on Bermuda. Nevertheless, I assure you that in our deliberations on that lovely island we sought to invoke those same great concepts of universal peace and human dignity which are so cleanly etched in your Charter. Neither would it be a measure of this great opportunity merely to recite, however hopefully, pious platitudes.I therefore decided that this occasion warranted my saying to you some of the things that have been on the minds and hearts of my legislative and executive associates, and on mine, for a great many months -- thoughts I had originally planned to say primarily to the American people.I know that the American people share my deep belief that if a danger exists in the world, it is a danger shared by all; and equally, that if hope exists in the mind of one nation, that hope should be shared by all.Finally, if there is to be advanced any proposal designed to ease even by the smallest measure the tensions of today’s world, what more appropriate audience could there be than the members of the General Assembly of the United Nations. I feel impelled to speak today in a language that in a sense is new, one which I, who have spent so much of my life in the military profession, would have preferred never to use. That new language is the language of atomic warfare.The atomic age has moved forward at such a pace that every citizen of the world should have some comprehension, at least in comparative terms, of the extent of this development, of the utmost significance to everyone of us. Clearly, if the peoples of the world are to conduct an intelligent search for peace, they must be armed with the significant facts of today’s existence.My recital of atomic danger and power is necessarily stated in United States terms, for these are the only incontrovertible facts that I know. I need hardly point outto this Assembly, however, that this subject is global, not merely national in character.On July 16, 1945, the United States set off the world’s first atomic explosion.Since that date in 1945, the United States of America has conducted forty-two test explosions. Atomic bombs today are more than twenty-five times as powerful as the weapons with which the atomic age dawned, while hydrogen weapons are in the ranges of millions of tons of TNT equivalent.Today, the United States stockpile of atomic weapons, which, of course, increases daily, exceeds by many times the total [explosive] equivalent of the total of all bombs and all shells that came from every plane and every gun in every theatre of war in all the years of World War II.A single air group, whether afloat or land based, can now deliver to any reachable target a destructive cargo exceeding in power all the bombs that fell on Britain in all of World War II. In size and variety, the development of atomic weapons has been no less remarkable. The development has been such that atomic weapons have virtually achieved conventional status within our armed services.In the United States, the Army, the Navy, the Air Force,and the Marine Corps are all capable of putting this weapon to military use. But the dread secret and the fearful engines of atomic might are not ours alone.In the first place, the secret is possessed by our friends and allies, Great Britain and Canada, whose scientific genius made a tremendous contribution to our original discoveries and the designs of atomic bombs.The secret is also known by the Soviet Union.The Soviet Union has informed us that, over recent years, it has devoted extensive resources to atomic weapons. During this period the Soviet Union has exploded a series of atomic advices -- devices, including at least one involving thermo-nuclear reactions. If at one time the Unites States possessed what might have been called a monopoly of atomic power, that monopoly ceased to exist several years ago.Therefore, although our earlier start has permitted us to accumulate what is today a great quantitative advantage, the atomic realities of today comprehend two facts of even greater significance.First, the knowledge now possessed by several nations will eventually be shared by others, possibly all others.Second, even a vast superiority in numbers of weapons,and a consequent capability of devastating retaliation, is no preventive, of itself, against the fearful material damage and toll of human lives that would be inflicted by surprise aggression. The free world, at least dimly aware of these facts, has naturally embarked on a large program of warning and defense systems. That program will be accelerated and expanded. But let no one think that the expenditure of vast sums for weapons and systems of defense can guarantee absolute safety for the cities and citizens of any nation. The awful arithmetic of the atomic bomb does not permit of any such easy solution. Even against the most powerful defense, an aggressor in possession of the effective minimum number of atomic bombs for a surprise attack could probably place a sufficient number of his bombs on the chosen targets to cause hideous damage.Should such an atomic attack be launched against the United States, our reactions would be swift and resolute. But for me to say that the defense capabilities of the United States are such that they could inflict terrible losses upon an aggressor, for me to say that the retaliation capabilities of the Unites States are so great that such an aggressor’s land would be laid waste, all this, while fact, is not the true expression of the purpose and the hope of the United States.To pause there would be to confirm the hopeless finality of a belief that two atomic colossi are doomed malevolently to eye each other indefinitely across a trembling world. To stop there would be to accept hope -- helplessly the probability of civilization destroyed, the annihilation of the irreplaceable heritage of mankind handed down to use generation from generation, and the condemnation of mankind to begin all over again the age-old struggle upward from savagery toward decency, and right, and justice. Surely no sane member of the human race could discover victory in such desolation.Could anyone wish his name to be coupled by history with such human degradation and destruction? Occasional pages of history do record the faces of the “great destroyers,” but the whole book of history reveals mankind’s never-ending quest for peace and mankind’s God-given capacity to build.It is with the book of history, and not with isolated pages, that the United States will ever wish to be identified. My country wants to be constructive, not destructive. It wants agreements, not wars, among nations. It wants itself to live in freedom and in the confidence that the people of every other nation enjoy equally the right of choosing their own way oflife.So my country’s purpose is to help us move out of the dark chamber of horrors into the light, to find a way by which the minds of men, the hopes of men, the souls of men everywhere, can move forward toward peace and happiness and well-being.In this quest, I know that we must not lack patience.I know that in a world divided, such as ours today, salvation cannot be attained by one dramatic act. I know that many steps will have to be taken over many months before the world can look at itself one day and truly realize that a new climate of mutually peaceful confidence is abroad in the world. But I know, above all else, that we must start to take these steps now.The United States and its allies, Great Britain and France, have, over the past months, tried to take some of these steps. Let no one say that we shun the conference table. On the record has long stood the request of the United States, Great Britain, and France to negotiate with the Soviet Union the problems of a divided Germany. On that record has long stood the request of the same three nations to negotiate an Austrian peace treaty. On the same record still stands the request of the United Nations to negotiate the problems of Korea.Most recently we have received from the Soviet Union what is in effect an expression of willingness to hold a four-Power meeting. Along with our allies, Great Britain and France, we were pleased to see that his note did not contain the unacceptable pre-conditions previously put forward. As you already know from our joint Bermuda communiqué, the United States, Great Britain, and France have agreed promptly to meet with the Soviet Union.The Government of the United States approaches this conference with hopeful sincerity. We will bend every effort of our minds to the single purpose of emerging from that conference with tangible results towards peace, the only true way of lessening international tension. We never have, we never will, propose or suggest that the Soviet Union surrender what is rightfully theirs. We will never say that the people of Russia are an enemy with whom we have no desire ever to deal or mingle in friendly and fruitful relationship.On the contrary, we hope that this coming conference may initiate a relationship with the Soviet Union which will eventually bring about a free intermingling of the peoples of the East and of the West -- the one sure, human way of developing the understanding required for confident and peacefulrelations.Instead of the discontent which is now settling upon Eastern Germany, occupied Austria, and the countries of Eastern Europe, we seek a harmonious family of free European nations, with none a threat to the other, and least of all a threat to the peoples of the Russia. Beyond the turmoil and strife and misery of Asia, we seek peaceful opportunity for these peoples to develop their natural resources and to elevate their lives.These are not idle words or shallow visions. Behind them lies a story of nations lately come to independence, not as a result of war, but through free grant or peaceful negotiation. There is a record already written of assistance gladly given by nations of the West to needy peoples and to those suffering the temporary effects of famine, drought, and natural disaster. These are deeds of peace. They speak more loudly than promises or protestations of peaceful intent.But I do not wish to rest either upon the reiteration of past proposals or the restatement of past deeds. The gravity of the time is such that every new avenue of peace, no matter how dimly discernible, should be explored. There is at least one new avenue of peace which has not yet been well explored-- an avenue now laid out by the General Assembly of the Unites Nations.In its resolution of November 18th, 1953 this General Assembly suggested -- and I quote -- “that the Disarmament Commission study the desirability of establishing a sub-committee consisting of representatives of the Powers principally involved, which should seek in private an acceptable solution and report such a solution to the General Assembly and to the Security Council not later than September 1, of 1954.”The United States, heeding the suggestion of the General Assembly of the United Nations, is instantly prepared to meet privately with such other countries as may be “principally involved,” to seek “an acceptable solution” to the atomic armaments race which overshadows not only the peace, but the very life of the world. We shall carry into these private or diplomatic talks a new conception.The United States would seek more than the mere reduction or elimination of atomic materials for military purposes. It is not enough to take this weapon out of the hands of the soldiers. It must be put into the hands of those who will know how to strip its military casing and adapt it to the arts ofpeace.The United States knows that if the fearful trend of atomic military build-up can be reversed, this greatest of destructive forces can be developed into a great boon, for the benefit of all mankind. The United States knows that peaceful power from atomic energy is no dream of the future. That capability, already proved, is here, now, today. Who can doubt, if the entire body of the world’s scientists and engineers had adequate amounts of fissionable material with which to test and develop their ideas, that this capability would rapidly be transformed into universal, efficient, and economic usage?To hasten the day when fear of the atom will begin to disappear from the minds of people and the governments of the East and West, there are certain steps that can be taken now.I therefore make the following proposals:The governments principally involved, to the extent permitted by elementary prudence, to begin now and continue to make joint contributions from their stockpiles of normal uranium and fissionable materials to an international atomic energy agency. We would expect that such an agency would be set up under the aegis of the United Nations.The ratios of contributions, the procedures, and otherdetails would properly be within the scope of the “private conversations” I have referred to earlier.The United States is prepared to undertake these explorations in good faith. Any partner of the United States acting in the same good faith will find the United States a not unreasonable or ungenerous associate.Undoubtedly, initial and early contributions to this plan would be small in quantity. However, the proposal has the great virtue that it can be undertaken without the irritations and mutual suspicions incident to any attempt to set up a completely acceptable system of world-wide inspection and control.The atomic energy agency could be made responsible for the impounding, storage, and protection of the contributed fissionable and other materials. The ingenuity of our scientists will provide special, safe conditions under which such a bank of fissionable material can be made essentially immune to surprise seizure.The more important responsibility of this atomic energy agency would be to devise methods whereby this fissionable material would be allocated to serve the peaceful pursuits of mankind. Experts would be mobilized to apply atomic energy tothe needs of agriculture, medicine, and other peaceful activities. A special purpose would be to provide abundant electrical energy in the power-starved areas of the world. Thus the contributing Powers would be dedicating some of their strength to serve the needs rather than the fears of mankind.The United States would be more than willing -- it would be proud to take up with others “principally involved” the development of plans whereby such peaceful use of atomic energy would be expedited.Of those “principally involved” the Soviet Union must, of course, be one. I would be prepared to submit to the Congress of the United States, and with every expectation of approval, any such plan that would, first, encourage world-wide investigation into the most effective peacetime uses of fissionable material, and with the certainty that they [the investigators] had all the material needed for the conduct of all experiments that were appropriate; second, begin to diminish the potential destructive power of the world’s atomic stockpiles; third, allow all peoples of all nations to see that, in this enlightened age, the great Powers of the earth, both of the East and of the West, are interested in human aspirations first rather than in building up the armaments of war; fourth,open up a new channel for peaceful discussion and initiate at least a new approach to the many difficult problems that must be solved in both private and public conversations, if the world is to shake off the inertia imposed by fear and is to make positive progress toward peace.Against the dark background of the atomic bomb, the United States does not wish merely to present strength, but also the desire and the hope for peace.The coming months will be fraught with fateful decisions. In this Assembly, in the capitals and military headquarters of the world, in the hearts of men everywhere, be they governed or governors, may they be the decisions which will lead this world out of fear and into peace.To the making of these fateful decisions, the United States pledges before you, and therefore before the world, its determination to help solve the fearful atomic dilemma -- to devote its entire heart and mind to find the way by which the miraculous inventiveness of man shall not be dedicated to his death, but consecrated to his life.I again thank the delegates for the great honor they have done me in inviting me to appear before them and in listening me -- to me so courteously.Thank you.delivered 8 December 1953, United Nations General Assembly。
艾森豪威尔离职演讲
美国第34任总统艾森豪威尔告别演说(全文)时间：1961年1月17日地点：白宫我来说两句再过三天，在我为我国服务半个世纪之后，随着总统的权威按传统的隆重仪式归属我的继任者，本人将卸下公职。
我们现在的日期距本世纪中点已过十年，这个世纪经历了大国之间四次大的战争，我们自己的国家卷入其中三次。
尽管发生了这些大规模的战祸，当今美国乃是世界上最强大、最有影响、生産力最高的国家。
我们自然爲此卓越成就感到自豪，但我们也意识到，美国的领导地位和威信不仅取决于我们举世无双的物质进步、财富和军事力量，而且取决于我们如何爲世界和平与人类福利使用我们的力量。
纵观美国在自由政府体制上的探索历程，我们的基本目的始终是维护和平，促进人类进步，在人民中和国家之间增进自由权，提高尊严，宏扬正直的品质。
追求较低的目标会辱没一个自由、有虔诚宗教信仰的民族。
任何由于骄傲自大或理解力不强或缺乏奉献精神的失败都将在国内外给我们带来严重损害。
走向这些崇高目标的进程一直受到现在正席卷全球的冲突的威胁。
这种冲突迫使我们全神贯注，全力以赴。
我们面对一种敌对的意识形态──具有世界性规模和无神论性质，目标残忍，手段阴险。
不幸的是，它所造成的危险将长期存在。
欲成功地对付它，所要求的与其说是危急关头感情上短暂的痛苦，毋宁说是作出牺牲以使我们能坚定踏实、任劳任怨地承担一场长期复杂斗争的重任──与自由共存亡。
只有这样我们才能战胜一次又一次的挑衅，始终朝着世界持久和平和人类美好未来的方向前进。
我们的军队是维护和平必不可少的要素。
我们的武装力量必须强大，随时准备投入行动，以使任何潜在的侵略者都不敢贸然以卵击石。
我们今天的军事组织与我的任何一位和平时期前任所了解的，与第二次世界大战或朝鲜战争中的军人所了解的军事组织大相径庭。
直至最近的一次世界性冲突之前、美国仍没有军事工业。
美国的犁铧制造商们在必要时也能制造剑。
但是现在我们不能再以临阵磨枪的方式承担国防上的风险；我们已被迫创建一个规模宏大的永久性军事工业。
在丘吉尔葬礼上的演说
在丘吉尔葬礼上的演说
德怀特·或维·艾森豪威尔
【期刊名称】《中文自修：中学版》
【年(卷),期】2015(000)013
【摘要】奔流不息的泰晤士河犹如一条历史大道，温斯顿·丘吉尔爵士的遗骸此刻正在这条大道上前往最终的安息之所。
他是历史伟大的创造者，他的工作完成了，关于他的记载到此为止，我们几乎能听到他这位诗说：
【总页数】2页(P125-126)
【作者】德怀特·或维·艾森豪威尔
【作者单位】
【正文语种】中文
【中图分类】G633.51
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道威斯计划名词解释
道威斯计划名词解释道威斯计划（Dwight D. Eisenhower's Farewell Address）是美国第34任总统德怀特·D·艾森豪威尔在1961年1月17日发表的告别演说。
这个演讲被认为是对美国政治和国家安全的一种警示，同时也强调了美国在国际事务中应采取的态度和政策。
道威斯计划主要内容包括以下几个方面的解释：1.军事工业复杂结构（Military-Industrial Complex）：艾森豪威尔在演讲中警告了军事工业复杂结构对美国国家安全和自由的潜在威胁。
他指出，军事工业复杂结构是指军队和军事产业之间的紧密联系，它使军工企业过度依赖军事开支和军火贸易，从而可能导致国家在和平时期也不断提高军费，并影响政治家和经济领导人的决策。
2.冷战（Cold War）：艾森豪威尔在演讲中批评了冷战态势，并呼吁寻求外交、政治和经济解决冲突的方法。
他警告称，美国应该避免盲目地投入战争，并认识到军事力量的限制性。
他还指出，冷战竞赛可能导致国家资源的过度消耗，忽视社会和经济建设，甚至可能危及民主制度。
3.在国际事务中的充分参与（Active Participation in International Affairs）：艾森豪威尔强调美国与其他国家合作的重要性，包括遵循联合国的原则和使用外交手段解决争端。
他表示，美国应该通过外交政策和经济援助来帮助其他国家，并与他们建立稳固的伙伴关系，以维护全球和平和稳定。
4.公民责任（Citizen Responsibility）：艾森豪威尔强调每个公民对国家的责任，包括参与选举过程和支持自己的政府。
他鼓励美国人民保持警惕，不断关注政府的决策和行动，并积极参与社会事务，以确保国家的民主和自由得以持续。
道威斯计划的核心理念是克制和审慎，它提醒了美国军事力量和国际政治的互动中存在的风险和挑战，并呼吁美国在外交、政治和经济层面上更加开放和合作。
艾森豪威尔的告别演说
艾森豪威尔的告别演说今晚，我向你们请假和告别，和你们分享离任前的一些最后想法，我的同胞们。
和每位其他公民一样，我祝新总统和他的班子成功。
我祈祷来年和平繁荣。
我们现在已经走过本世纪中点十年了，在这个世纪我们目睹了四场伟大国家之间的大规模战争。
其中有三场我们国家也卷入了。
尽管经历了这些浩劫，美国仍是今天世界上最强大、最有影响力和最创造财富的国家。
我们为我们的杰出而自豪，然而我们也认识到美国的领导地位和威望不仅取决于我们无以伦比的物质加工能力、财富和军事实力，还取决于我们如何为人类的进步和世界的和平而使用这种力量。
向着这些崇高目标的进程一直受到席卷全球的冲突的威胁。
它主宰我们的全部注意，蚕食我们的存在。
我们面对以全球为范围的、以无神论为特征的、以凶残为目的的和以阴险为手段的敌对意识形态。
不幸的是它带来的威胁恐怕要无限延续。
为了成功地应对它，要求不能是太过冲冠一怒的牺牲，而是那些使我们坚定、稳步前行和为了自由的缘故无怨无悔地承担旷日持久的错综复杂的斗争的负担的东西。
只有这些才是我们要坚持的，不管在我们走向永久和平和人类进步的既定路线上遇到什么挑衅。
一个维护和平的性命攸关的要素就是我们的军事编制。
我们的武力必须强大，时刻能战，这样才能使潜在的侵略者不敢玩火自焚。
我们今天的军事组织已经今非昔比，是我的和平时期的各位前任，或者，说实话，包括二战和韩战的参与者都无法想象的。
直到我们的最后一次国际冲突，我国还没有军火工业。
美国的民品制造商们也可以，随时间推移，按需要生产军火。
但我们不能再拿国防冒险，临阵磨枪。
我们被迫创建了大批永久的军火工业。
此外，还有三百五十万优秀儿女直接投身于国防力量。
仅我们每年对军事安全的投入就超过了美国所有大公司的净收入。
现在庞大的军事力量于巨大的军火工业的结合在美国是史无前例的。
其总影响――经济的、政治的，甚至精神的――可以在每个城市，州政府和联邦政府感觉到。
我们认识到了发展的需要的急迫。
著名英语演讲
目录第一部分美国总统演说亚伯拉罕·林肯：葛底斯堡演说富兰克林·罗斯福：第一次就职演说富兰克林·罗斯福：论四大自由富兰克林·罗斯福：向日本宣战哈里·杜鲁门：在日本投降时发表的广播演说哈里·杜鲁门：杜鲁门主义德怀特·艾森豪威尔：告别演说约翰·F·旨尼迪：第一次就职演况约翰·F·肯尼迪：美国大学毕业典礼演讲林登·贝恩斯·约翰逊：我们会战胜理查德·尼克松：告别白宫罗纳德·里根：第一次就职演说罗纳德·里根：怀念挑战者号宇航员比尔·克林顿：告别演说比尔·克林顿：2004民主党全国大会演说乔治·W·布什：针对9·11恐怖分子袭击在参众议院联席会议上发表的演说乔治·W·布什：清华大学演讲乔治·W·布什：纪念哥伦比亚号宇航员乔治·W·布什：2004大选获胜时的演讲乔治·W·布什：第二次就职演说第二部分著名人士演说温德尔·威基：忠诚的反对党德怀特·艾森豪威尔：反攻动员令欧内斯特·海明威：接受诺贝尔奖时的演说乔治·C·马歇尔：马歇尔计划威廉·福克纳：接受诺贝尔奖时的演说道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟：结束军事生涯之际的演说阿德莱·史蒂文森：接受提名马丁·路德·金：我有一个梦马丁·路德·金：打破沉默的时候罗伯特·肯尼迪：马丁·路德·金之死斯皮罗·西奥多·阿格纽：电视新闻覆盖率芭芭拉·布什：威尔斯莉学院毕业典礼上的讲话玛丽·费雪：艾滋的低语柯林·鲍威尔：我的美国之旅查尔顿·赫斯顿：赢得文化战争伊利·威塞尔：冷漠的危险希拉里·克林顿：竞选纽约参议员的演讲史蒂夫·马丁及凯瑟琳·泽塔-琼斯：第七十三届奥斯卡颁奖晚会。
艾森豪威尔：FarewellAddress告别演说_英语演讲稿_
艾森豪威尔：Farewell Address 告别演说dwight d. eisenhowerfarewell addressdelivered 17 january 1961演讲者简介：德怀特·大卫·艾森豪威尔(dwight david eisenhower，1890年10月14日-1969年3月28日)，是美国陆军五星上将和第34任总统(1953年-1961年)。
第二次世界大战期间，他担任盟军在欧洲的最高指挥官;负责计划和执行监督1944年至1945年里，进攻维希法国和纳粹德国的行动。
1951年又出任北大西洋公约组织武装力量最高司令，昵称为艾克(ike)。
good evening, my fellow americans.first, i should like to express my gratitude to the radio and television networks for the opportunities they have given me over the years to bring reports and messages to our nation. my special thanks go to them for the opportunity of addressing you this evening.three days from now, after half century in the service of our country, i shall lay down the responsibilities of office as, in traditional and solemn ceremony, the authority of the presidency is vested in my successor. this evening, i come to you with a message of leave-taking and farewell, and to share a few final thoughts with you, my countrymen.like every other -- like every other citizen, i wish the new president, and all who will labor with him, godspeed. i pray that the coming years will be blessed with peace and prosperity for all.our people expect their president and the congress to find essential agreement on issues of great moment, the wise resolution of which will better shape the future of the nation. myown relations with the congress, which began on a remote and tenuous basis when, long ago, a member of the senate appointed me to west point, have since ranged to the intimate during the war and immediate post-war period, and finally to the mutually interdependent during these past eight years. in this final relationship, the congress and the administration have, on most vital issues, cooperated well, to serve the nation good, rather than mere partisanship, and so have assured that the business of the nation should go forward. so, my official relationship with the congress ends in a feeling -- on my part -- of gratitude that we have been able to do so much together.we now stand ten years past the midpoint of a century that has witnessed four major wars among great nations. three of these involved our own country. despite these holocausts, america is today the strongest, the most influential, and most productive nation in the world. understandably proud of this pre-eminence, we yet realize that america's leadership and prestige depend, not merely upon our unmatched material progress, riches, and military strength, but on how we use our power in the interests of world peace and human betterment.throughout america's adventure in free government, our basic purposes have been to keep the peace, to foster progress in human achievement, and to enhance liberty, dignity, and integrity among peoples and among nations. to strive for less would be unworthy of a free and religious people. any failure traceable to arrogance, or our lack of comprehension, or readiness to sacrifice would inflict upon us grievous hurt, both at home and abroad.progress toward these noble goals is persistently threatened by the conflict now engulfing the world. it commands our wholeattention, absorbs our very beings. we face a hostile ideology global in scope, atheistic in character, ruthless in purpose, and insiduous [insidious] in method. unhappily, the danger it poses promises to be of indefinite duration. to meet it successfully, there is called for, not so much the emotional and transitory sacrifices of crisis, but rather those which enable us to carry forward steadily, surely, and without complaint the burdens of a prolonged and complex struggle with liberty the stake. only thus shall we remain, despite every provocation, on our charted course toward permanent peace and human betterment.crises there will continue to be. in meeting them, whether foreign or domestic, great or small, there is a recurring temptation to feel that some spectacular and costly action could become the miraculous solution to all current difficulties. a huge increase in newer elements of our defenses; development of unrealistic programs to cure every ill in agriculture; a dramatic expansion in basic and applied research -- these and many other possibilities, each possibly promising in itself, may be suggested as the only way to the road we wish to travel.but each proposal must be weighed in the light of a broader consideration: the need to maintain balance in and among national programs, balance between the private and the public economy, balance between the cost and hoped for advantages, balance between the clearly necessary and the comfortably desirable, balance between our essential requirements as a nation and the duties imposed by the nation upon the individual, balance between actions of the moment and the national welfare of the future. good judgment seeks balance and progress. lack of it eventually finds imbalance and frustration. the record of many decades stands as proof that our people and their governmenthave, in the main, understood these truths and have responded to them well, in the face of threat and stress.but threats, new in kind or degree, constantly arise. of these, i mention two only.a vital element in keeping the peace is our military establishment. our arms must be mighty, ready for instant action, so that no potential aggressor may be tempted to risk his own destruction. our military organization today bears little relation to that known of any of my predecessors in peacetime, or, indeed, by the fighting men of world war ii or korea.until the latest of our world conflicts, the united states had no armaments industry. american makers of plowshares could, with time and as required, make swords as well. but we can no longer risk emergency improvisation of national defense. we have been compelled to create a permanent armaments industry of vast proportions. added to this, three and a half million men and women are directly engaged in the defense establishment. we annually spend on military security alone more than the net income of all united states cooperations -- corporations.now this conjunction of an immense military establishment and a large arms industry is new in the american experience. the total influence -- economic, political, even spiritual -- is felt in every city, every statehouse, every office of the federal government. we recognize the imperative need for this development. yet, we must not fail to comprehend its grave implications. our toil, resources, and livelihood are all involved. so is the very structure of our society.in the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military-industrial complex. the potential forthe disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will persist. we must never let the weight of this combination endanger our liberties or democratic processes. we should take nothing for granted. only an alert and knowledgeable citizenry can compel the proper meshing of the huge industrial and military machinery of defense with our peaceful methods and goals, so that security and liberty may prosper together.akin to, and largely responsible for the sweeping changes in our industrial-military posture, has been the technological revolution during recent decades. in this revolution, research has become central; it also becomes more formalized, complex, and costly. a steadily increasing share is conducted for, by, or at the direction of, the federal government.today, the solitary inventor, tinkering in his shop, has been overshadowed by task forces of scientists in laboratories and testing fields. in the same fashion, the free university, historically the fountainhead of free ideas and scientific discovery, has experienced a revolution in the conduct of research. partly because of the huge costs involved, a government contract becomes virtually a substitute for intellectual curiosity. for every old blackboard there are now hundreds of new electronic computers. the prospect of domination of the nation's scholars by federal employment, project allocations, and the power of money is ever present -- and is gravely to be regarded.yet, in holding scientific research and discovery in respect, as we should, we must also be alert to the equal and opposite danger that public policy could itself become the captive of a scientific-technological elite.it is the task of statesmanship to mold, to balance, and to integrate these and other forces, new and old, within theprinciples of our democratic system -- ever aiming toward the supreme goals of our free society.another factor in maintaining balance involves the element of time. as we peer into society's future, we -- you and i, and our government -- must avoid the impulse to live only for today, plundering for our own ease and convenience the precious resources of tomorrow. we cannot mortgage the material assets of our grandchildren without risking the loss also of their political and spiritual heritage. we want democracy to survive for all generations to come, not to become the insolvent phantom of tomorrow.during the long lane of the history yet to be written, america knows that this world of ours, ever growing smaller, must avoid becoming a community of dreadful fear and hate, and be, instead, a proud confederation of mutual trust and respect. such a confederation must be one of equals. the weakest must come to the conference table with the same confidence as do we, protected as we are by our moral, economic, and military strength. that table, though scarred by many fast frustrations -- past frustrations, cannot be abandoned for the certain agony of disarmament -- of the battlefield.disarmament, with mutual honor and confidence, is a continuing imperative. together we must learn how to compose differences, not with arms, but with intellect and decent purpose. because this need is so sharp and apparent, i confess that i lay down my official responsibilities in this field with a definite sense of disappointment. as one who has witnessed the horror and the lingering sadness of war, as one who knows that another war could utterly destroy this civilization which has been so slowly and painfully built over thousands of years, i wish i could saytonight that a lasting peace is in sight.happily, i can say that war has been avoided. steady progress toward our ultimate goal has been made. but so much remains to be done. as a private citizen, i shall never cease to do what little i can to help the world advance along that road.so, in this, my last good night to you as your president, i thank you for the many opportunities you have given me for public service in war and in peace. i trust in that -- in that -- in that service you find some things worthy. as for the rest of it, i know you will find ways to improve performance in the future.you and i, my fellow citizens, need to be strong in our faith that all nations, under god, will reach the goal of peace with justice. may we be ever unswerving in devotion to principle, confident but humble with power, diligent in pursuit of the nations' great goals.to all the peoples of the world, i once more give expression to america's prayerful and continuing aspiration: we pray that peoples of all faiths, all races, all nations, may have their great human needs satisfied; that those now denied opportunity shall come to enjoy it to the full; that all who yearn for freedom may experience its few spiritual blessings. those who have freedom will understand, also, its heavy responsibility; that all who are insensitive to the needs of others will learn charity; and that the sources -- scourges of poverty, disease, and ignorance will be made [to] disappear from the earth; and that in the goodness of time, all peoples will come to live together in a peace guaranteed by the binding force of mutual respect and love.now, on friday noon, i am to become a private citizen. i am proud to do so. i look forward to it.thank you, and good night.。
艾森豪威尔的演讲
艾森豪威尔的演讲德怀特·戴维·艾森豪威尔(Dwight David Eisenhower，1890-1969)美国第34任总统，陆军五星上将。
1915年毕业于西点军校，得到军士长的军衔，后在得克萨斯州圣安东尼第十九步兵师服役，少尉军衔。
1925年先后在参谋学校、陆军军事学院学习。
1929年至1932年任陆军部长特别助理。
1938至1939年任参谋长麦克阿瑟的助手。
1941年12月美国参加第二次世界大战后，在马歇尔手下任作战计划处处长，晋升为少将。
1942年先后任欧洲战场美军司令、北非战场盟军司令，晋升为中将、上将。
1944年任欧洲盟军最高司令，成功策划指挥了盟军开辟欧洲第二战场的诺曼底登陆战役，晋升为五星上将。
1945年继乔治·马歇尔任陆军参谋长。
1948年２月退役，任哥伦比亚大学校长至1953年，但从1950年起一直缺席而担任北约司令。
1952年作为共和党总统候选人参加总统竞选获胜，成为美国第34任总统，1956年再次竞选获胜连任。
1969年3月28日因心脏病在华盛顿逝世。
1.1944年6月6日，艾森豪威尔的“登陆日演讲”——反攻动员令：各位联合远征军的海陆空战士们：你们马上就要踏上征程去进行一场伟大的圣战，为此我们已精心准备了数月。
全世界的目光都注视着你们，各地热爱和平的人们的期望与祈祷伴随着你们。
你们将与其他战线上的英勇盟军及兄弟一起并肩战斗，摧毁德国的战争机器。
推翻压在欧洲人民身上的纳粹暴政，保卫我们在一个自由世界的安全。
这是一个艰巨的任务。
你们的敌人训练有素，装备精良，久经沙场。
他们肯定会负隅顽抗。
但是现在是1944年。
与纳粹1940、41年连连取胜时大不相同。
联合国在正面战场予以德军迎头痛击空军削弱了德军的空中力量和陆上战斗能力；后方弹药充足、武器精良、部署得当、后备力量丰富。
潮流已经逆转，全世界自由的人们正在一起向胜利迈进。
我对你们的勇敢、责任心和作战技巧充满了信心，我们迎接的只会是彻底的胜利。
英语中级阅读课外作业——艾森豪威尔告别演说 课文翻译
艾森豪威尔告别演说课文翻译我的美国同胞们：1.今晚我向你们致告别辞，并与你们，我的同胞们，分享一些最后的想法。
2.像每一位公民一样，我祝愿新总统以及所有和他一起工作的人们一帆风顺。
我祈祷在未来几年美国会幸运地享有和平与繁荣。
3.我们现在距本世纪中点已过十年，这个世纪经历了大国之间的四次大规模战争。
我们自己的国家参与了其中的三次。
尽管发生了这些大规模的战祸，当今美国仍是世界上最强大、最有影响力、生产水平最高的国家。
我们自然地为此卓越成就感到自豪，但我们也意识到，美国的领导地位和声望不仅取决于我们无与伦比的物质进步、财富和军事实力，还取决于我们如何为世界和平与人类进步使用我们的力量。
4.朝着这些崇高目标迈进的过程一直持续不断地受到现在正席卷全球的冲突的威胁。
这种冲突迫使我们全神贯注，全力以赴。
我们面对一种敌对的意识形态，规模是世界性的，性质是无神论的，目标是残忍的，手段是阴险的。
不幸的是，它所造成的危险恐怕将长期存在。
欲成功应对它，所必需的与其说是危难关头的感情上的短暂牺牲，不如说是那些能使我们稳步推进的动力，当然了，不包括对一场长期复杂斗争的重任的抱怨──因为自由是我们的赌注。
只有这样我们才能战胜一次又一次的挑衅，始终朝着世界持久和平和人类美好未来的方向前进。
5.我们的军事机构是维护和平至关重要的因素。
我们的武装力量必需是强有力的，能随时投入战斗，因此才能没有任何潜在的侵略者敢拿他自己的生命开玩笑。
6.今天我们的军事组织，与我的任何一位和平时期的前任，甚至是第二次世界大战或朝鲜战争中的军人所了解的大相径庭。
7.直至最近的一次世界性冲突之前，美国仍没有军事工业。
但随着时间的推移，美国的犁头制造商们也能在必要时制造剑。
但是现在我们不能再以临阵磨枪的方式承担国防上的风险；我们已被迫创建出一个巨大规模的永久性军事工业。
除此之外，350万男人和妇女直接从事于国防机构。
我们每年在军事安全上的开支超过了美国所有的公司的净收入。
美国第34任总统艾森豪威尔告别演说
美国第34任总统艾森豪威尔告别演说(全文)时间：1961年1月17日地点：白宫我来说两句再过三天，在我为我国服务半个世纪之后，随着总统的权威按传统的隆重仪式归属我的继任者，本人将卸下公职。
我们现在的日期距本世纪中点已过十年，这个世纪经历了大国之间四次大的战争，我们自己的国家卷入其中三次。
尽管发生了这些大规模的战祸，当今美国乃是世界上最强大、最有影响、生産力最高的国家。
我们自然爲此卓越成就感到自豪，但我们也意识到，美国的领导地位和威信不仅取决于我们举世无双的物质进步、财富和军事力量，而且取决于我们如何爲世界和平与人类福利使用我们的力量。
纵观美国在自由政府体制上的探索历程，我们的基本目的始终是维护和平，促进人类进步，在人民中和国家之间增进自由权，提高尊严，宏扬正直的品质。
追求较低的目标会辱没一个自由、有虔诚宗教信仰的民族。
任何由于骄傲自大或理解力不强或缺乏奉献精神的失败都将在国内外给我们带来严重损害。
走向这些崇高目标的进程一直受到现在正席卷全球的冲突的威胁。
这种冲突迫使我们全神贯注，全力以赴。
我们面对一种敌对的意识形态──具有世界性规模和无神论性质，目标残忍，手段阴险。
不幸的是，它所造成的危险将长期存在。
欲成功地对付它，所要求的与其说是危急关头感情上短暂的痛苦，毋宁说是作出牺牲以使我们能坚定踏实、任劳任怨地承担一场长期复杂斗争的重任──与自由共存亡。
只有这样我们才能战胜一次又一次的挑衅，始终朝着世界持久和平和人类美好未来的方向前进。
我们的军队是维护和平必不可少的要素。
我们的武装力量必须强大，随时准备投入行动，以使任何潜在的侵略者都不敢贸然以卵击石。
我们今天的军事组织与我的任何一位和平时期前任所了解的，与第二次世界大战或朝鲜战争中的军人所了解的军事组织大相径庭。
美国社会文化简析
美国社会文化简析在美国，Citizenship这个完整的词拥有丰富的含义，包含着公民的责任、公民的权利、公民的信仰、公民的修养、公民的素质、公民的自律精神、公民的良知等。
Ship是船，是载体，所有公民拥有的意义皆装载其中。
这些最深刻的概念，组合成深刻的思想。
这些词汇概念都是美国所谓的立国之本的重要内容，属于美国的传统政治理论中最核心、最关键的词汇。
什么是美国人，什么是美国公民，什么是美国公民文化？2006年，在胡锦涛主席和布什总统的联手努力下，中美关系达到历史上最佳时期。
现在，美国向我们扑面而来，我们了解美国吗？我们了解到的美国往往不是真实的、全面的、深层的美国。
我们这一代知识分子以及中国青年一代，走向个人强大和民族强大的首要的、也是最为重要的工作之一，就是认知美国、消化美国。
那么，什么是美国人？什么是美国市民？或者说什么是美国公民？什么是美国公民文化？市民(Citizen)在中文中与公民有不同的区分。
但在英文中，市民就是公民，公民就是市民。
最早的市民概念是指生活在集市附近的居民。
现代社会的市民有了不同的概念，以往做生意以物易物，后来用钱币，现代市民社会是信用社会。
现代市民的意义比以往任何时候都更加丰富。
英文Citizenship，很多人只把这个词翻译成“国籍和公民身份”，这是远远不够的。
在美国，Citi－zenship这个完整的词拥有丰富的含义，包含着公民的责任、公民的权利、公民的信仰、公民的修养、公民的素质、公民的自律精神、公民的良知等。
Ship是船，是载体，所有公民拥有的意义皆装载其中。
这些最深刻的概念，组合成深刻的思想。
这些词汇概念都是美国所谓的立国之本的重要内容，属于美国的传统政治理论中最核心、最关键的词汇。
传统美国公民和当代美国公民的品格性质、文化特征和趋势拟从25个方面，来细化传统美国公民(市民)和当代美国公民的品格性质、文化特征和趋势。
第一，美国的公民基本理论，源自于美国宪法。
美国宪法规定你的责任，也规定你的权利，美国公民的权利和责任，除了选举、纳税等之外，大部分内容是在美国的修改法案中确定的。
艾森豪威尔就职演说_0
艾森豪威尔就职演说篇一：肯尼迪就职演讲稿,中英文friday,january20,1961vicepresidentjohnson,mr.speaker,mr.chiefjustice,presidenteisenhower,vice presidentnixon,presidenttruman,reverendclergy,fellowcitizens,weobservet odaynotavictoryofparty,butacelebrationoffreedom--symbolizinganend,as wellasabeginning--signifyingrenewal,aswellaschange.forihaveswornibefo reyouandalmightygodthesamesolemnoathourforebearslprescribednearlyac enturyandthreequartersago.leteverynationknow,whetheritwishesuswellorill,thatweshallpayanyprice,b earanyburden,meetanyhardship,supportanyfriend,opposeanyfoe,inorderto assurethesurvivalandthesuccessofliberty.thismuchwepledge--andmore. tothoseoldallieswhoseculturalandspiritualoriginsweshare,wepledgetheloy altyoffaithfulfriends.united,thereislittlewecannotdoinahostofcooperativev entures.divided,thereislittlewecando--forwedarenotmeetapowerfulchallen geatoddsandsplitasunder.past,thosewhofoolishlysoughtpowerbyridingthebackofthetigerendedupinsi de.finally,tothosenationswhowouldmakethemselvesouradversary,weoffernotapledgebutarequest:thatbothsidesbeginanewthequestforpeace,beforethedar kpowersofdestructionunleashedbyscienceengulfallhumanityinplannedorac cidentalself-destruction.wedarenottemptthemwithweakness.foronlywhenourarmsaresufficientbeyo nddoubtcanwebecertainbeyonddoubtthattheywillneverbeemployed. soletusbeginanew--rememberingonbothsidesthatcivilityisnotasignofweak ness,andsincerityisalwayssubjecttoproof.letusnevernegotiateoutoffear.butl etusneverfeartonegotiate. letbothsidesexplorewhatproblemsuniteusinsteadofbelaboringthoseproble mswhichdivideus.allthiswillnotbefinishedinthefirst100days.norwillitbefinishedinthefirst1,00 0days,norinthelifeofthisadministration,norevenperhapsinourlifetimeonthis planet.butletusbegin.inyourhands,myfellowcitizens,morethaninmine,willrestthefinal(:艾森豪威尔就职演说)successorfailureofourcourse.sincethiscountrywasfounded,eachgenerati onofamericanshasbeensummonedtogivetestimonytoitsnationalloyalty.theg ravesofyoungamericanswhoansweredthecalltoservicesurroundtheglobe. canweforgeagainsttheseenemiesagrandandglobalalliance,northandsouth,e astandwest,thatcanassureamorefruitfullifeforallmankind?willyoujoinintha thistoriceffort?andso,myfellowamericans:asknotwhatyourcountrycandoforyou--askwhatyoucandoforyourcountry.myfellowcitizensoftheworld:asknotwhatamericawilldoforyou,butwhattog etherwecandoforthefreedomofman.finally,whetheryouarecitizensofamericaorcitizensoftheworld,askofusthesa mehighstandardsofstrengthandsacrificewhichweaskofyou.withagood conscienceouronlysurereward,withhistorythefinaljudgeofourdeeds,letusgo forthtoleadthelandwelove,askinghisblessingandhishelp,butknowingthather eonearthgodsworkmusttrulybeourown.约翰-肯尼迪就职演讲星期五,1961年1月20日首席法官先生、艾森豪威尔总统、尼克松副总统、杜鲁门总统、尊敬的牧师、各位公民：今天我们庆祝的不是政党的胜利，而是自由的胜利。
著名企业英语演讲稿
著名企业英语演讲稿篇一：著名英语演讲目录第一部分美国总统演说亚伯拉罕·林肯：葛底斯堡演说富兰克林·罗斯福：第一次就职演说富兰克林·罗斯福：论四大自由富兰克林·罗斯福：向日本宣战哈里·杜鲁门：在日本投降时发表的广播演说哈里·杜鲁门：杜鲁门主义德怀特·艾森豪威尔：告别演说约翰·F·旨尼迪：第一次就职演况约翰·F·肯尼迪：美国大学毕业典礼演讲林登·贝恩斯·约翰逊：我们会战胜理查德·尼克松：告别白宫罗纳德·里根：第一次就职演说罗纳德·里根：怀念挑战者号宇航员比尔·克林顿：告别演说比尔·克林顿：XX民主党全国大会演说乔治·W·布什：针对9·11恐怖分子袭击在参众议院联席会议上发表的演说乔治·W·布什：清华大学演讲乔治·W·布什：纪念哥伦比亚号宇航员乔治·W·布什：XX大选获胜时的演讲乔治·W·布什：第二次就职演说第二部分著名人士演说温德尔·威基：忠诚的反对党德怀特·艾森豪威尔：反攻动员令欧内斯特·海明威：接受诺贝尔奖时的演说乔治·C·马歇尔：马歇尔计划威廉·福克纳：接受诺贝尔奖时的演说道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟：结束军事生涯之际的演说阿德莱·史蒂文森：接受提名马丁·路德·金：我有一个梦马丁·路德·金：打破沉默的时候罗伯特·肯尼迪：马丁·路德·金之死斯皮罗·西奥多·阿格纽：电视新闻覆盖率芭芭拉·布什：威尔斯莉学院毕业典礼上的讲话玛丽·费雪：艾滋的低语柯林·鲍威尔：我的美国之旅查尔顿·赫斯顿：赢得文化战争伊利·威塞尔：冷漠的危险希拉里·克林顿：竞选纽约参议员的演讲史蒂夫·马丁及凯瑟琳·泽塔-琼斯：第七十三届奥斯卡颁奖晚会篇二：领导力英语演讲稿A good leadership is indispensable for any government, business ororganization. Qualities of a Good Leader and Leadership Abilities are essential to actuate others and achieve the desired goals. Different strategies and leadership styles are used to achieve the goals oforganization. A leader or executive directs and guides its subordinates to achieve the goals. Leaders are an essential and most significant part of any organization, which have responsibilities to set organizational goals, develop visions of future, motivate and influence subordinates and organization members to attain the goals. Leadership is one of the most important functions of any organization which is essential for maximization of efficiency and attainment of organizational goals.A leader’s job is not an easy and facile job. it is one of the mostchallenging jobs with huge responsibilities, and without specific leadership skills and qualities, it is hard to attain the desired goals. Organizations with highly enthusiastic, esteemed and skillful leaders get their goals efficiently and touch the skies of success.a leader has a set of challenging responsibilities like initiation, guidance, motivation ,building confidence and morale, building a sense of coordination and proper working environment. An effective leadership withsufficient managerial capabilities and leadership skills is an asset and key to success for any organization. To be a successful leader some leadership qualities requisites are really essential. Some qualities of a good leader are described below.: A honest leader is a precious asset to any organization. A leader must be honest with his organization and organizational workers as well. Honesty is one of the most essential qualities of a good leader. A good leader never compromise on organizational interests and never loose his integrity.and sincerity: A dedicated leader is always respected by others due to his professional approach.a good leader is always an inspirational source for his workers, due to his dedication and sincerity.and focus: A good leader always has a vision of future and possible circumstances of future. Visionary approach is also one of the most indispensable qualities of a good leader. a leader with visionary approach is able to look beyond common sight. And thenhe takes appropriate decisions according to possible circumstances of future. Future risk management is also related to this aspect of leadership qualities. a good leader must have an ability to visualize different situations. a proper focus on work and organizational goals, is of equal importance along with the vision of future.interpersonal communication skills: Communication skills are one of the most essential qualities of a good leader. As a leader has to communicate with others frequently, when you a have good communication skills and able to express what you want, then you can achieve the best.effective communication is necessary to develop good working relations, which are a requisite to attain the desired goals of an organization.capabilities: A good leader has an ability to motivate and incite his subordinates and workers to get the desired results or desired quality and quantity of the work. Motivation capabilities are one of the key qualities of a good leader. a good leader continues tomotivate and influence hissubordinates. This is very essential and effective to create a good working environment and attainment of good results. A good leader prefers the safety of workers and motivates workers adopt safety measures. He actuates them to work better improve the quality of work. he announces incentives and bonuses for hardworking workers. a good leader also announces awards and proper rewards for his subordinates in case of hard work and quality of work. These incentives and rewards are a true source of motivation for his workers.: Consistency is one of the qualities of a good leader which have crucial importance. A good leader must be consistent in his approach as well as decisions.a good leader has some specific style ofleadership. He must be consistent to maintain his specific style. Inconsistency leads to failures. A good leader must avoid different approaches ormodifications. a sensible leader has a constant working approach with a little tolerance of modifications if necessary. Simple and consistentleadership approach leads to a successful leader.power and self esteem: Will power and self confidence are key qualities of a good leader. a good leader must have self confidence if he wants to earn the confidence of his subordinates. Self confidence is also necessary while taking particular decisions. a good leader is aware and confidents that his decisions are in the interest of organization and organizational members. Will power is also a requisite for effective leadership. A leader must know himself and able to control himself resolutely.of Work: Knowledge of work is also one of the most essential qualities of a good leader. a good leader always knows about the work being accomplished and resources and man power required for a specific task. Sufficient knowledge about the work helps to make appropriate decisions.: A good leader has always patience and calmness. These are one of the crucial qualities necessary for a good leader. A good leader does not loose his temper and always take decisions with a cool and peaceful mindafter analyzing the whole situation. capability according to the circumstances. Decision making is one of the most crucial qualities of a good leader. A good leader always appreciatessuggestions from its subordinated and low level management, but takes thelast decision after analyzing whole situation. Some crucial moments also demand some daring and bold decisions. a leader having decision making capabilities can cope with different crucial circumstances篇三：产品介绍英语演讲稿公司及产品讲稿各位亲爱的家人（朋友或伙伴们）：大家上午（下午）好！我是大漠紫光非常荣幸今天由我来介绍一下我们公司及产品（打招呼表示感谢）（塑造产品价值，突出产品独特卖点，引发强烈兴趣）各位亲爱的伙伴们在进入主题之前我可不可以和大家先做一下友好的互动（可以），请问大家我们每个人都特别渴望让自己变得更年轻长寿对不对（对），我们每个人都渴望让自己远离疾病与痛苦是不是（是的），我们每个人都特别想吃到营养全面最健康的食品对吗（对的）！但是我想讲的是现代科技尽管如此发达，人们的生活水平得到了显著提高，但是现代人的死亡率却在逐渐呈现年轻化，普遍化的趋势。
艾森豪威尔在诺曼底的三篇演讲稿分析
艾森豪威尔在诺曼底的三篇演讲稿1、Order of the Day 反攻动员令Soldiers, sailors, and airmen of the Allied Expeditionary Force （联合远征军，指参与诺曼底登陆行动的美英加法及自由欧洲联军）, you are about to embark（双关，这个词既有上飞机和上船的意思也有开始的意思） upon the great crusade towards which we have striven（力求，因为为了此次行动，联军进行了大量的前期工作，直接相关霸王行动the Overlord Action 的准备就持续数月） these many months. The eyes of the world are upon you, the hopes and prayers of liberty-loving people everywhere march with you. In company with our brave allies and brothers in arms on other fronts （此处指前线的意思，因为这是反法西斯战争的一部分，实际上还有其它多个战场）, you will bring about the destruction of the German war machine.The elimination（消除，消灭） of Nazi tyranny over the oppressed people of Europe, and security for ourselves in a free world.Your task will not be an easy one. Your enemy is well trained, well equipped, and battle hardened. He will fight savagely.But this is the year 1944! Much has happened since the Nazi triumphs（凯旋，胜利，纳粹在1940-41年间在欧洲迅速扩张，并占领了法国——诺曼底登陆的发生地） of 1940-41. The united nations have inflicted upon theGermans great defeats in open battle, men-to-men. Our air offensive（此处为名词，即攻势的意思） have seriously reduced their strength in the air and their capacity to wage war on the ground. Our home fronts have given us an overwhelming superiority in weapons and ammunitions（原意为军需品，这种用法在现在英语中已经被废除，而专指弹药，但如此解释则与之前提到的武器弹药的准备重复了） of war and placed at our disposal, great reserves of trained fighting men. The tide has turned! the free men of the world are marching together to victory!I have full confidence in your courage, devotion to duty and skill in battle. We will accept nothing less than full victory!Good luck and let us all beseech（祈求） the blessing of almighty God upon this great and noble undertaking.各位联合远征军的海陆空战士们：你们马上就要踏上征程去进行一场伟大的圣战，为此我们已精心准备了数月。
艾森豪威尔：告别演说 last half英中互译
Dwight D. Eisenhower: Farewell Address艾森豪威尔：告别演说delivered 17 January 1961发表于1961年1月17日<Last half>Now this conjunction of an immense military establishment and a large arms industry is new in the American experience. The total influence economic, political, even spiritual is felt in every city, every Statehouse, every office of the Federal government. We recognize the imperative need for this development. Yet, we must not fail to comprehend its grave implications⒂. Our toil, resources, and livelihood are all involved. So is the very structure of our-society.In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military-industrial complex. The potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will persist. We must never let the weight of this combination endanger our liberties or democratic processes. We should take nothing for granted. Only an alert and knowledgeable citizenry can compel the proper meshing⒃ of the huge industrial and military machinery of defense with our peaceful methods and goals, so that security and liberty may prosper together.Akin⒄ to, and largely responsible for the sweeping changes in our industrial－military posture, has been the technological revolution during recent decades. In this revolution, research has become central; it also becomes more formalized, complex, and costly. A steadily increasing share is conducted for, by, or at the direction of, the Federal government. Today, the solitary inventor, tinkering⒅ in his shop, has been overshadowed by task forces of scientists in laboratories and testing fields. In the same fashion, the free university, historically the fountainhead of free ideas and scientific discovery, has experienced a revolution in the conduct of research. Partly because of the huge costs involved, a government contract becomes virtually a substitute for intellectual curiosity. For every old blackboard there are now hundreds of new electronic computers. The prospect of domination of the nation's scholars by Federal employment, project allocations, and the power of money is ever present—— and is gravely to be regarded.Yet, in holding scientific research and discovery in respect, as we should, we must also be alert to the equal and opposite danger that public policy could itself become the captive⒆of a scientific－technological elite⒇.It is the task of statesmanship to mold(21), to balance, and to integrate these and other forces, new and old, within the principles of our democratic system ever aiming toward the supreme goals of our free society.Another factor in maintaining balance involves the element of time. As we peer into society's future, we you and I, and our government must avoid the impulse to live only for today,Plundering(22) for our own ease and convenience the precious resources of tomorrow. We cannot mortgage(23) the material assets of our grandchildren without risking the loss also of theirpolitical and spiritual heritage. We want democracy to survive for all generations to come, not to become the insolvent phantom of tomorrow.During the long lane of the history yet to be written, America knows that this world of ours, ever growing smaller, must avoid becoming a community of dreadful fear and hate, and be,instead, a proud confederation of mutual trust and respect. Such a confederation must be one of equals. The weakest must come to the conference table with the same confidence as dowe, protected as we are by our moral, economic, and military strength. That table, though scarred by many fast frustrations ——past frustrations, cannot be abandoned for the certaintyagony(24) of disarmament ——of the battlefield.Disarmament, with mutual honor and confidence, is a continuing imperative(25). Together we must learn how to compose differences, not with arms, but with intellect and decent purpose. Because this need is so sharp and apparent, I confess that I lay down my official responsibilities in this field with a definite sense of disappointment. As one who has witnessed the horror and the lingering sadness of war, as one who knows that another war could utterly destroy this civilization which has been so slowly and painfully built over thousands of years, I wish I could say tonight that a lasting peace is in sight.Happily, I can say that war has been avoided. Steady progress toward our ultimate goal has been made. But so much remains to be done. As a private citizen, I shall never cease to dowhat little I can to help the world advance along that road.So, in this, my last good night to you as your President, I thank you for the many opportunities you have given me for public service in war and in peace. I trust in that——in that—— in that service you find some things worthy. As for the rest of it, I know you will find ways to improve performance in the future.You and I, my fellow citizens, need to be strong in our faith that all nations, under God, will reach the goal of peace with justice. May we be ever unswerving in devotion to principle, confident but humble with power, diligent in pursuit of the Nations' great goals.To all the peoples of the world, I once more give expression to America's prayerful and continuing aspiration(26): We pray that peoples of all faiths, all races, all nations, mayhave theirgreat human needs satisfied; that those now denied opportunity shall come to enjoy it to the full; that all who yearn for freedom may experience its few spiritual blessings.Those who have freedom will understand, also, its heavy responsibility; that all who are insensitive to the needs of others will learn charity; and that the sources scourgesOf poverty, disease, and ignorance will be made [to] disappear from the earth; and that in the goodness of time, all peoples will come to live together in a peace guaranteed by the bindingforce of mutual respect and love.Now, on Friday noon, I am to become a private citizen. I am proud to do so. I look forward to it.Thank you, and good night.一支强大的军事力量和一个大规模的武器工业相结合，在美国是史无前例的。
艾森豪威尔：Farewell Address 告别演说三篇
艾森豪威尔：Farewell Address 告别演说三篇艾森豪威尔：Farewell Address 告别演说第一篇：对国家安全的警告尊敬的美国人民：我站在这个伟大的国家的最高岗位上，为您发表告别演说。
在过去的八年里，我有幸成为美国的总统，为这个国家和人民服务。
然而，我现在感到有必要向您警告一些事情，以确保我们的国家安全和繁荣的未来。
我们现在正面临着前所未有的挑战和威胁，这些威胁可能对我们的国家造成长期的伤害。
首先，我要提醒我们对于军事工业复合体的警惕。
我们的国家在二战后取得了巨大的军事实力，但我们必须警惕这种实力背后的利益集团。
我们不能让军事工业复合体成为我们国家政策的决定者，否则我们将失去我们的自由和独立。
其次，我要强调我们在全球事务中的责任。
作为一个超级大国，我们不能仅仅关注自己的利益，而是要思考整个世界的利益。
我们必须遵循公正和道义的原则，以确保和平和稳定的世界秩序。
最后，我要提醒我们对于核武器的谨慎使用。
核武器是人类历史上最可怕的杀伤性武器，使用它们将带来灾难性的后果。
我们必须坚守冷战时期的核裁军承诺，并与其他国家合作，以确保核武器不会再次被使用。
亲爱的美国人民，我们生活在一个危机四伏的时代，但我坚信我们有能力克服所有的困难和威胁。
只要我们保持团结和信心，我们将继续成为世界的领导者和榜样。
感谢您的支持和信任，愿上帝保佑美国。
艾森豪威尔：Farewell Address 告别演说第二篇：人权和民主的捍卫者亲爱的美国人民：在我即将离任之际，我想向您表达我对于人权和民主的热忱信念。
这些价值观是我们国家的基石，也是我们与其他国家之间的纽带。
作为一个自由国家，我们有责任捍卫人权和民主的原则。
我们必须坚持言论自由、宗教自由和平等权利，以确保每个人都能享有尊严和自由。
然而，我们不能忽视我们国内外的挑战。
在我们自己的国家，我们仍然面临着种族歧视、贫困和不平等的问题。
我们必须努力消除这些问题，以确保每个人都能平等地获得机会和权益。
【名人演讲】德怀特·戴维·艾森豪威尔：第二次总统就职演说
【名人演讲】德怀特·戴维·艾森豪威尔：第二次总统就职演说第二次总统就职演说(美国)德怀特·戴维·艾森豪威尔1957年l月21日主席先生，副总统先生，首席大法官先生，众议院议长先生，我的亲友们，同胞们及我们国家的朋友们：尽管大家分散在各地，但我们又重新相聚，正如四年前的此刻一样，你们再次亲眼目睹我庄严宣誓为你们诸位服务。
今天，我也是一个见证人，对于我们作为一个民族而保证奉行的原则和目标，我以你们的名义来作证。
首先，我们寻求全能的上帝保佑我们作为一个国家所做的共同努力。
我们心中的希望造就了全体人民最深切的祝福。
但愿我们追求正义而不自命公正。
但愿我们懂得在求同存异的基础上保持团结。
但愿我们的力量不断壮大而杜绝骄傲自满。
但愿我们与世界各国人民交往时永远讲真话和奉守公道。
这样，美国将在一切怀有善良愿望的人们面前证明，它对各项光荣的目标是忠诚不渝的。
在我们所经历的充满考验的整个时代里，我们作为一个民族受到这些目标的制约和支配。
我们生活在一个富饶的国度，但是整个世界却面临从未有过的危机。
在我们的国家里，人民各安其业，财富十分丰裕。
我国的人口不断增加。
我们的河流、港口、铁路和公路舟车云集，天空飞机穿梭，商业一派兴旺繁盛。
我国土地肥沃，农业出产丰富。
天空里回荡着工业奏出的乐章，这是一曲由轧钢机、冶炼炉、发电机、大水坝和装配线所奏出的富足美国的大合唱。
这就是我们的国家。
但这并不是我们世界的全部景象。
因为我们的世界包括我们的全部命运所涉及的每一角落，已获自由和即将获得自由的国家和人民都在其中。
对他们说来，现在并不是悠闲自在和高枕无忧的时候。
对我们来说亦复如此。
在这个地球的许多地方，还存在着贫困、纷争和危险。
新的势力和新兴的国家在全球各地纷纷奋起抗争，对自由世界的未来来说，他们的力量注定不是带来巨大的裨益，就是造成巨大的灾难。
从北非的沙漠到南太平洋的岛屿，全人类的三分之一已经参与一场争取一种新自由的历史性斗争，这是一场摆脱令人痛苦难熬的贫困的斗争。
英语演讲稿之森豪威尔告别演说
英语演讲稿之森豪威尔告别演说WTT导语：这是一篇关于艾森豪威尔的英语演讲稿。
第二次世界大战期间，他担任盟军在欧洲的最高指挥官;负责计划和执行监督1944年至1945年里，进攻维希法国和纳粹德国的行动。
为第二次世界大战胜利做出了巨大的贡献。
WTT为大家提供了这篇艾森豪威尔：Farewell Address 告别演说的演讲稿，欢迎大家的阅读。
dwight d. eisenhower farewell address delivered 17 january 1961Good evening, my fellow americans.First, i should like to express my gratitude to the radio and television works for the opportunities they have given me over the years to bring reports and messages to our nation. my special thanks go to them for the opportunity of addressing you this evening.Three days from now, after half century in the service of our country, i shall lay down the responsibilities of office as, in traditional and solemn ceremony, the authority of the presidency is vested in my successor. this evening, i e to you with a message ofleave-taking and farewell, and to share a few final thoughts with you, my countrymen.Like every other -- like every other citizen, i wish the new president, and all who will labor with him, godspeed. i pray that the ing years will be blessed with peace and prosperity for all.Our people expect their president and the congress to find essential agreement on issues of great moment, the wise resolution of which will better shape the future of the nation. my own relations with the congress, which began on a remote and tenuous basis when, long ago, a member of the senate appointed me to west point, havesince ranged to the intimate during the war and immediate post-war period, and finally to the mutually interdependent during these past eight years. in thisfinal relationship, the congress and the administration have, on most vital issues, cooperated well, to serve the nation good, rather than mere partisanship, and so have assured that the business of the nation should go forward. so, my official relationship with the congress ends in a feeling -- on my part -- of gratitude that we have been able to do so much together.We now stand ten years past the midpoint of a century that has witnessed four major wars among great nations. three of these involved our own country. despite these holocausts, america is today the strongest, the most influential, and most productive nation in the world. understandably proud of this pre-eminence, we yet realize that america's leadership and prestige depend, not merely upon our unmatched material progress, riches, and military strength, but on how we use our power in the interests of world peace and human betterment.Throughout america's adventure in free government, our basic purposes have been to keep the peace, to foster progress in human achievement, and to enhance liberty, dignity, and integrity among peoples and among nations.to strive for less would be unworthy of a free andreligious people. any failure traceable to arrogance, or our lack of prehension, or readiness to sacrifice would inflict upon us grievous hurt, both at home and abroad.Progress toward these noble goals is persistently threatened by the conflict now engulfing the world. it mands our whole attention, absorbs our very beings. weface a hostile ideology global in scope, atheistic incharacter, ruthless in purpose, and insiduous [insidious] in method. unhappily, the danger it poses promises to be of indefinite duration. to meet it successfully, there is called for, not so much the emotional and transitory sacrifices of crisis, but rather those which enable us to carry forward steadily, surely, and without plaint the burdens of a prolonged and plex struggle with liberty the stake. only thus shall we remain, despite every provocation, on our charted course toward permanent peace and human betterment.Crises there will continue to be. in meeting them, whether foreign or domestic, great or small, there is a recurring temptation to feel that some spectacular and costly action could bee the miraculous solution to all current difficulties. a huge increase in newer elements of our defenses; development of unrealistic programs to cure every ill in agriculture; a dramatic expansion in basic and applied research -- these and many other possibilities, each possibly promising in itself, may be suggested as the only way to the road we wish to travel.But each proposal must be weighed in the light of a broader consideration: the need to maintain balance inand among national programs, balance between the private and the public economy, balance between the cost and hoped for advantages, balance between the clearly necessary and the fortably desirable, balance between our essential requirements as a nation and the duties imposed by the nation upon the individual, balance between actions of the moment and the national welfare of the future. good judgment seeks balance and progress. lack of it eventually finds imbalance and frustration. the record of many decades stands as proof that our people and their government have, in the main, understood these truths and have responded to them well, in the face of threat and stress.But threats, new in kind or degree, constantly arise. of these, i mention two only.A vital element in keeping the peace is our military establishment. our arms must be mighty, ready for instant action, so that no potential aggressor may be tempted to risk his own destruction. our military organization today bears little relation to that known of any of my predecessors in peacetime, or, indeed, by the fighting men of world war ii or korea.Until the latest of our world conflicts, the united states had no armaments industry. american makers of plowshares could, with time and as required, make swordsas well. but we can no longer risk emergencyimprovisation of national defense. we have been pelled to create a permanent armaments industry of vast proportions. added to this, three and a half million men and women are directly engaged in the defense establishment. weannually spend on military security alone more than the ine of all united states cooperations -- corporations.Now this conjunction of an immense military establishment and a large arms industry is new in the american experience. the total influence -- economic, political, even spiritual -- is felt in every city, every statehouse, every office of the federal government. we recognize the imperative need for this development. yet, we must not fail to prehend its grave implications. our toil, resources, and livelihood are all involved. so isthe very structure of our society.In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether soughtor unsought, by the military-industrial plex. thepotential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will persist. we must never let the weight of this bination endanger our liberties or democratic processes. we should take nothing for granted. only an alert and knowledgeable citizenry can pel the proper meshing of the huge industrial and military machinery of defense with our peaceful methods and goals, so that security and liberty may prosper together.Akin to, and largely responsible for the sweeping changes in our industrial-military posture, has been the technological revolution during recent decades. in this revolution, research has bee central; it also bees more formalized, plex, and costly. a steadily increasing share is conducted for, by, or at the direction of, the federal government.Today, the solitary inventor, tinkering in his shop, has been overshadowed by task forces of scientists in laboratories and testing fields. in the same fashion, the free university, historically the fountainhead of free ideas and scientific discovery, has experienced a revolution in the conduct of research. partly because of the huge costs involved, a government contract beesvirtually a substitute for intellectual curiosity. for every old blackboard there are now hundreds of new electronic puters. the prospect of domination of the nation's scholars by federal employment, project allocations, and the power of money is ever present -- and is gravely to be regarded.Yet, in holding scientific research and discovery in respect, as we should, we must also be alert to the equal and opposite danger that public policy could itself bee the captive of a scientific-technological elite.It is the task of statesmanship to mold, to balance, and to integrate these and other forces, new and old, within the principles of our democratic system -- ever aiming toward the supreme goals of our free society.Another factor in maintaining balance involves the element of time. as we peer into society's future, we -- you and i, and our government -- must avoid the impulse to live only for today, plundering for our own ease and convenience the precious resources of tomorrow. we cannot mortgage the material assets of our grandchildren without risking the loss also of their political and spiritual heritage. we want democracy tosurvive for all generations to e, not to bee theinsolvent phantom of tomorrow.During the long lane of the history yet to be written, america knows that this world of ours, ever growing smaller, must avoid being a munity of dreadful fear and hate, and be, instead, a proud confederation of mutualtrust and respect. such a confederation must be one of equals. the weakest must e to the conference table withthe same confidence as do we, protected as we are by our moral, economic, and military strength. that table,though scarred by many fast frustrations -- past frustrations, cannot be abandoned for the certain agonyof disarmament -- of the battlefield.Disarmament, with mutual honor and confidence, is a continuing imperative. together we must learn how to pose differences, not with arms, but with intellect and decent purpose. because this need is so sharp and apparent, i confess that i lay down my official responsibilities in this field with a definite sense of disappointment. asone who has witnessed the horror and the lingeringsadness of war, as one who knows that another war could utterly destroy this civilization which has been soslowly and painfully built over thousands of years, iwish i could say tonight that a lasting peace is in sight.Happily, i can say that war has been avoided. steady progress toward our ultimate goal has been made. but so much remains to be done. as a private citizen, i shall never cease to do what little i can to help the world advance along that road.So, in this, my last good night to you as your president, i thank you for the many opportunities youhave given me for public service in war and in peace. i trust in that -- in that -- in that service you find some things worthy. as for the rest of it, i know you willfind ways to improve performance in the future.You and i, my fellow citizens, need to be strong inour faith that all nations, under god, will reach thegoal of peace with justice. may we be ever unswerving in devotion to principle, confident but humble with power, diligent in pursuit of the nations' great goals.To all the peoples of the world, i once more give expression to america's prayerful and continuing aspiration: we pray that peoples of all faiths, all races, all nations, may have their great human needs satisfied;that those now denied opportunity shall e to enjoy it to the full; that all who yearn for freedom may experienceits few spiritual blessings. those who have freedom will understand, also, its heavy responsibility; that all who are insensitive to the needs of others will learn charity; and that the sources -- scourges of poverty, disease, and ignorance will be made [to] disappear from the earth; and that in the goodness of time, all peoples will e to live together in a peace guaranteed by the binding force of mutual respect and love.Now, on friday noon, i am to bee a private citizen. i am proud to do so. i look forward to it.Thank you, and good night.第 1 页共 1 页。
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艾森豪威尔告别演说
再过三天，在我为我国服务半个世纪之后，随着总统的权威按传统的隆重仪式归属我的继任者，本人将卸下公职。
我们现在的日期距本世纪中点已过十年，这个世纪经历了大国之间四次大的战争，我们自己的国家卷入其中三次。
尽管发生了这些大规模的战祸，当今美国乃是世界上最强大、最有影响、生産力最高的国家。
我们自然爲此卓越成就感到自豪，但我们也意识到，美国的领导地位和威信不仅取决于我们举世无双的物质进步、财富和军事力量，而且取决于我们如何爲世界和平与人类福利使用我们的力量。
纵观美国在自由政府体制上的探索历程，我们的基本目的始终是维护和平，促进人类进步，在人民中和国家之间增进自由权，提高尊严，宏扬正直的品质。
追求较低的目标会辱没一个自由、有虔诚宗教信仰的民族。
任何由于骄傲自大或理解力不强或缺乏奉献精神的失败都将在国内外给我们带来严重损害。
走向这些崇高目标的进程一直受到现在正席卷全球的冲突的威胁。
这种冲突迫使我们全神贯注，全力以赴。
我们面对一种敌对的意识形态──具有世界性规模和无神论性质，目标残忍，手段阴险。
不幸的是，它所造成的危险将长期存在。
欲成功地对付它，所要求的与其说是危急关头感情上短暂的痛苦，毋宁说是作出牺牲以使我们能坚定踏实、任劳任怨地承担一场长期复杂斗争的重任──与自由共存亡。
只有这样我们才能战胜一次又一次的挑衅，始终朝着世界持久和平和人类美好未来的方向前进。
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我们的军队是维护和平必不可少的要素。
我们的武装力量必须强大，随时准备投入行动，以使任何潜在的侵略者都不敢贸然以卵击石。
我们今天的军事组织与我的任何一位和平时期前任所了解的，与第二次世界大战或朝鲜战争中的军人所了解的军事组织大相径庭。
直至最近的一次世界性冲突之前、美国仍没有军事工业。
美国的犁铧制造商们在必要时也能制造剑。
但是现在我们不能再以临阵磨枪的方式承担国防上的风险；我们已被迫创建一个规模宏大的永久性军事工业。
此外，350万男人和妇女直接服务于国防机构。
我们每年在军事安全上的开支超过了美国所有的公司的纯收入。
一支庞大的军队和一个大规模军事工业相结合，在美国是史无前例的。
它的全部影响──经济的、政治的，甚至精神的──在每个城市、每座州议会大楼、每一联邦政府机构内都能感觉到。
我们承认这种发展绝对必要，但我们不应忽视其重大的影响。
它涉及我们的人力、资源、生活，乃至我们社会的结构。
在政府各部门，我们必须警惕军事─工业联合体取得无法证明是正当的影响力，不论它这样追求与否。
极不适当的权力恶性增长的可能性目前已经存在并将继续存在。
我们决不能让这一联合体的势力危害我们的自由或民主进程。
我们不应心存侥幸。
只有警觉而明智的美国公民才能强迫庞大的工业和军事的国防机构与我们和平的手段和目标恰当配合，以使安全和自由并驾齐驱，同获成功。
近几十年的技术革命与我们的工业─军事状况的巨大变化有相似之处，而且对这种巨大变化起了很大作用。
在这场技术革命中，研究工作已趋于集中；它也变得更正规，更复杂，更昂
贵。
爲联邦政府而实施，由联邦政府实施，或在联邦政府指导下实施的研究工作份额正逐步增加。
由联邦政府雇用而形成支配全国学者的局面，以及统一分配项目，统一控制财力，这种前景一直存在，而且应当引起严重关注。
我们应该尊重科学研究和探索，但与此同时我们必须对这一同样严重的负面危险保持警惕，即政府政策本身可能沦爲一个科学──技术精英阶层的俘虏。
治国之才的任务，是在我们民主制度的原则范畴内，塑造、平衡和融合这些和其它新旧力量──始终以实现我们自由社会的最高目标爲目的。
另一个保持平衡的因素涉及时间这一要素。
当我们展望社会的未来时，我们──你、我和我国政府──必须避免一种只顾今日生活的冲动，不应爲了我们自己的舒适和便利巧取豪夺明天的宝贵资源。
我们不可能以孙儿辈的物质财富作抵押，而又不冒使他们丧失政治和精神遗産的风险。
我们要让民主代代相传，它不该成爲明天无力还债的鬼魂。
展望有待书写的未来历史长卷，美国深知我们这个越来越小的世界决不应变成一个充满恐惧和仇恨的可怕的群体，相反，它应成爲一个相互信任、相互尊重的光辉的联盟。
这样一个联盟必定是平等国家间的联盟。
最弱小的国家一定以与我们相同的自信心来到会议桌旁，和我们一样受到我们的道德、经济和军事力量的保护。
那会议桌虽然留下历史坎坷的累累伤痕，但我们不能将它抛弃以换来战场的惨剧。
以相互尊敬和信任实行裁军仍是一项迫切任务。
我们必须一起学习怎样不用武力，而是以理智和公正的意图去解决纷争。
因爲裁军的紧迫性如此明显突出，我承认我是怀着某种失望的心情卸下我的总统职责的。
作爲一个目睹过战争的恐怖及其难以愈合的创伤的人──深知另一场战争会彻底毁掉历经数千年缓慢而又艰苦地建成的人类文明──我但愿自己今晚能说：持久和平已遥遥在望。
幸好我可以说，已经避免发生战争了。
朝我们的终极目标已迈开坚实的步伐。
但是任重而道远。
作爲一个普通公民，我将始终不渝地爲推动世界沿着这条道路前进贡献一份绵薄。
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