2016奥巴马国情咨文——节选
Obama国情咨文全文
Obama’s State of Union speech奥巴马总统2010年国情咨文全文翻译，奥巴马总统2010年国情咨文全文中文翻译，奥巴马总统2010年国情咨文全文英文版。
President addresses nation on health care, soaring deficit, jobsupdated 9:25 p.m. ET Jan. 27, 2010Full text of President Barack Obama's State of the Union speech, as released by White House: （Part I）Madame Speaker, Vice President Biden, Members of Congress, distinguished guests, and fellow Americans:Our Constitution declares that from time to time, the President shall give to Congress information about the state of our union. For two hundred and twenty years, our leaders have fulfilled this duty. They have done so during periods of prosperity and tranquility. And they have done so in the midst of war and depression; at moments of great strife and great struggle.It's tempting to look back on these moments and assume that our progress was inevitable - that America was always destined to succeed. But when the Union was turned back at Bull Run and the Allies first landed at Omaha Beach, victory was very much in doubt. When the market crashed on Black Tuesday and civil rights marchers were beaten on Bloody Sunday, the future was anything but certain. These were times that tested the courage of our convictions, and the strength of our union. And despite all our divisions and disagreements; our hesitations and our fears; America prevailed because we chose to move forward as one nation, and one people.Again, we are tested. And again, we must answer history's call.One year ago, I took office amid two wars, an economy rocked by severe recession, a financial system on the verge of collapse, and a government deeply in debt. Experts from across the political spectrum warned that if we did not act, we might face a second depression. So we acted - immediately and aggressively. And one year later, the worst of the storm has passed.But the devastation remains. One in ten Americans still cannot find work. Many businesses have shuttered. Home values have declined. Small towns and rural communities have been hit especially hard. For those who had already known poverty, life has become that much harder.This recession has also compounded the burdens that America's families have been dealing with for decades - the burden of working harder and longer for less; of being unable to save enough to retire or help kids with college.So I know the anxieties that are out there right now. They're not new. These struggles are the reason I ran for President. These struggles are what I've witnessed for years in places like Elkhart, Indiana and Galesburg, Illinois. I hear about them in the letters that I read each night. The toughest to read are those written by children - asking why they have to move from their home, or when their mom or dad will be able to go back to work.For these Americans and so many others, change has not come fast enough. Some are frustrated; some are angry. They don't understand why it seems like bad behavior on Wall Street is rewarded but hard work on Main Street isn't; or why Washington has been unable or unwilling to solve any of our problems. They are tired of the partisanship and the shouting and the pettiness. They know we can't afford it. Not now.So we face big and difficult challenges. And what the American people hope - what they deserve - is for all of us, Democrats and Republicans, to work through our differences; to overcome the numbing weight of our politics. For while the people who sent us here have different backgrounds,different stories and different beliefs, the anxieties they face are the same. The aspirations they hold are shared. A job that pays the bills. A chance to get ahead. Most of all, the ability to give their children a better life.You know what else they share? They share a stubborn resilience in the face of adversity. After one of the most difficult years in our history, they remain busy building cars and teaching kids; starting businesses and going back to school. They're coaching little league and helping their neighbors. As one woman wrote me, "We are strained but hopeful, struggling but encouraged."It is because of this spirit — this great decency and great strength — that I have never been more hopeful about America's future than I am tonight. Despite our hardships, our union is strong. We do not give up. We do not quit. We do not allow fear or division to break our spirit. In this new decade, it's time the American people get a government that matches their decency; that embodies their strength.And tonight, I'd like to talk about how together, we can deliver on that promise.It begins with our economy.Our most urgent task upon taking office was to shore up the same banks that helped cause this crisis. It was not easy to do. And if there's one thing that has unified Democrats and Republicans, it's that we all hated the bank bailout. I hated it. You hated it. It was about as popular as a root canal.But when I ran for President, I promised I wouldn't just do what was popular — I would do what was necessary. And if we had allowed the meltdown of the financial system, unemployment might be double what it is today. More businesses would certainly have closed. More homes would have surely been lost.So I supported the last administration's efforts to create the financial rescue program. And when we took the program over, we made it more transparent and accountable. As a result, the markets are now stabilized, and we have recovered most of the money we spent on the banks.To recover the rest, I have proposed a fee on the biggest banks. I know Wall Street isn't keen on this idea, but if these firms can afford to hand out big bonuses again, they can afford a modest fee to pay back the taxpayers who rescued them in their time of need.Tax cutsAs we stabilized the financial system, we also took steps to get our economy growing again, save as many jobs as possible, and help Americans who had become unemployed.That's why we extended or increased unemployment benefits for more than 18 million Americans; made health insurance 65% cheaper for families who get their coverage through COBRA; and passed 25 different tax cuts.Let me repeat: We cut taxes. We cut taxes for 95% of working families. We cut taxes for small businesses. We cut taxes for first-time homebuyers. We cut taxes for parents trying to care for their children. We cut taxes for 8 million Americans paying for college. As a result, millions of Americans had more to spend on gas, and food, and other necessities, all of which helped businesses keep more workers. And we haven't raised income taxes by a single dime on a single person. Not a single dime.Because of the steps we took, there are about two million Americans working right now who would otherwise be unemployed. 200,000 work in construction and clean energy. 300,000 are teachers and other education workers. Tens of thousands are cops, firefighters, correctional officers, and first responders. And we are on track to add another one and a half million jobs tothis total by the end of the year.The plan that has made all of this possible, from the tax cuts to the jobs, is the Recovery Act. That's right - the Recovery Act, also known as the Stimulus Bill. Economists on the left and the right say that this bill has helped saved jobs and avert disaster. But you don't have to take their word for it.Talk to the small business in Phoenix that will triple its workforce because of the Recovery Act. Talk to the window manufacturer in Philadelphia who said he used to be skeptical about the Recovery Act, until he had to add two more work shifts just because of the business it created. Talk to the single teacher raising two kids who was told by her principal in the last week of school that because of the Recovery Act, she wouldn't be laid off after all.There are stories like this all across America. And after two years of recession, the economy is growing again. Retirement funds have started to gain back some of their value. Businesses are beginning to invest again, and slowly some are starting to hire again.But I realize that for every success story, there are other stories, of men and women who wake up with the anguish of not knowing where their next paycheck will come from; who send out resumes week after week and hear nothing in response. That is why jobs must be our number one focus in 2010, and that is why I am calling for a new jobs bill tonight.Now, the true engine of job creation in this country will always be America's businesses. But government can create the conditions necessary for businesses to expand and hire more workers. We should start where most new jobs do - in small businesses, companies that begin when an entrepreneur takes a chance on a dream, or a worker decides its time she became her own boss. Through sheer grit and determination, these companies have weathered the recession and are ready to grow. But when you talk to small business owners in places like Allentown, Pennsylvania or Elyria, Ohio, you find out that even though banks on Wall Street are lending again, they are mostly lending to bigger companies. But financing remains difficult for small business owners across the country.So tonight, I'm proposing that we take $30 billion of the money Wall Street banks have repaid and use it to help community banks give small businesses the credit they need to stay afloat. I am also proposing a new small business tax credit — one that will go to over one million small businesses who hire new workers or raise wages. While we're at it, let's also eliminate all capital gains taxes on small business investment; and provide a tax incentive for all businesses, large and small, to invest in new plants and equipment.JobsNext, we can put Americans to work today building the infrastructure of tomorrow. From the first railroads to the interstate highway system, our nation has always been built to compete. There's no reason Europe or China should have the fastest trains, or the new factories that manufacture clean energy products.Tomorrow, I'll visit Tampa, Fla., where workers will soon break ground on a new high-speed railroad funded by the Recovery Act. There are projects like that all across this country that will create jobs and help our nation move goods, services, and information. We should put more Americans to work building clean energy facilities, and give rebates to Americans who make their homes more energy efficient, which supports clean energy jobs. And to encourage these and other businesses to stay within our borders, it's time to finally slash the tax breaks for companies that ship our jobs overseas and give those tax breaks to companies that create jobs in the United Statesof America.The House has passed a jobs bill that includes some of these steps. As the first order of business this year, I urge the Senate to do the same. People are out of work. They are hurting. They need our help. And I want a jobs bill on my desk without delay.But the truth is, these steps still won't make up for the seven million jobs we've lost over the last two years. The only way to move to full employment is to lay a new foundation for long-term economic growth, and finally address the problems that America's families have confronted for years.We cannot afford another so-called economic "expansion" like the one from last decade — what some call the "lost decade" —where jobs grew more slowly than during any prior expansion; where the income of the average American household declined while the cost of health care and tuition reached record highs; where prosperity was built on a housing bubble and financial speculation.From the day I took office, I have been told that addressing our larger challenges is too ambitious - that such efforts would be too contentious, that our political system is too gridlocked, and that we should just put things on hold for awhile.For those who make these claims, I have one simple question:How long should we wait? How long should America put its future on hold?You see, Washington has been telling us to wait for decades, even as the problems have grown worse. Meanwhile, China's not waiting to revamp its economy. Germany's not waiting. India's not waiting. These nations aren't standing still. These nations aren't playing for second place. They're putting more emphasis on math and science. They're rebuilding their infrastructure. They are making serious investments in clean energy because they want those jobs.Well I do not accept second-place for the United States of America. As hard as it may be, as uncomfortable and contentious as the debates may be, it's time to get serious about fixing the problems that are hampering our growth.One place to start is serious financial reform. Look, I am not interested in punishing banks, I'm interested in protecting our economy. A strong, healthy financial market makes it possible for businesses to access credit and create new jobs. It channels the savings of families into investments that raise incomes. But that can only happen if we guard against the same recklessness that nearly brought down our entire economy.We need to make sure consumers and middle-class families have the information they need to make financial decisions. We can't allow financial institutions, including those that take your deposits, to take risks that threaten the whole economy.The House has already passed financial reform with many of these changes. And the lobbyists are already trying to kill it. Well, we cannot let them win this fight. And if the bill that ends up on my desk does not meet the test of real reform, I will send it back.Next, we need to encourage American innovation. Last year, we made the largest investment in basic research funding in history — an investment that could lead to the world's cheapest solar cells or treatment that kills cancer cells but leaves healthy ones untouched. And no area is more ripe for such innovation than energy. You can see the results of last year's investment in clean energy - in the North Carolina company that will create 1200 jobs nationwide helping to make advanced batteries; or in the California business that will put 1,000 people to work making solar panels.But to create more of these clean energy jobs, we need more production, more efficiency, more incentives. That means building a new generation of safe, clean nuclear power plants in this country. It means making tough decisions about opening new offshore areas for oil and gas development. It means continued investment in advanced biofuels and clean coal technologies. And yes, it means passing a comprehensive energy and climate bill with incentives that will finally make clean energy the profitable kind of energy in America.EducationI am grateful to the House for passing such a bill last year. This year, I am eager to help advance the bipartisan effort in the Senate. I know there have been questions about whether we can afford such changes in a tough economy; and I know that there are those who disagree with the overwhelming scientific evidence on climate change. But even if you doubt the evidence, providing incentives for energy efficiency and clean energy are the right thing to do for our future — because the nation that leads the clean energy economy will be the nation that leads the global economy. And America must be that nation.Third, we need to export more of our goods. Because the more products we make and sell to other countries, the more jobs we support right here in America. So tonight, we set a new goal: We will double our exports over the next five years, an increase that will support two million jobs in America. To help meet this goal, we're launching a National Export Initiative that will help farmers and small businesses increase their exports, and reform export controls consistent with national security.We have to seek new markets aggressively, just as our competitors are. If America sits on the sidelines while other nations sign trade deals, we will lose the chance to create jobs on our shores. But realizing those benefits also means enforcing those agreements so our trading partners play by the rules. And that's why we will continue to shape a Doha trade agreement that opens global markets, and why we will strengthen our trade relations in Asia and with key partners like South Korea, Panama, and Colombia.Fourth, we need to invest in the skills and education of our people.This year, we have broken through the stalemate between left and right by launching a national competition to improve our schools. The idea here is simple: instead of rewarding failure, we only reward success. Instead of funding the status quo, we only invest in reform - reform that raises student achievement, inspires students to excel in math and science, and turns around failing schools that steal the future of too many young Americans, from rural communities to inner-cities. In the 21st century, one of the best anti-poverty programs is a world-class education. In this country, the success of our children cannot depend more on where they live than their potential. When we renew the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, we will work with Congress to expand these reforms to all fifty states. Still, in this economy, a high school diploma no longer guarantees a good job. I urge the Senate to follow the House and pass a bill that will revitalize our community colleges, which are a career pathway to the children of so many working families. To make college more affordable, this bill will finally end the unwarranted taxpayer-subsidies that go to banks for student loans. Instead, let's take that money and give families a $10,000 tax credit for four years of college and increase Pell Grants. And let's tell another one million students that when they graduate, they will be required to pay only ten percent of their income on student loans, and all of their debt will be forgiven after twenty years — and forgiven after ten years if they choose a career in public service. Because in the United States of America, no one should go broke becausethey chose to go to college. And it's time for colleges and universities to get serious about cutting their own costs — because they too have a responsibility to help solve this problem.Now, the price of college tuition is just one of the burdens facing the middle-class. That's why last year I asked Vice President Biden to chair a task force on Middle-Class Families. That's why we're nearly doubling the child care tax credit, and making it easier to save for retirement by giving every worker access to a retirement account and expanding the tax credit for those who start a nest egg. That's why we're working to lift the value of a family's single largest investment —their home. The steps we took last year to shore up the housing market have allowed millions of Americans to take out new loans and save an average of $1,500 on mortgage payments. This year, we will step up re-financing so that homeowners can move into more affordable mortgages. And it is precisely to relieve the burden on middle-class families that we still need health insurance reform.Now let's be clear — I did not choose to tackle this issue to get some legislative victory under my belt. And by now it should be fairly obvious that I didn't take on health care because it was good politics.I took on health care because of the stories I've heard from Americans with pre-existing conditions whose lives depend on getting coverage; patients who've been denied coverage; and families —even those with insurance - who are just one illness away from financial ruin.After nearly a century of trying, we are closer than ever to bringing more security to the lives of so many Americans. The approach we've taken would protect every American from the worst practices of the insurance industry. It would give small businesses and uninsured Americans a chance to choose an affordable health care plan in a competitive market. It would require every insurance plan to cover preventive care. And by the way, I want to acknowledge our First Lady, Michelle Obama, who this year is creating a national movement to tackle the epidemic of childhood obesity and make our kids healthier.Costs and premiumsOur approach would preserve the right of Americans who have insurance to keep their doctor and their plan. It would reduce costs and premiums for millions of families and businesses. And according to the Congressional Budget Office — the independent organization that both parties have cited as the official scorekeeper for Congress — our approach would bring down the deficit by as much as $1 trillion over the next two decades.Still, this is a complex issue, and the longer it was debated, the more skeptical people became. I take my share of the blame for not explaining it more clearly to the American people. And I know that with all the lobbying and horse-trading, this process left most Americans wondering what's in it for them.But I also know this problem is not going away. By the time I'm finished speaking tonight, more Americans will have lost their health insurance. Millions will lose it this year. Our deficit will grow. Premiums will go up. Patients will be denied the care they need. Small business owners will continue to drop coverage altogether. I will not walk away from these Americans, and neither should the people in this chamber.As temperatures cool, I want everyone to take another look at the plan we've proposed. There's a reason why many doctors, nurses, and health care experts who know our system best consider this approach a vast improvement over the status quo. But if anyone from either party has a better approach that will bring down premiums, bring down the deficit, cover the uninsured, strengthenMedicare for seniors, and stop insurance company abuses, let me know. Here's what I ask of Congress, though: >>>Do not walk away from reform. Not now. Not when we are so close. Let us find a way to come together and finish the job for the American people.Now, even as health care reform would reduce our deficit, it's not enough to dig us out of a massive fiscal hole in which we find ourselves. It's a challenge that makes all others that much harder to solve, and one that's been subject to a lot of political posturing.So let me start the discussion of government spending by setting the record straight. At the beginning of the last decade, America had a budget surplus of over $200 billion. By the time I took office, we had a one year deficit of over $1 trillion and projected deficits of $8 trillion over the next decade. Most of this was the result of not paying for two wars, two tax cuts, and an expensive prescription drug program. On top of that, the effects of the recession put a $3 trillion hole in our budget. That was before I walked in the doorNow if we had taken office in ordinary times, I would have liked nothing more than to start bringing down the deficit. But we took office amid a crisis, and our efforts to prevent a second Depression have added another $1 trillion to our national debt.I am absolutely convinced that was the right thing to do. But families across the country are tightening their belts and making tough decisions. The federal government should do the same. So tonight, I'm proposing specific steps to pay for the $1 trillion that it took to rescue the economy last year.Starting in 2011, we are prepared to freeze government spending for three years. Spending related to our national security, Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security will not be affected. But all other discretionary government programs will. Like any cash-strapped family, we will work within a budget to invest in what we need and sacrifice what we don't. And if I have to enforce this discipline by veto, I will.We will continue to go through the budget line by line to eliminate programs that we can't afford and don't work. We've already identified $20 billion in savings for next year. To help working families, we will extend our middle-class tax cuts. But at a time of record deficits, we will not continue tax cuts for oil companies, investment fund managers, and those making over $250,000 a year. We just can't afford it.Now, even after paying for what we spent on my watch, we will still face the massive deficit we had when I took office. More importantly, the cost of Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security will continue to skyrocket. That's why I've called for a bipartisan, Fiscal Commission, modeled on a proposal by Republican Judd Gregg and Democrat Kent Conrad. This can't be one of those Washington gimmicks that lets us pretend we solved a problem. The Commission will have to provide a specific set of solutions by a certain deadline. Yesterday, the Senate blocked a bill that would have created this commission. So I will issue an executive order that will allow us to go forward, because I refuse to pass this problem on to another generation of Americans. And when the vote comes tomorrow, the Senate should restore the pay-as-you-go law that was a big reason why we had record surpluses in the 1990s.I know that some in my own party will argue that we cannot address the deficit or freeze government spending when so many are still hurting. I agree, which is why this freeze will not take effect until next year, when the economy is stronger. But understand - if we do not take meaningful steps to rein in our debt, it could damage our markets, increase the cost of borrowing, and jeopardize our recovery - all of which could have an even worse effect on our job growth andfamily incomes.From some on the right, I expect we'll hear a different argument — that if we just make fewer investments in our people, extend tax cuts for wealthier Americans, eliminate more regulations, and maintain the status quo on health care, our deficits will go away. The problem is, that's what we did for eight years. That's what helped lead us into this crisis. It's what helped lead to these deficits. And we cannot do it again.Rather than fight the same tired battles that have dominated Washington for decades, it's time to try something new. Let's invest in our people without leaving them a mountain of debt. Let's meet our responsibility to the citizens who sent us here. Let's try common sense.To do that, we have to recognize that we face more than a deficit of dollars right now. We face a deficit of trust — deep and corrosive doubts about how Washington works that have been growing for years. To close that credibility gap we must take action on both ends of Pennsylvania Avenue to end the outsized influence of lobbyists; to do our work openly; and to give our people the government they deserve.That's what I came to Washington to do. That's why - for the first time in history - my Administration posts our White House visitors online. And that's why we've excluded lobbyists from policy-making jobs or seats on federal boards and commissions.But we can't stop there. It's time to require lobbyists to disclose each contact they make on behalf of a client with my Administration or Congress. And it's time to put strict limits on the contributions that lobbyists give to candidates for federal office. Last week, the Supreme Court reversed a century of law to open the floodgates for special interests - including foreign corporations - to spend without limit in our elections. Well I don't think American elections should be bankrolled by America's most powerful interests, or worse, by foreign entities. They should be decided by the American people, and that's why I'm urging Democrats and Republicans to pass a bill that helps to right this wrong.I'm also calling on Congress to continue down the path of earmark reform. You have trimmed some of this spending and embraced some meaningful change. But restoring the public trust demands more. For example, some members of Congress post some earmark requests online. Tonight, I'm calling on Congress to publish all earmark requests on a single website before there's a vote so that the American people can see how their money is being spent.Of course, none of these reforms will even happen if we don't also reform how we work with one another.Post-partisan eraNow, I am not naïve. I never thought the mere fact of my election would usher in peace, harmony, and some post-partisan era. I knew that both parties have fed divisions that are deeply entrenched. And on some issues, there are simply philosophical differences that will always cause us to part ways. These disagreements, about the role of government in our lives, about our national priorities and our national security, have been taking place for over two hundred years. They are the very essence of our democracy.But what frustrates the American people is a Washington where every day is Election Day. We cannot wage a perpetual campaign where the only goal is to see who can get the most embarrassing headlines about their opponent - a belief that if you lose, I win. Neither party should delay or obstruct every single bill just because they can. The confirmation of well-qualified public servants should not be held hostage to the pet projects or grudges of a few individual Senators.。
美国总统奥巴马年度国情咨文(十二)
美国总统奥巴马年度国情咨文（十二）That’s why, working with our military leaders, I’ve proposed a new defense strategy that ensures we maintain the finest military in the world, while saving nearly half a trillion dollars in our budget. To stay one step ahead of our adver saries, I’ve already sent this Congress legislation that will secure our country from the growing dangers of cyber-threats. (Applause.)那就是为什么我与我们的军事将领一起提出新的国防战略，确保我们维持全世界最优异的军力，同时为我们的预算节省将近5,000亿美元。
为了抢占制敌的先机，我已经将此提案送交国会，以保障我国避免日益严重的网络威胁。
（掌声。
）Above all, our freedom endures because of the men and women in uniform who defend it. (Applause.) As they come home, we must serve them as well as they’ve served us. That includes giving them the care and the benefits they have earned –- which is why we’ve increased annual VA spending every year I’ve been President. (Applause.) And it means enlisting our veterans in the work of rebuilding our nation.说到底，由于我国男女军人捍卫自由，我们才得以维系自由。
奥巴马 Microsoft Word 文档
奥巴马:美国是地球上最强美军是人类历史上最强2016年1月13日，奥巴马发表任内最后一次国情咨文演讲。
和此前的六次演讲一样，奥巴马这次依然把关注点放在了未来上。
但在最后一次的演讲中，奥巴马不仅表示对美国2016年的发展的关心，也对美国未来五年甚至十年的长期发展提出展望。
他聚焦了美国国内四个亟待解决的问题——如何让每个人享有平等的权力和社保，如何利用现有科技解决发展问题，如何在不成为世界警察的情况下继续领导世界和如何改善美国政治，从经济发展，科技创新，气候变化和对这四个问题进行了全面分析。
要点一：经济发展美国是世界上经济发展最强劲的国家奥巴马在演讲中称美国经济是目前世界上发展最强劲，可持续性最强的，私有经济部分在持续创造就业。
同时他承认美国经济正在面临科技和全球化带来的深刻变化。
经济状况总体改善。
在过去的6年中，美国私有经济部分为1410万人创造了新的就业机会，过去两年创下了美国90年代以来就业增长率新高，70个月内失业率减少一半降至5%，财政赤字降至2.5%比2009年减少四分之三，美国制造业在过去六年中创造了90万就业岗位。
美国经济发展需要教育支持，过去7年中美国人高中毕业率从75%上升至8 2%。
社保是经济发展另一支柱过去七年中美国社会保障的覆盖率大大提升，180 0万美国人获得医保。
国会正在审核三十年期的一揽子医保和退休方案。
减贫是政府的重头戏，政府要致力于缩小贫富差距。
私有经济是国家经济的引擎，政府会改善企业巨头左右经济形势的状况，为中小型创业者提供更多发生的机会。
要点二：科技创新创新精神流淌在美国人的DNA中奥巴马称创新是美国发展的法宝，创新精神流淌在美国人的DNA中，从爱迪生时代开始，美国就开启了引领世界创新的年代，美国人的企业家精神成就了硅谷，改变了世界。
过去七年中，政府也一直致力于培育创新精神。
政府维护网络开放，并帮助更多学生和低收入者接触网络。
政府创建了下一代制造业中心计划，帮助个体创业者在一天内完成。
美国总统奥巴马年度国情咨文(三)
美国总统奥巴马年度国情咨文（三）So we have a huge opportunity, at this moment, to bring manufacturing back. But we have to seize it. Tonight, my message to business leaders is simple: Ask yourselves what you can do to bring jobs back to your country, and your country will do everything we can to help you succeed. (Applause.)因此，我们面前有一个把制造业迁回来的大好机会，可是我们必须抓住机会。
今晚，我对企业领导人要说的话很简单：问一问你们自己怎样才能把工作机会带回美国，你们的国家就会尽一切努力助你们成功。
（掌声）We should start with our tax code. Right now, companies get tax breaks for moving jobs and profits overseas. Meanwhile, companies that choose to stay in America get hit with one of the highest tax rates in the world. It makes no sense, and everyone knows it. So let’s change it.我们应该从我国的税法入手。
目前，公司把工作和利润移到海外会获得税收优惠。
与此同时，选择留在美国的公司却要承受在全球最高之列的税率。
这样做没有道理，人人都知道这一点。
因此我们必须着手改革。
First, if you’re a business that wants to outsource jobs, you shouldn’t geta tax deduction for doing it. (Applause.) That money should be used to cover moving expenses for companies like Master Lock that decide to bring jobs home. (Applause.)首先，如果你是想要外包的企业，你就不应当因此获得减税。
2016奥巴马国情咨文英文版
As prepared for deliveryPresident Obama's 2016 State of the Union AddressMr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of Congress, my fellow Americans:Tonight marks the eighth year I've come here to report on the State of the Union. And for this final one, I'm going to try to make it shorter. I know some of you are antsy to get back to Iowa.I also understand that because it's an election season, expectations for what we'll achieve this year are low. Still, Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the constructive approach you and the other leaders took at the end of last year to pass a budget and make tax cuts permanent for working families. So I hope we can work together this year on bipartisan priorities like criminal justice reform, and helping people who are battling prescription drug abuse. We just might surprise the cynics again.But tonight, I want to go easy on the traditional list of proposals for the year ahead. Don't worry, I've got plenty, from helping students learn to write computer code to personalizing medical treatments for patients. And I'll keep pushing for progress on the work that still needs doing. Fixing a broken immigration system. Protecting our kids from gun violence. Equal pay for equal work, paid leave, raising the minimum wage. All these things still matter to hardworking families; they are still the right thing to do; and I will not let up until they get done.But for my final address to this chamber, I don't want to talk just about the next year. I want to focus on the next five years, ten years, and beyond.I want to focus on our future.We live in a time of extraordinary change — c hange that's reshaping the way we live, the way we work, our planet and our place in the world. It's change that promises amazing medical breakthroughs, but also economic disruptions that strain working families. It promises education for girls in the most remote villages, but also connects terrorists plotting an ocean away. It's change that can broaden opportunity, or widen inequality. And whether we like it or not, the pace of this change will only accelerate.America has been through big changes before — w ars and depression, the influx of immigrants, workers fighting for a fair deal, and movements to expand civil rights. Each time, there have been those who told us to fear the future; who claimed we could slam the brakes on change, promising to restore past glory if we just got some group or idea that was threatening America under control. And each time, we overcame those fears. We did not, in the words of Lincoln, adhere to the "dogmas of the quiet past." Instead we thought anew,and acted anew. We made change work for us, always extending America's promise outward, to the next frontier, to more and more people. And because we did — b ecause we saw opportunity where others saw only peril — w e emerged stronger and better than before.What was true then can be true now. Our unique strengths as a nation — o ur optimism and work ethic, our spirit of discovery and innovation, our diversity and commitment to the rule of law — t hese things give us everything we need to ensure prosperity and security for generations to come.In fact, it's that spirit that made the progress of these past seven years possible. It's how we recovered from the worst economic crisis in generations. It's how we reformed our health care system, and reinvented our energy sector; how we delivered more care and benefits to our troops and veterans, and how we secured the freedom in every state to marry the person we love.But such progress is not inevitable. It is the result of choices we make together. And we face such choices right now. Will we respond to the changes of our time with fear, turning inward as a nation, and turning against each other as a people? Or will we face the future with confidence in who we are, what we stand for, and the incredible things we can do together?So let's talk about the future, and four big questions that we as a country have to answer — r egardless of who the next President is, or who controls the next Congress.First, how do we give everyone a fair shot at opportunity and security in this new economy?Second, how do we make technology work for us, and not againstus — e specially when it comes to solving urgent challenges like climate change?Third, how do we keep America safe and lead the world without becoming its policeman?And finally, how can we make our politics reflect what's best in us, and not what's worst?Let me start with the economy, and a basic fact: the United States of America, right now, has the strongest, most durable economy in the world. We're in the middle of the longest streak of private-sector job creation in history. More than 14 million new jobs; the strongest two years of job growth since the '90s; an unemployment rate cut in half. Our auto industry just had its best year ever. Manufacturing has created nearly 900,000 new jobs in the past six years. And we've done all this while cutting our deficits by almost three-quarters.Anyone claiming that America's economy is in decline is peddling fiction. What is true — a nd the reason that a lot of Americans feel anxious — i s that the economy has been changing in profound ways, changes that started long before the Great Recession hit and haven't let up. Today, technology doesn't just replace jobs on the assembly line, but any job where work can be automated. Companies in a global economy can locate anywhere, and face tougher competition. As a result, workers have less leverage for a raise. Companies have less loyalty to their communities. And more and more wealth and income is concentrated at the very top.All these trends have squeezed workers, even when they have jobs; even when the economy is growing. It's made it harder for a hardworking family to pull itself out of poverty, harder for young people to start on their careers, and tougher for workers to retire when they want to. And although none of these trends are unique to America, they do offend our uniquely American belief that everybody who works hard should get a fair shot.For the past seven years, our goal has been a growing economy that works better for everybody. We've made progress. But we need to make more. And despite all the political arguments we've had these past few years, there are some areas where Americans broadly agree.We agree that real opportunity requires every American to get the education and training they need to land a good-paying job. The bipartisan reform of No Child Left Behind was an important start, and together, we've increased early childhood education, lifted high school graduation rates to new highs, and boosted graduates in fields like engineering. In the coming years, we should build on that progress, by providing Pre-K for all, offering every student the hands-on computer science and math classes that make them job-ready on day one, and we should recruit and support more great teachers for our kids. And we have to make college affordable for every American. Because no hardworking student should be stuck in the red. We've already reduced student loan payments to ten percent of a borrower's income. Now, we've actually got to cut the cost of college. Providing two years of community college at no cost for every responsible student is one of the best ways to do that, and I'm going to keep fighting to get that started this year.Of course, a great education isn't all we need in this new economy. We also need benefits and protections that provide a basic measure of security. After all, it's not much of a stretch to say that some of the only people in America who are going to work the same job, in the same place, with a health and retirement package, for 30 years, are sitting in this chamber. For everyone else, especially folks in their forties and fifties, saving for retirement or bouncing back from job loss has gotten a lot tougher. Americans understand that atsome point in their careers, they may have to retool and retrain. But they shouldn't lose what they've already worked so hard to build.That's why Social Security and Medicare are more important than ever; we shouldn't weaken them, we should strengthen them. And for Americans short of retirement, basic benefits should be just as mobile as everything else is today. That's what the Affordable Care Act is all about. It's about filling the gaps in employer-based care so that when we lose a job, or go back to school, or start that new business, we'll still have coverage. Nearly eighteen million have gained coverage so far. Health care inflation has slowed. And our businesses have created jobs every single month since it became law.Now, I'm guessing we won't agree on health care anytime soon. But there should be other ways both parties can improve economic security. Say a hardworking American loses his job — w e shouldn't just make sure he can get unemployment insurance; we should make sure that program encourages him to retrain for a business that's ready to hire him. If that new job doesn't pay as much, there should be a system of wage insurance in place so that he can still pay his bills. And even if he's going from job to job, he should still be able to save for retirement and take his savings with him. That's the way we make the new economy work better for everyone.I also know Speaker Ryan has talked about his interest in tackling poverty. America is about giving everybody willing to work a hand up, and I'd welcome a serious discussion about strategies we can all support, like expanding tax cuts for low-income workers without kids.But there are other areas where it's been more difficult to find agreement over the last seven years — n amely what role the government should play in making sure the system's not rigged in favor of the wealthiest and biggest corporations. And here, the American people have a choice to make.I believe a thriving private sector is the lifeblood of our economy. I think there are outdated regulations that need to be changed, and there's red tape that needs to be cut. But after years of record corporate profits, working families won't get more opportunity or bigger paychecks by letting big banks or big oil or hedge funds make their own rules at the expense of everyone else; or by allowing attacks on collective bargaining to go unanswered. Food Stamp recipients didn't cause the financial crisis; recklessness on Wall Street did. Immigrants aren't the reason wages haven't gone up enough; those decisions are made in the boardrooms that too often put quarterly earnings overlong-term returns. It's sure not the average family watching tonight that avoids paying taxes through offshore accounts. In this new economy, workers and start-ups and small businesses need more of a voice, not less. The rules should work for them. And this year I plan to lift up the many businesseswho've figured out that doing right by their workers ends up being good fortheir shareholders, their customers, and their communities, so that we can spread those best practices across America.In fact, many of our best corporate citizens are also our most creative. This brings me to the second big question we have to answer as a country: how do we reignite that spirit of innovation to meet our biggest challenges?Sixty years ago, when the Russians beat us into space, we didn't deny Sputnik was up there. We didn't argue about the science, or shrink our research and development budget. We built a space program almost overnight, and twelve years later, we were walking on the moon.That spirit of discovery is in our DNA. We're Thomas Edison and the Wright Brothers and George Washington Carver. We're Grace Hopper and Katherine Johnson and Sally Ride. We're every immigrant and entrepreneur from Boston to Austin to Silicon Valley racing to shape a better world. And over the past seven years, we've nurtured that spirit.We've protected an open internet, and taken bold new steps to get more students and low-income Americans online. We've launched next-generation manufacturing hubs, and online tools that give an entrepreneur everything he or she needs to start a business in a single day.But we can do so much more. Last year, Vice President Biden said that with a new moonshot, America can cure cancer. Last month, he worked with this Congress to give scientists at the National Institutes of Health the strongest resources they've had in over a decade. Tonight, I'm announcing a new national effort to get it done. And because he's gone to the mat for all of us, on so many issues over the past forty years, I'm putting Joe in charge of Mission Control. For the loved ones we've all lost, for the family we can still save, let's make America the country that cures cancer once and for all.Medical research is critical. We need the same level of commitment when it comes to developing clean energy sources.Look, if anybody still wants to dispute the science around climate change, have at it. You'll be pretty lonely, because you'll be debating our military, most of America's business leaders, the majority of the American people, almost the entire scientific community, and 200 nations around the world who agree it's a problem and intend to solve it.But even if the planet wasn't at stake; even if 2014 wasn't the warmest year on record — u ntil 2015 turned out even hotter — w hy would we want to pass up the chance for American businesses to produce and sell the energy of the future? Seven years ago, we made the single biggest investment in clean energy in our history. Here are the results. In fields from Iowa to Texas, wind power isnow cheaper than dirtier, conventional power. On rooftops from Arizona to New York, solar is saving Americans tens of millions of dollars a year on their energy bills, and employs more Americans than coal — i n jobs that pay better than average. We're taking steps to give homeowners the freedom to generate and store their own energy — s omething environmentalists and Tea Partiers have teamed up to support. Meanwhile, we've cut our imports of foreign oil by nearly sixty percent, and cut carbon pollution more than any other country on Earth.Gas under two bucks a gallon ain't bad, either.Now we've got to accelerate the transition away from dirty energy. Rather than subsidize the past, we should invest in the future — e specially in communities that rely on fossil fuels. That's why I'm going to push to change the way we manage our oil and coal resources, so that they better reflect the costs they impose on taxpayers and our planet. That way, we put money back into those communities and put tens of thousands of Americans to work building a 21st century transportation system.None of this will happen overnight, and yes, there are plenty of entrenched interests who want to protect the status quo. But the jobs we'll create, the money we'll save, and the planet we'll preserve — t hat's the kind of future our kids and grandkids deserve.Climate change is just one of many issues where our security is linked to the rest of the world. And that's why the third big question we have to answer is how to keep America safe and strong without either isolating ourselves or trying to nation-build everywhere there's a problem.I told you earlier all the talk of America's economic decline is political hot air. Well, so is all the rhetoric you hear about our enemies getting stronger and America getting weaker. The United States of America is the most powerful nation on Earth. Period. It's not even close. We spend more on our military than the next eight nations combined. Our troops are the finest fighting force in the history of the world. No nation dares to attack us or our allies because they know that's the path to ruin. Surveys show our standing around the world is higher than when I was elected to this office, and when it comes to every important international issue, people of the world do not look to Beijing or Moscow to lead — t hey call us.As someone who begins every day with an intelligence briefing, I know this is a dangerous time. But that's not because of diminished American strength or some looming superpower. In today's world, we're threatened less by evil empires and more by failing states. The Middle East is going through a transformation that will play out for a generation, rooted in conflicts that date back millennia. Economic headwinds blow from a Chinese economy intransition. Even as their economy contracts, Russia is pouring resources to prop up Ukraine and Syria — s tates they see slipping away from their orbi t. And the international system we built after World War II is now struggling to keep pace with this new reality.It's up to us to help remake that system. And that means we have to set priorities.Priority number one is protecting the American people and going after terrorist networks. Both al Qaeda and now ISIL pose a direct threat to our people, because in today's world, even a handful of terrorists who place no value on human life, including their own, can do a lot of damage. They use the Internet to poison the minds of individuals inside our country; they undermine our allies. But as we focus on destroying ISIL, over-the-top claims that this is World War III just play into their hands. Masses of fighters on the back of pickup trucks and twisted souls plotting in apartments or garages pose an enormous danger to civilians and must be stopped. But they do not threaten our national existence. That's the story ISIL wants to tell; that's the kind of propaganda they use to recruit. We don't need to build them up to show that we're serious, nor do we need to push away vital allies in this fight by echoing the lie that ISIL is representative of one of the world's largest religions. We just need to call them what they are — k illers and fanatics who have to be roote d out, hunted down, and destroyed.That's exactly what we are doing. For more than a year, America has led a coalition of more than 60 countries to cut off ISIL's financing, disrupt their plots, stop the flow of terrorist fighters, and stamp out their vicious ideology. With nearly 10,000 air strikes, we are taking out their leadership, their oil, their training camps, and their weapons. We are training, arming, and supporting forces who are steadily reclaiming territory in Iraq and Syria.If this Congress is serious about winning this war, and wants to send a message to our troops and the world, you should finally authorize the use of military force against ISIL. Take a vote. But the American people should know that with or without Congressional action, ISIL will learn the same lessons as terrorists before them. If you doubt America's commitment — o r mine — t o see that justice is done, ask Osama bin Laden. Ask the leader of al Qaeda in Yemen, who was taken out last year, or the perpetrator of the Benghazi attacks, who sits in a prison cell. When you come after Americans, we go after you. It may take time, but we have long memories, and our reach has no limit. Our foreign policy must be focused on the threat from ISIL and al Qaeda, but it can't stop there. For even without ISIL, instability will continue for decades in many parts of the world — i n the Middle East, in Afghanistan and Pakistan, in parts of Central America, Africa and Asia. Some of these places may becomesafe havens for new terrorist networks; others will fall victim to ethnic conflict, or famine, feeding the next wave of refugees. The world will look to us to help solve these problems, and our answer needs to be more than tough talk or calls to carpet bomb civilians. That may work as a TV sound bite, but it doesn't pass muster on the world stage.We also can't try to take over and rebuild every country that falls into crisis. That's not leadership; that's a recipe for quagmire, spilling American blood and treasure that ultimately weakens us. It's t he lesson of Vietnam, of Iraq — a nd we should have learned it by now.Fortunately, there's a smarter approach, a patient and disciplined strategy that uses every element of our national power. It says America will always act, alone if necessary, to protect our people and our allies; but on issues of global concern, we will mobilize the world to work with us, and make sure other countries pull their own weight.That's our approach to conflicts like Syria, where we're partnering with local forces and leading international efforts to help that broken society pursue a lasting peace.That's why we built a global coalition, with sanctions and principled diplomacy, to prevent a nuclear-armed Iran. As we speak, Iran has rolled back its nuclear program, shipped out its uranium stockpile, and the world has avoided another war.That's how we stopped the spread of Ebola in West Africa. Our military, our doctors, and our development workers set up the platform that allowed other countries to join us in stamping out that epidemic.That's how we forged a Trans-Pacific Partnership to open markets, protect workers and the environment, and advance American leadership in Asia. It cuts 18,000 taxes on products Made in America, and supports more good jobs. With TPP, China doesn't set the rules in that region, we do. You want to show our strength in this century? Approve this agreement. Give us the tools to enforce it.Fifty years of isolating Cuba had failed to promote democracy, setting us back in Latin America. That's why we restored diplomatic relations, opened the door to travel and commerce, and positioned ourselves to improve the lives of the Cuban people. You want to consolidate our leadership and credibility in the hemisphere? Recognize that the Cold War is over. Lift the embargo. American leadership in the 21st century is not a choice between ignoring the rest of the world — e xcept when we kill terrorists; or occupying and rebuilding whatever society is unraveling. Leadership means a wise application of military power, and rallying the world behind causes that are right. It means seeing ourforeign assistance as part of our national security, not charity. When we lead nearly 200 nations to the most ambitious agreement in history to fight climate change — t hat helps vulnerable countries, but it also protects our children. When we help Ukraine defend its democracy, or Colombia resolve a decades-long war, that strengthens the international order we depend upon. When we help African countries feed their people and care for the sick, that prevents the next pandemic from reaching our shores. Right now, we are on track to end the scourge of HIV/AIDS, and we have the capacity to accomplish the same thing with malaria — s omething I'll be pushing this Congress to fund this year.That's strength. That's leadership. And that kind of leadership depends on the power of our example. That is why I will keep working to shut down the prison at Guantanamo: it's expensive, it's unnecessary, and it only serves as a recruitment brochure for our enemies.That's why we need to reject any politics that targets people because of race or religion. This isn't a matter of political correctness. It's a matter of understanding what makes us strong. The world respects us not just for our arsenal; it respects us for our diversity and our openness and the way we respect every faith. His Holiness, Pope Francis, told this body from the very spot I stand tonight that "to imitate the hatred and violence of tyrants and murderers is the best way to take their place." When politicians insult Muslims, when a mosque is vandalized, or a kid bullied, that doesn't make us safer. That's not telling it like it is. It's just wrong. It diminishes us in the eyes of the world. It makes it harder to achieve our goals. And it betrays who we are as a country."We the People."Our Constitution begins with those three simple words, words we've come to recognize mean all the people, not just some; words that insist we rise and fall together. That brings me to the fourth, and maybe the most important thing I want to say tonight.The future we want — o pportunity and security for our families; a rising standard of living and a sustainable, peaceful planet for our kids — a ll that is within our reach. But it will only happen if we work together. It will only happen if we can have rational, constructive debates.It will only happen if we fix our politics.A better politics doesn't mean we have to agree on everything. This is a big country, with different regions and attitudes and interests. That's one of our strengths, too. Our Founders distributed power between states and branches of government, and expected us to argue, just as they did, over the size andshape of government, over commerce and foreign relations, over the meaning of liberty and the imperatives of security.But democracy does require basic bonds of trust between its citizens. It doesn't work if we think the people who disagree with us are all motivated by malice, or that our political opponents are unpatriotic. Democracy grinds to a halt without a willingness to compromise; or when even basic facts are contested, and we listen only to those who agree with us. Our public life withers when only the most extreme voices get attention. Most of all, democracy breaks down when the average person feels their voice doesn't matter; that the system is rigged in favor of the rich or the powerful or some narrow interest.Too many Americans feel that way right now. It's one of the few regrets of my presidency — t hat the rancor and suspicion between the parties has gotten worse instead of better. There's no doubt a president with the gifts of Lincoln or Roosevelt might have better bridged the divide, and I guarantee I'll keep trying to be better so long as I hold this office.But, my fellow Americans, this cannot be my task — o r any President's — a lone. There are a whole lot of folks in this chamber who would like to see more cooperation, a more elevated debate in Washington, but feel trapped by the demands of getting elected. I know; you've told me. And if we want a better politics, it's not enough to just change a Congressman or a Senator or even a President; we have to change the system to reflect our better selves.We have to end the practice of drawing our congressional districts so that politicians can pick their voters, and not the other way around. We have to reduce the influence of money in our politics, so that a handful of families and hidden interests can't bankroll our elections — a nd if our existing approach to campaign finance can't pass muster in the courts, we need to work together to find a real solution. We've got to make voting easier, not harder, and modernize it for the way we live now. And over the course of this year, I intend to travel the country to push for reforms that do.But I can't do these things on my own. Changes in our political process — i n not just who gets elected but how they get elected — t hat will only happen when the American people demand it. It will depend on you. That's what's meant by a government of, by, and for the people.What I'm asking for is hard. It's easier to be cynical; to accept that change isn't possible, and politics is hopeless, and to believe that our voices and actions don't matter. But if we give up now, then we forsake a better future. Those with money and power will gain greater control over the decisions that could send a young soldier to war, or allow another economic disaster, or roll back the equal rights and voting rights that generations of Americans have fought, even died,。
美国总统奥巴马年度国情咨文(八)
美国总统奥巴马年度国情咨文（八）We’ve all paid the price for lenders who sold mortgages to people who couldn’t afford them, and buyers who knew they couldn’t afford them. That’s why we need smart regulations to prevent irresponsible behavior. (Applause.) Rules to prevent financial fraud or toxic dumping or faulty medical devices -- these don’t destroy the free market. They make the free market work better.由于贷款人向无力偿还抵押贷款的申情人贷款，由于购买方明知负担不起仍勉为其难，我们所有的人已经为此付出了代价。
正是因为这个原因，我们需要采取有效的监管制止不负责任的行为。
（掌声）防止金融欺诈的规定，禁止倾倒有毒物品或生产劣质医疗设备的条例——这些都不会损害自由市场，反而会促使自由市场更好地运作。
There’s no question that some regulations are outdated, unnecessary, or too costly. In fact, I’ve approved fewer regulations in the first three years of my presidency than my Republican predecessor did in his. (Applause.) I’ve ordered every federal agency to eliminate rules that don’t make sense. We’ve already announced over 500 reforms, and just a fraction of them will save business and citizens more than $10 billion over the next five years. We got rid of one rule from 40 years ago that could have forced some dairy farmers to spend $10,000 a year proving that they could contain a spill -- because milk was somehow classified as an oil.With a rule like that, I guess it was worth crying over spilled milk. (Laughter and applause.)毫无疑问，有些规章已经过时、并非必需而且代价过高。
奥巴马国情咨文演讲稿：激发希望,走向辉煌
奥巴马国情咨文演讲稿：激发希望，走向辉煌尊敬的美利坚合众国国民、各位阁下：今天，我站在这里，向全国人民发表我的国情咨文，我要说“激发希望，走向辉煌”。
这是我们共同的目标。
很多年前，我当选为美国总统。
当时，我们正在经历一场前所未有的经济危机，我们的经济遭受了巨大的打击，许多人失去了工作，失去了家园，失去了价值。
当时很多人都感到绝望，甚至毫无希望。
在这种情况下，我被选为总统，我知道，我必须做些什么，不仅是为了拯救美国的经济，还要给大家带来希望，激励大家面对未来充满信心。
当时，我提出了“是时候了，变革的时候到了”这样的口号，我知道，我们必须创造出一种新的前景，一种能够激发希望、鼓舞人心的前景，以激励人们前往更美好的未来。
我们采取的第一步就是重新投资我们的经济，重振我们的经济，以创造更多的就业机会和经济机会。
我们需要创造一个更为公平的系统，让每一个人都能够享有更好的生活。
我们的工人、我们的企业、我们的中小企业家，都需要我们的支持。
我们迅速采取了一系列措施，包括增加国家债务、减少税收、扩大贷款规模、保护投资者的权益等。
这些措施都是为了让我们的经济更好地运转。
我们在这场经济危机中，创造了数百万个就业机会，重振了我们的经济，让我们的国家重新回到了轨道上。
但是，这还不够，我们还需要呼吁人们拥有信心，拥有希望。
我们必须向大家传递一种信息，那就是我们的国家有一个美好的未来，我们的孩子们有一个稳定、繁荣的国家。
我了解到，未来会面临很多挑战，有些挑战可能会很严峻，但我们必须冷静应对，保持信心，用我们的努力和顽强不屈的精神克服这些挑战。
这是我们的责任，也是我们必须履行的责任。
在这个时代，我们需要一个新的愿景，一个更加美好的未来。
我相信，我们可以走到更远的地方，我们可以成为一个更加繁荣和进步的国家。
我们的国家充满了激情和创新。
我们需要让更多的人参与到这个进程中来。
我们需要让更多的人发挥他们的潜力，创造更多的机遇和创意。
我们必须让每个人都有机会在自己所热爱和喜欢的领域中施展才华，去追求自己的梦想。
奥巴马国情咨文
奥巴马国情咨文奥巴马国情咨文（State of the Union Address）是美国总统每年向国会发表的一篇演讲，旨在概述国家的现状和面临的挑战，并提出他的政策和议程。
以下是奥巴马总统于2016年发表的国情咨文的主要内容：1. 经济：奥巴马总统宣称美国经济已经从金融危机中恢复，并取得了相当大的进展。
他提到了就业人数增加、失业率下降、收入增长等一系列经济指标的改善。
他谈到了提高工资和缩小贫富差距的重要性，并呼吁提高最低工资标准。
2. 教育：奥巴马总统强调了提高教育质量的重要性，特别是在科学、技术、工程和数学领域。
他呼吁为每个孩子提供高质量的学前教育，并扩大大学入学机会。
3. 环境：奥巴马总统谈到了应对气候变化的全球挑战，并强调了减少温室气体排放的重要性。
他提到了美国在能源发展和可再生能源方面取得的进展，并呼吁继续支持清洁能源和环保措施。
4. 健康保险：奥巴马总统回顾了他的签署的医疗改革法案，即奥巴马医改法案（Affordable Care Act），并宣称该法案在提供保险覆盖和改善医疗质量方面取得了显著成果。
他呼吁继续保护医疗保险制度，并寻求进一步改进。
5. 移民：奥巴马总统谈到了移民改革的重要性，并呼吁通过立法来解决移民问题。
他提出了一项计划，即为非法移民提供合法身份，并强调了移民对经济和社会的贡献。
这些仅仅是国情咨文的一部分内容，奥巴马总统还提到了其他许多议题，包括国家安全、反恐斗争、外交政策等。
国情咨文是总统向国会和全国人民传达他们的政策目标和愿景的重要机会，也是合作和讨论的起点。
奥巴马总统发表任内最后一次国情咨文英语演讲稿
奥巴马总统发表任内最后一次国情咨文英语演讲稿本文是关于奥巴马总统发表任内最后一次国情咨文英语演讲稿，仅供参考，希望对您有所帮助，感谢阅读。
Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice president, Members of Congress, my fellow Americans:Tonight marks the eighth year I've come here to report on the State of the Union. And for thisfinal one, I'm going to try to make it shorter.I know some of you are antsy to get back to Iowa.I also understand that because it's an election season, expectations for what we'll achievethis year are low. Still, Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the constructive approach you and theother leaders took at the end of last year to pass a budget and make tax cuts permanent forworking families. So I hope we can work together this year on bipartisan priorities like criminaljustice reform, and helping people who are battling prescription drug abuse. We just mightsurprise the cynics again.But tonight, I want to go easy on the traditional list of proposals for the year ahead. Don'tworry, I've got plenty, from helping students learn to write computer code to personalizingmedical treatments for patients. And I'll keep pushing for progress on the work that still needsdoing. Fixing a broken immigration system. protecting our kids from gun violence. Equal payfor equal work, paid leave, raising the minimum wage. All these things still matter tohardworking families; they are still the right thing to do; and I will not let up until they getdone.But for my final address to this chamber, I don't want to talk just about the next year. I wantto focus on the next five years, ten years, and beyond.I want to focus on our future.We live in a time of extraordinary change – change that's reshaping the way we live, the waywe work, our planet and our place in the world. It's change that promises amazing medicalbreakthroughs, but also economic disruptions that strain working families. It promiseseducation for girls in the most remote villages, but also connects terrorists plotting an oceanaway. It's change that can broaden opportunity, or widen inequality. And whether we like itor not, the pace of this change will only accelerate.America has been through big changes before – wars and depression, the influx ofimmigrants, workers fighting for a fair deal, and movements to expand civil rights. Each time,there have been those who told us to fear the future; who claimed we could slam the brakes onchange, promising to restore past glory if we just got some group or idea that wasthreatening America under control. And each time, we overcame those fears. We did not, inthe words of Lincoln, adhere to the “dogmas of the quiet past.” Instead we thought anew, andacted anew. We made change work for us, always extending America's promise outward, to thenext frontier, to more and more people. And because we did – because we saw opportunitywhere others saw only peril – we emerged stronger and better than before.What was true then can be true now. Our unique strengths as a nation – our optimism andwork ethic, our spirit of discovery and innovation, our diversity and commitment to the ruleof law –these things give us everything we need to ensure prosperity and security forgenerations to come.In fact, it's that spirit that made the progress of these past seven years possible. It's how werecovered from the worst economic crisis in generations. It's how we reformed our health caresystem, and reinvented our energy sector; how we delivered more care and benefits to ourtroops and veterans, and how we secured the freedom in every state to marry the person welove.But such progress is not inevitable. It is the result of choices we make together. And we facesuch choices right now. Will we respond to the changes of our time with fear, turning inward asa nation, and turning against each other as a people? Or will we face the future withconfidence in who we are, what we stand for, and the incredible things we can do together?So let's talk about the future, and four big questions that we as a country have to answer –regardless of who the next president is, or who controls the next Congress.First, how do we give everyone a fair shot at opportunity and security in this new economy?Second, how do we make technology work for us, and not against us –especially when it comesto solving urgent challenges like climate change?Third, how do we keep America safe and lead the world without becoming its policeman?And finally, how can we make our politics reflect what's best in us, and not what's worst?Let me start with the economy, and a basic fact: the United States of America, right now, hasthe strongest, most durable economy in the world. We're in the middle of the longest streakof private-sector job creation in history. More than 14 million new jobs; the strongest two yearsof job growth since the ‘90s; an unemployment rate cut in half. Our auto industry just had itsbest year ever. Manufacturing has created nearly 900,000 new jobs in the past six years. Andwe've done all this while cutting our deficits by almost three-quarters.Anyone claiming that America's economy is in decline is peddling fiction. What is true – andthe reason that a lot of Americans feel anxious – is that the economy has been changing inprofound ways, changes that started long before the Great Recession hit and haven't let up.Today,technology doesn't just replace jobs on the assembly line, but any job where work canbe automated. Companies in a global economy can locate anywhere, and face toughercompetition. As a result, workers have less leverage for a raise. Companies have less loyaltyto their communities. And more and more wealth and income is concentrated at the very top.All these trends have squeezed workers, even when they have jobs; even when the economy isgrowing. It's made it harder for a hardworking family to pull itself out of poverty, harder foryoung people to start on their careers, and tougher for workers to retire when they want to. Andalthough none of these trends are unique to America, they do offend our uniquely Americanbelief that everybody who works hard should get a fair shot.For the past seven years, our goal has been a growing economy that works better for everybody.We've made progress. But we need to make more. And despite all the political arguments we'vehad these past few years, there are some areas where Americans broadly agree.We agree that real opportunity requires every American to get the education and training theyneed to land a good-paying job. The bipartisan reform of No Child Left Behind was animportant start, and together, we've increased early childhood education, lifted high schoolgraduation rates to new highs, and boosted graduates in fields like engineering. In the comingyears, we should build on that progress, by providing pre-K for all, offering every student thehands-on computer science and math classes that make them job-ready on day one, and weshould recruit and support more great teachers for our kids.And we have to make college affordable for every American. Because no hardworking studentshould be stuck in the red. We've already reduced student loan payments to ten percent of aborrower's income. Now, we've actually got to cut the cost of college. providing two years ofcommunitycollege at no cost for every responsible student is one of the best ways to do that,and I'm going to keep fighting to get that started this year.Of course, a great education isn't all we need in this new economy. We also need benefits andprotections that provide a basic measure of security. After all, it's not much of a stretch tosay that some of the only people in America who are going to work the same job, in the sameplace, with a health and retirement package, for 30 years, are sitting in this chamber. Foreveryone else, especially folks in their forties and fifties, saving for retirement or bouncing backfrom job loss has gotten a lot tougher. Americans understand that at some point in theircareers, they may have to retool and retrain. But they shouldn't lose what they've alreadyworked so hard to build.That's why Social Security and Medicare are more important than ever; we shouldn't weakenthem, we should strengthen them. And for Americans short of retirement, basic benefitsshould be just as mobile as everything else is today. That's what the Affordable Care Act is allabout. It's about filling the gaps in employer-based care so that when we lose a job, or go backto school, or start that new business, we'll still have coverage. Nearly eighteen million havegained coverage so far. Health care inflation has slowed. And our businesses have created jobsevery single month since it became law.Now, I'm guessing we won't agree on health care anytime soon. But there should be other waysboth parties can improve economic security. Say a hardworking American loses his job – weshouldn't just make sure he can get unemployment insurance; we should make sure thatprogram encourages him to retrain for a business that's ready to hire him. If that new jobdoesn't pay as much, there should be a system of wage insurance in place so that he can stillpay his bills. And even if he's going from job to job, he shouldstill be able to save forretirement and take his savings with him. That's the way we make the new economy workbetter for everyone.I also know Speaker Ryan has talked about his interest in tackling poverty. America is aboutgiving everybody willing to work a hand up, and I'd welcome a serious discussion aboutstrategies we can all support, like expanding tax cuts for low-income workers without kids.But there are other areas where it's been more difficult to find agreement over the last sevenyears – namely what role the government should play in making sure the system's not rigged infavor of the wealthiest and biggest corporations. And here, the American people have a choiceto make.I believe a thriving private sector is the lifeblood of our economy.I think there are outdatedregulations that need to be changed, and there's red tape that needs to be cut. But after yearsof record corporate profits, working families won't get more opportunity or bigger paychecksby letting big banks or big oil or hedge funds make their own rules at the expense of everyoneelse; or by allowing attacks on collective bargaining to go unanswered. Food Stamp recipientsdidn't cause the financial crisis; recklessness on Wall Street did. Immigrants aren't the reasonwages haven't gone up enough; those decisions are made in the boardrooms that too often putquarterly earnings over long-term returns. It's sure not the average family watching tonightthat avoids paying taxes through offshore accounts. In this new economy, workers and start-upsand small businesses need more of a voice, not less. The rules should work for them. And thisyear I plan to lift up the many businesses who've figured out that doing right by their workersends up being good for their shareholders, their customers, and their communities, so that wecan spread those best practices across America.In fact, many of our best corporate citizens are also our most creative.This brings me to thesecond big question we have to answer as a country: how do we reignite that spirit ofinnovation to meet our biggest challenges?Sixty years ago, when the Russians beat us into space, we didn't deny Sputnik was up there.We didn't argue about the science, or shrink our research and development budget. We built aspace program almost overnight, and twelve years later, we were walking on the moon.That spirit of discovery is in our DNA. We're Thomas Edison and the Wright Brothers andGeorge Washington Carver. We're Grace Hopper and Katherine Johnson and Sally Ride. We'reevery immigrant and entrepreneur from Boston to Austin to Silicon Valley racing to shape abetter world. And over the past seven years, we've nurtured that spirit.We've protected an open internet, and taken bold new steps to get more students and low-income Americans online. We've launched next-generation manufacturing hubs, and online toolsthat give an entrepreneur everything he or she needs to start a business in a single day.But we can do so much more. Last year, Vice president Biden said that with a new moonshot,America can cure cancer. Last month, he worked with this Congress to give scientists at theNational Institutes of Health the strongest resources they've had in over a decade. Tonight, I'mannouncing a new national effort to get it done. And because he's gone to the mat for all of us,on so many issues over the past forty years, I'm putting Joe in charge of Mission Control. Forthe loved ones we've all lost, for the family we can still save, let's make America the countrythat cures cancer once and for all.Medical research is critical. We need the same level of commitment when it comes todeveloping clean energy sources.Look, if anybody still wants to dispute the science around climate change, have at it. You'll bepretty lonely, because you'll be debating ourmilitary, most of America's business leaders, themajority of the American people, almost the entire scientific community, and 200 nationsaround the world who agree it's a problem and intend to solve it.But even if the planet wasn't at stake; even if 2019 wasn't the warmest year on record – until2019 turned out even hotter – why would we want to pass up the chance for Americanbusinesses to produce and sell the energy of the future?Seven years ago, we made the single biggest investment in clean energy in our history. Hereare the results. In fields from Iowa to Texas, wind power is now cheaper than dirtier,conventional power. On rooftops from Arizona to New York, solar is saving Americans tens ofmillions of dollars a year on their energy bills, and employs more Americans than coal – in jobsthat pay better than average. We're taking steps to give homeowners the freedom to generateand store their own energy –something environmentalists and Tea partiers have teamed up tosupport. Meanwhile, we've cut our imports of foreign oil by nearly sixty percent, and cut carbonpollution more than any other country on Earth.Gas under two bucks a gallon ain't bad, either.Now we've got to accelerate the transition away from dirty energy. Rather than subsidizethe past, we should invest in the future – especially in communities that rely on fossil fuels.That's why I'm going to push to change the way we manage our oil and coal resources, so thatthey better reflect the costs they impose on taxpayers and our planet. That way, we putmoney back into those communities and put tens of thousands of Americans to work building a21st century transportation system.None of this will happen overnight, and yes, there are plenty of entrenched interests whowant to protect the status quo. But the jobs we'll create, the money we'll save, and the planetwe'll preserve – that's thekind of future our kids and grandkids deserve.Climate change is just one of many issues where our security is linked to the rest of the world.And that's why the third big question we have to answer is how to keep America safe andstrong without either isolating ourselves or trying to nation-build everywhere there's a problem.I told you earlier all the talk of America's economic decline is political hot air. Well, so is all therhetoric you hear about our enemies getting stronger and America getting weaker. The UnitedStates of America is the most powerful nation on Earth. period. It's not even close. We spendmore on our military than the next eight nations combined. Our troops are the finest fightingforce in the history of the world. No nation dares to attack us or our allies because they knowthat's the path to ruin. Surveys show our standing around the world is higher than when I waselected to this office, and when it comes to every important international issue, people of theworld do not look to Beijing or Moscow to lead – they call us.As someone who begins every day with an intelligence briefing, I know this is a dangeroustime. But that's not because of diminished American strength or some looming superpower. Intoday's world, we're threatened less by evil empires and more by failing states. The Middle Eastis going through a transformation that will play out for a generation, rooted in conflicts thatdate back millennia. Economic headwinds blow from a Chinese economy in transition. Even astheir economy contracts, Russia is pouring resources to prop up Ukraine and Syria – states theysee slipping away from their orbit. And the international system we built after World War II isnow struggling to keep pace with this new reality.It's up to us to help remake that system. And that means we have to set priorities.priority number one is protecting the American people and going afterterrorist networks. Bothal Qaeda and now ISIL pose a direct threat to our people, because in today's world, even ahandful of terrorists who place no value on human life, including their own, can do a lot ofdamage. They use the Internet to poison the minds of individuals inside our country; theyundermine our allies.But as we focus on destroying ISIL, over-the-top claims that this is World War III just play intotheir hands. Masses of fighters on the back of pickup trucks and twisted souls plotting inapartments or garages pose an enormous danger to civilians and must be stopped. But theydo not threaten our national existence. That's the story ISIL wants to tell; that's the kind ofpropaganda they use to recruit. We don't need to build them up to show that we're serious,nor do we need to push away vital allies in this fight by echoing the lie that ISIL isrepresentative of one of the world's largest religions. We just need to call them what they are– killers and fanatics who have to be rooted out, hunted down, and destroyed.That's exactly what we are doing. For more than a year, America has led a coalition of morethan 60 countries to cut off ISIL's financing, disrupt their plots, stop the flow of terroristfighters, and stamp out their vicious ideology. With nearly 10,000 air strikes, we are takingout their leadership, their oil, their training camps, and their weapons. We are training, arming,and supporting forces who are steadily reclaiming territory in Iraq and Syria.If this Congress is serious about winning this war, and wants to send a message to our troopsand the world, you should finally authorize the use of military force against ISIL. Take a vote.But the American people should know that with or without Congressional action, ISIL will learnthe same lessons as terrorists before them. If you doubt America's commitment –or mine – tosee that justice is done, ask Osama bin Laden. Ask the leaderof al Qaeda in Yemen, who wastaken out last year, or the perpetrator of the Benghazi attacks, who sits in a prison cell. Whenyou come after Americans, we go after you. It may take time, but we have long memories, andour reach has no limit.Our foreign policy must be focused on the threat from ISIL and al Qaeda, but it can't stopthere. For even without ISIL, instability will continue for decades in many parts of the world –in the Middle East, in Afghanistan and pakistan, in parts of Central America, Africa and Asia.Some of these places may become safe havens for new terrorist networks; others will fall victimto ethnic conflict, or famine, feeding the next wave of refugees. The world will look to us tohelp solve these problems, and our answer needs to be more than tough talk or calls to carpetbomb civilians. That may work as a TV sound bite, but it doesn't pass muster on the worldstage.We also can't try to take over and rebuild every country that falls into crisis. That's notleadership; that's a recipe for quagmire, spilling American blood and treasure that ultimatelyweakens us. It's the lesson of Vietnam, of Iraq – and we should have learned it by now.Fortunately, there's a smarter approach, a patient and disciplined strategy that uses everyelement of our national power. It says America will always act, alone if necessary, to protectour people and our allies; but on issues of global concern, we will mobilize the world to workwith us, and make sure other countries pull their own weight.That's our approach to conflicts like Syria, where we're partnering with local forces and leadinginternational efforts to help that broken society pursue a lasting peace.That's why we built a global coalition, with sanctions and principled diplomacy, to prevent anuclear-armed Iran. As we speak, Iran has rolled back its nuclear program, shipped out itsuranium stockpile, and the worldhas avoided another war.That's how we stopped the spread of Ebola in West Africa. Our military, our doctors, and ourdevelopment workers set up the platform that allowed other countries to join us in stampingout that epidemic.That's how we forged a Trans-pacific partnership to open markets, protect workers and theenvironment, and advance American leadership in Asia. It cuts 18,000 taxes on products Madein America, and supports more good jobs. With Tpp, China doesn't set the rules in that region,we do. You want to show our strength in this century? Approve this agreement. Give us thetools to enforce it.Fifty years of isolating Cuba had failed to promote democracy, setting us back in LatinAmerica. That's why we restored diplomatic relations, opened the door to travel andcommerce, and positioned ourselves to improve the lives of the Cuban people. You want toconsolidate our leadership and credibility in the hemisphere? Recognize that the Cold Waris over. Lift the embargo.American leadership in the 21st century is not a choice between ignoring the rest of the world –except when we kill terrorists; or occupying and rebuilding whatever society is unraveling.Leadership means a wise application of military power, and rallying the world behind causesthat are right. It means seeing our foreign assistance as part of our national security, notcharity. When we lead nearly 200 nations to the most ambitious agreement in history to fightclimate change –that helps vulnerable countries, but it also protects our children. When wehelp Ukraine defend its democracy, or Colombia resolve a decades-long war, thatstrengthens the international order we depend upon. When we help African countries feed theirpeople and care for the sick, that prevents the next pandemic from reaching our shores. Rightnow, we are on track to end the scourge of HIV/AIDS,and we have the capacity toaccomplish the same thing with malaria –something I'll be pushing this Congress to fund thisyear.That's strength. That's leadership. And that kind of leadership depends on the power of ourexample. That is why I will keep working to shut down the prison at Guantanamo: it'sexpensive, it's unnecessary, and it only serves as a recruitment brochure for our enemies.That's why we need to reject any politics that targets people because of race or religion. Thisisn't a matter of political correctness. It's a matter of understanding what makes us strong. Theworld respects us not just for our arsenal; it respects us for our diversity and our opennessand the way we respect every faith. His Holiness, pope Francis, told this body from the very spotI stand tonight that “to imitate the hatred and violence of tyrants and murderers is the bestway to take their place.” When politicians insult Muslims, when a mosque is vandalized, or a kidbullied, that doesn't make us safer. That's not telling it like it is. It's just wrong. It diminishesus in the eyes of the world. It makes it harder to achieve our goals. And it betrays who we areas a country.“We the people.” Our Constitution begins with those three simple words, words we've come torecognize mean all the people, not just some; words that insist we rise and fall together. Thatbrings me to the fourth, and maybe the most important thing I want to say tonight.The future we want – opportunity and security for our families; a rising standard of living anda sustainable, peaceful planet for our kids – all that is within our reach. But it will only happenif we work together. It will only happen if we can have rational, constructive debates.It will only happen if we fix our politics.A better politics doesn't mean we have to agree on everything. This is a big country, withdifferent regions and attitudes and interests. That'sone of our strengths, too. Our Foundersdistributed power between states and branches of government, and expected us to argue, justas they did, over the size and shape of government, over commerce and foreign relations, overthe meaning of liberty and the imperatives of security.But democracy does require basic bonds of trust between its citizens. It doesn't work if wethink the people who disagree with us are all motivated by malice, or that our politicalopponents are unpatriotic. Democracy grinds to a halt without a willingness to compromise;or when even basic facts are contested, and we listen only to those who agree with us. Ourpublic life withers when only the most extreme voices get attention. Most of all, democracybreaks down when the average person feels their voice doesn't matter; that the system isrigged in favor of the rich or the powerful or some narrow interest.Too many Americans feel that way right now. It's one of the few regrets of my presidency – thatthe rancor and suspicion between the parties has gotten worse instead of better. There's nodoubt a president with the gifts of Lincoln or Roosevelt might have better bridged the divide,and I guarantee I'll keep trying to be better so long as I hold this office.But, my fellow Americans, this cannot be my task – or any president's – alone. There are awhole lot of folks in this chamber who would like to see more cooperation, a more elevateddebate in Washington, but feel trapped by the demands of getting elected. I know; you've toldme. And if we want a better politics, it's not enough to just change a Congressman or a Senatoror even a president; we have to change the system to reflect our better selves.We have to end the practice of drawing our congressional districts so that politicians can picktheir voters, and not the other way around. We have to reduce the influence of money in ourpolitics, so that a handfulof families and hidden interests can't bankroll our elections – and ifour existing approach to campaign finance can't pass muster in the courts, we need to worktogether to find a real solution. We've got to make voting easier, not harder, and modernizeit for the way we live now. And over the course of this year, I intend to travel the country topush for reforms that do.But I can't do these things on my own. Changes in our political process – in not just who getselected but how they get elected – that will only happen when the American people demand it.It will depend on you. That's what's meant by a government of, by, and for the people.What I'm asking for is hard. It's easier to be cynical; to accept that change isn't possible, andpolitics is hopeless, and to believe that our voices and actions don't matter. But if we give upnow, then we forsake a better future. Those with money and power will gain greater controlover the decisions that could send a young soldier to war, or allow another economic disaster,or roll back the equal rights and voting rights that generations of Americans have fought, evendied, to secure. As frustration grows, there will be voices urging us to fall back into tribes, toscapegoat fellow citizens who don't look like us, or pray like us, or vote like we do, or share thesame background.We can't afford to go down that path. It won't deliver the economy we want, or the security wewant, but most of all, it contradicts everything that makes us the envy of the world.So, my fellow Americans, whatever you may believe, whether you prefer one party or no party,our collective future depends on your willingness to uphold your obligations as a citizen. Tovote. To speak out. To stand up for others, especially the weak, especially the vulnerable,knowing that each of us is only here because somebody, somewhere, stood up for us. To stayactive in our public life so it reflects the goodness and decency and。
奥巴马最后一次国情咨文
奥巴马最后一次国情咨文我们生活在一场巨变的时代，这场巨变改变着我们的生活方式、工作方式、我们的星球以及我们在世界上的地位。
这场巨变带来医学突破的前景，也造成困扰许多家庭的经济震荡。
它给边远村庄的女孩儿带来受教育的希望，也使相距遥远的恐怖分子之间取得联系。
它既能普惠民众，也能扩大不公。
不管我们喜欢与否，这场巨变只会加速。
美国以前经历过种种巨变–-- 战争，萧条，移民涌入，劳工运动，以及民权运动。
每一次，都有人告诉们要担心未来。
每当我们有了一些威胁到美国既有秩序的群体或想法，就有人让我们停止变革，并且允诺会恢复往日的辉煌。
可是每一次，我们都克服了那些恐惧。
用林肯的话来说，我们没有照搬―沉寂的过去的教条‖。
相反，我们以新的思维开始新的行动。
我们对巨变因势利导，始终扩展美国的机会，把它推向新的天地，惠及越来越多的人。
由于我们这些行动，由于我们把他人眼里的灾难看成机遇，我们比以前更强大，更美好。
让我们谈谈未来。
作为一个国家我们必须要回答四个问题，不论是谁就任下届总统，或者是哪个党派控制下届国会。
首先，我们如何在这个新经济形势下给每个人公平的机会和安全保障？其次，我们如何让技术为我们所用，而不是被技术所害——尤其是在解决如气候变化这类迫切问题的时候？第三，我们如何保障美国的安全，并且在不成为世界警察的情况下领导世界？最后，我们如何让我们的政治反映出我们最好的一面，而不是最糟糕的一面？让我从经济开始。
一个基本的事实是：美国目前是世界上最强最稳健的经济体。
我们正处于历史上私营部门创造就业持续时间最长的阶段。
1400多万个新增工作岗位，自从90年代以来就业增长最强劲的两年，失业率下降一半。
我们的汽车业经历了最好的一年。
制造业在过去六年创造了将近90万份新的工作。
我们实现这些的时候，我们削减了近四分之三的赤字。
任何声称美国经济衰退的人都是在胡扯。
经济一直在发生深刻变化倒是真的，这些变化早在经济衰退前就开始了，而且一直没有停歇——这也是让很多美国人感到担心的原因。
奥巴马2016国情咨文演讲(双语全文)(权威翻译)
奥巴马2016国情咨文演讲（双语全文）当地时间2016年1月12日晚间，美国总统奥巴马在华盛顿发表了任上最后一次国情咨文，这也是他第八次进行国情咨文演讲。
Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of Congress, my fellow Americans:议长先生、副总统先生、各位国会议员和美国同胞们：Tonight marks the eighth year I've come here to report on the State of the Union. And for this final one, I'm going to try to make it shorter. I know some of you are antsy to get back to Iowa.今晚是我在这里做国情咨文的第八个年头，也是最后一次。
我将尽量简而言之。
我知道你们中有些人急着回爱荷华州（译者注：两党党内预选进行地）。
I also understand that because it's an election season, expectations for what we'll achieve this year are low. Still, Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the constructive approach you and the other leaders took at the end of last year to pass a budget and make tax cuts permanent for working families. So I hope we can work together this year on bipartisan priorities like criminal justice reform, and helping people who are battling prescription drug abuse. We just might surprise the cynics again.我也理解此时正当大选之季，因此公众对我们今年成就的期望并不高。
美国总统奥巴马年度国情咨文(二)
美国总统奥巴马年度国情咨文（二）Let’s remember how we got here. Long before the recession, jobs and manufacturing began leaving our shores. Technology made businesses more efficient, but also made some jobs obsolete. Folks at the top saw their incomes rise like never before, but most hardworking Americans struggled with costs that were growing, paychecks that weren’t, and personal debt that kept piling up.让我们谨记我们是如何走到这一步的。
在经济衰退爆发前，就业岗位和制造业早已开始离开我们的海岸。
技术使各行各业更有效率，但一些工作岗位也因此陈旧过时。
位于最高层的同胞们看到他们的收入前所未有地增长，但大多数勤奋工作的美国人开支上升，工资水平停滞，债务不断增加，为此生活十分艰难。
In 2008, the house of cards collapsed. We learned that mortgages had been sold to people who couldn’t afford or understand them. Banks had made huge bets and bonuses with other people’s money. Regulators had looked the other way, or didn’t have the authority to stop the bad behavior.2008年，纸牌搭建的房子坍塌了。
美国总统奥巴马年度国情咨文(十)
美国总统奥巴马年度国情咨文（十）The greatest blow to our confidence in our economy last year didn’t come from events beyond our control. It came from a debate in Washington over whether the United States would pay its bills or not. Who benefited from that fiasco?去年对我们经济的信心最大的打击不是来自我们不能控制的事件，而是来自华盛顿关于美国能否弥补开支的讨论。
谁能从这样的不利局面中得利？I’ve talked tonight about the deficit of trust between Main Street and Wall Street. But the divide between this city and the rest of the country is at least as bad -- and it seems to get worse every year.我今晚谈到民众和华尔街之间的信任危机。
但这个城市和这个国家其余地方之间的分歧至少同样严重——而且似乎年复一年逐渐恶化。
Some of this has to do with the corrosive influence of money in politics. So together, let’s take some steps to fix that. Send me a bill that bans insider trading by members of Congress; I will sign it tomorrow. (Applause.) Let’s limit any elected official from owning stocks in industries they impact. Let’s make sure people who bundle campaign contributions for Congress can’t lobby Congress, and vice versa -- an ideathat has bipartisan support, at least outside of Washington.有些问题与金钱政治的腐蚀性有关。
奥巴马国情咨文(中英)
Madam Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of Congress, the First Lady of the United States—she's around here somewhere:总统，议长女士，副总统先生，各位国会议员，美国第一夫人――她就在附近。
I have come here tonight not only to address the distinguished men and women in this great Chamber, but to speak frankly and directly to the men and women who sent us here.今晚我来到这里，不仅向这个宏伟大厅中在做的各位杰出人士发表讲话，而且向推选我们来到这里的男女民众们进行坦率和直接的交谈。
I know that for many Americans watching right now, the state of our economy is a concern that rises above all others, and rightly so. If you haven't been personally affected by this recession, you probably know someone who has: a friend, a neighbor, a member of your family. You don't need to hear another list of statistics to know that our economy is in crisis, because you live it every day. It's the worry you wake up with and the source of sleepless nights. It's the job you thought you'd retire from but now have lost, the business you built your dreams upon that's now hanging by a thread, the college acceptance letter your child had to put back in the envelope. The impact of this recession is real, and it is everywhere.我知道，对于现在正在收看转播的许多美国人来说，我国的经济现状令人担忧，压倒了所有其它的问题。
奥巴马发表国情咨文
奥巴马发表国情咨文尊敬的国会议员、最高法院大法官、尊敬的美国公民：我很荣幸再次站在这里，向全国公众发表国情咨文。
我想先感谢上帝保佑我们的国家，感谢美国人民无私的奉献和勇敢的付出。
今天，我向您展示美国的繁荣与挑战，我们的成就与使命。
八年前，我在这里为第一次发表国情咨文，我提出了一个充满希望的愿景：一个团结、充满机会的美国。
如今，我很自豪地说，美国已经达到了这个愿景的许多方面。
首先，我们克服了最严重的经济衰退。
当我上任时，我们面临着失业率飙升、企业倒闭和经济对冲击的迅速恢复的挑战。
但是，通过坚定的决心和有力的政策，我们成功地出台了刺激计划和金融改革，使得我们的经济重新复苏，创造了约1500万个工作岗位。
其次，我们重建了我们的医疗体系。
我一直坚信，每个美国人都应该有可负担和可及的医疗保健。
我们通过《负担得起的医疗保健法案》实现了这一目标，为数百万无保险人口提供了医疗保险，并保护了数百万现有的医疗保险。
我们还进行了历史性的进步，推进了LGBTQ权益。
我们废除了“不问不说”政策，允许同性恋和双性恋者在军队中自由表达自己的身份。
同性婚姻合法化，并且司法部门对待LGBTQ权益的态度也发生了巨大变化。
这些成就的背后是不可忽视的挑战。
我们仍然面临着全球恐怖主义威胁，如伊斯兰国和基地组织。
我们必须更加努力地保护国家安全，打击恐怖分子的威胁，同时保持我们美国价值观的核心。
我们还必须要解决和应对气候变化的挑战。
科学告诉我们，气候变化是现实，并且可能带来灾难性的后果。
我们必须采取行动减少温室气体排放，推动可再生能源的发展，并加强全球合作以应对这一挑战。
此外，我们还必须坚持对待移民问题的公正和人道的态度。
我们的移民制度需要进行全面的改革，以使得合法渠道更加容易，同时遏制非法移民。
我们必须建设一个让每个人有机会实现美国梦的社会。
最后，我们必须继续努力实现种族平等和社会正义。
我们在过去几年中见证了一系列种族动荡事件，这再次提醒我们，我们的工作尚未完成。
美国总统奥巴马国情咨文原文
美国总统奥巴马国情咨文原文Obama’s State of Union speechMadame Speaker, Vice President Biden, Members of Congress, distinguished guests, and fellow Americans:Our Constitution declares that from time to time, the President shall give to Congress information about the state of our union. For two hundred and twenty years, our leaders [have] fulfilled this duty. They've done so during periods of prosperity and tranquility. And they've done so in the midst of war and depression -- at moments of great strife and great struggle.It's tempting to look back on these moments and assume that our progress was inevitable -- that America was always destined to succeed. But when the Union was turned back at Bull Run and the Allies first landed at Omaha Beach, victory was very much in doubt. When the market crashed on Black Tuesday and civil rights marchers were beaten on Bloody Sunday, the future was anything but certain. These were the times that tested the courage of our convictions, and the strength of our union. And despite all our divisions and disagreements, our hesitations and our fears, America prevailed because we chose to move forward as one nation, and one people.Again, we are tested. And again, we must answer history's call.One year ago, I took office amid two wars, an economy rocked by a severe recession, a financial system on the verge of collapse, and a government deeply in debt. Experts from across the political spectrum warned that if we did not act, we might face a second depression. So we acted -- immediately and aggressively. And one year later, the worst of the storm has passed.But the devastation remains. One in ten Americans still cannot find work. Many businesses have shuttered. Home values have declined. Small towns and rural communities have been hit especially hard. And for those who had already known poverty, life's become that much harder.And this recession has also compounded the burdens that America's families have been dealing with for decades: the burden of working harder and longer for less, of being unable to save enough to retire, or help kids with college.So I know the anxieties that are out there right now. They're not new. These struggles are the reason I ran for President. These struggles are what I've witnessed for years in places like Elkhart, Indiana; Galesburg, Illinois. I hear about them in the letters that I read each night. The toughest to read are those written by children, asking why they have to move from their home, asking or when their mom or dad will be able to go back to work.For these Americans and so many others, change has not come fast enough. Some are frustrated; some are angry. They don't understand why itseems like bad behavior on Wall Street is rewarded but hard work on Main Street isn't; or why Washington has been unable or unwilling to solve any of our problems. They're tired of the partisanship and the shouting and the pettiness. They know we can't afford it. Not now.So we face big and difficult challenges. And what the American people hope -- what they deserve -- is for all of us, Democrats and Republicans, to work through our differences; to overcome the numbing weight of our politics. For while the people who sent us here have different backgrounds, different stories, different beliefs, the anxieties they face are the same. The aspirations they hold are shared: a job that pays the bills; a chance to get ahead. Most of all, the ability to give their children a better life.And you know what else they share? They share a stubborn resilience in the face of adversity. After one of the most difficult years in our history, they remain busy building cars and teaching kids, starting businesses, and going back to school. They're coaching little league and helping their neighbors. One woman wrote to me and said, "We are strained but hopeful, struggling but encouraged."It's because of this spirit -- this great decency and great strength -- that I have never been more hopeful about America's future than I am tonight.Despite -- Despite our hardships, our union is strong. We do not give up. We do not quit. We do not allow fear or division to break our spirit. In this new decade, it's time the American people get a government that matches their decency, that embodies their strength. And tonight -- tonight I'd like to talk about how, together, we can deliver on that promise.It begins with our economy. Our most urgent -- Our most urgent task upon taking office was to shore up the same banks that helped cause this crisis. It was not easy to do. And if there's one thing that has unified Democrats and Republicans -- and everybody in between -- it's that we all hated the bank bailout. I hated it -- I hated it -- I hated it. You hated it. It was about as popular as a root canal.But when I ran for President, I promised I wouldn't just do what was popular -- I would do what was necessary. And if we had allowed the meltdown of the financial system, unemployment might be double what it is today. More businesses would certainly have closed. More homes would have surely been lost.So I supported the last Administration's efforts to create the financial rescue program. And when we took the program over, we made it more transparent and more accountable. And as a result, the markets are now stabilized, and we've recovered most of the money we spent on the banks.Most, but not all. To recover the rest, I've proposed a fee on the biggest banks.Now -- Now, I know Wall Street isn't keen on this idea, but if these firms can afford to hand out big bonuses again, they can afford a modest fee to pay back the taxpayers who rescued them in their time of need.Now, as we stabilized the financial system, we also took steps to get our economy growing again, save as many jobs as possible, and help Americans who had become unemployed. That's why we extended or increased unemployment benefits for more than 18 million Americans, made health insurance 65% cheaper for families who get their coverage through COBRA, and passed 25 different tax cuts.Now, let me repeat: We cut taxes.We cut taxes for 95% of working families.We cut taxes for small businesses.We cut taxes for first-time homebuyers.We cut taxes for parents trying to care for their children.We cut taxes for eight million Americans paying for college.(I thought I'd get some applause on that one.)As a result -- As a result, millions of Americans had more to spend on gas, and food, and other necessities -- all of which helped businesses keep more workers. And we haven't raised income taxes by a single dime on a single person. Not a single dime.Now, because of the steps we took, there are about two million Americans working right now who would otherwise be unemployed. 200,000 work in construction and clean energy. 300,000 are teachers and other education workers. Tens of thousands are cops, firefighters, correctional officers, first responders. And we're on track to add another one and a half million jobs to this total by the end of the year.The plan that has made all of this possible, from the tax cuts to the jobs, is the Recovery Act. That's right: the Recovery Act, also known as the Stimulus Bill. Economists on the left and the right say this bill has helped saved jobs and avert disaster. But you don't have to take their word for it: Talk to the small business in Phoenix that will triple its workforce because of the Recovery Act. Talk to the window manufacturer in Philadelphia who said he used to be skeptical about the Recovery Act, until he had to add two more work shifts just because of the business it created. Talk to the single teacher raising two kids who was told by her principal in the last week of school that because of the Recovery Act, she wouldn't be laid off after all.There are stories like this all across America. And after two years of recession, the economy is growing again. Retirement funds have started togain back some of their value. Businesses are beginning to invest again, and slowly [some] are starting to hire again.But I realize that for every success story, there are other stories -- of men and women who wake up with the anguish of not knowing where their next paycheck will come from; who send out resumes week after week and hear nothing in response. That is why jobs must be our number one focus in 2010. And that's why I'm calling for a new jobs bill tonight!Now, the true engine of job creation in this country will always be America's businesses. (I agree. Absolutely). But government can create the conditions necessary for businesses to expand and hire more workers. We should start where most new jobs do -- in small businesses, companies that begin when -- companies that begin when an entrepreneur -- when an entrepreneur takes a chance on a dream, or a worker decides its time she became her own boss.Through sheer grit and determination, these companies have weathered the recession and they're ready to grow. But when you talk to small business owners in places like Allentown, Pennsylvania or Elyria, Ohio, you find out that even though banks on Wall Street are lending again, they're mostly lending to bigger companies. Financing remains difficult for small business owners across the country -- even those that are making a profit.So tonight, I'm proposing that we take 30 billion dollars of the money Wall Street banks have repaid and use it to help community banks give small businesses the credit they need to stay afloat. I'm also proposing a new small business tax credit -- one that will go to over one million small businesses who hire new workers or raise wages. While we're at it, let's also eliminate all capital gains taxes on small business investment, and provide a tax incentive for all large businesses and all small businesses to invest in new plants and equipment.Next, we can put Americans to work today building the infrastructure of tomorrow. From -- From the first railroads to the interstate highway system, our nation has always been built to compete. There's no reason Europe or China should have the fastest trains, or the new factories that manufacture clean energy products.Tomorrow, I'll visit Tampa, Florida, where workers will soon break ground on a new high-speed railroad funded by the Recovery Act. There are projects like that all across this country that will create jobs and help our move our nation's goods, services, and information. We should put more Americans to work building clean energy facilities, and give -- and give rebates to Americans who make their homes more energy efficient, which supports clean energy jobs. And to encourage these and other businesses to stay within our borders, it is time to finally slash the tax breaks for companies that ship our jobs overseas and give those tax breaks to companies that create jobs right here in the United States of America.Now, the House has passed a jobs bill that includes some of these steps. As the first order of business this year, I urge the Senate to do the same -- and I know they will. They will. People are out of work. They're hurting. And they need our help. And I want a jobs bill on my desk without delay.But -- But the truth is, these steps still won't make up for the seven million jobs that we've lost over the last two years. The only way to move to full employment is to lay a new foundation for long-term economic growth, and finally address the problems that America's families have confronted for years.We can't afford another so-called economic "expansion" like the one from the last decade -- what some call the "lost decade" -- where jobs grew more slowly than during any prior expansion; where the income of the average American household declined while the cost of health care and tuition reached record highs; where prosperity was built on a housing bubble and financial speculation.From the day I took office, I've been told that addressing our larger challenges is too ambitious. Such an effort would be too contentious. I've been told that our political system is too gridlocked, and that we should just put things on hold for awhile. For those who make these claims, I have one simple question: How long should we wait? How long should America put its future on hold?You see -- You see, Washington has been telling us to wait for decades, even as the problems have grown worse. Meanwhile, China's not waiting to revamp its economy. Germany's not waiting. India's not waiting. These nations are -- they're not standing still. These nations aren't playing for second place. They're putting more emphasis on math and science. They're rebuilding their infrastructure. They're making serious investments in clean energy because they want those jobs.Well, I do not accept second-place for the United States of America.As hard as it may be, as uncomfortable and contentious as the debates may become, it's time to get serious about fixing the problems that are hampering our growth. Now, one place to start is serious financial reform. Look, I am not interested in punishing banks. I'm interested in protecting our economy. A strong, healthy financial market makes it possible for businesses to access credit and create new jobs. It channels the savings of families into investments that raise incomes. But that can only happen if we guard against the same recklessness that nearly brought down our entire economy.We need to make sure consumers and middle-class families have the information they need to make financial decisions. We can't allow financial institutions, including those that take your deposits, to take risks that threaten the whole economy. Now, the House has already passed financial reform with many of these changes. And -- And the lobbyists are trying to kill it. Well, we cannot let them win this fight. And if the bill that ends up on mydesk does not meet the test of real reform, I will send it back until we get it right. We've got to get it right.Next, we need to encourage American innovation. Last year, we made the largest investment in basic research funding in history, an investment -- an investment that could lead to the world's cheapest solar cells or treatment that kills cancer cells but leaves healthy ones untouched. And no area is more ripe for such innovation than energy. You can see the results of last year's investment in clean energy in the North Carolina company that will create 1200 jobs nationwide helping to make advanced batteries, or, in the California business that will put a thousand people to work making solar panels.But to create more of these clean energy jobs, we need more production, more efficiency, more incentives. And that means building a new generation of safe, clean nuclear power plants in this country. It means making tough decisions about opening new offshore areas for oil and gas development. It means continued investment in advanced biofuels and clean coal technologies. And yes, it means passing a comprehensive energy and climate bill with incentives that will finally make clean energy the profitable kind of energy in America.I am grateful to the House for passing such a bill last year. And this year -- this year, I am eager to help advance the bipartisan effort in the Senate. I know there have been questions about whether we can afford such changes in a tough economy. I know that there are those who disagree with the overwhelming scientific evidence on climate change. But -- But -- Here -- Here's the thing: Even if you doubt the evidence, providing incentives for energy efficiency and clean energy are the right thing to do for our future because the nation that leads the clean energy economy will be the nation that leads the global economy. And America must be that nation.[audio-to-text transcription accuracy verified to here: 27:02]Third, we need to export more of our goods. Because the more products we make and sell to other countries, the more jobs we support right here in America. So tonight, we set a new goal: We will double our exports over the next five years, an increase that will support two million jobs in America. To help meet this goal, we're launching a National Export Initiative that will help farmers and small businesses increase their exports, and reform export controls consistent with national security.We have to seek new markets aggressively, just as our competitors are. If America sits on the sidelines while other nations sign trade deals, we will lose the chance to create jobs on our shores. But realizing those benefits also means enforcing those agreements so our trading partners play by the rules. And that's why we will continue to shape a Doha trade agreement that opens global markets, and why we will strengthen our trade relations in Asia and with key partners like South Korea, Panama, and Colombia.Fourth, we need to invest in the skills and education of our people.This year, we have broken through the stalemate between left and right by launching a national competition to improve our schools. The idea here is simple: instead of rewarding failure, we only reward success. Instead of funding the status quo, we only invest in reform -- reform that raises student achievement, inspires students to excel in math and science, and turns around failing schools that steal the future of too many young Americans, from rural communities to inner-cities. In the 21st century, one of the best anti-poverty programs is a world-class education. In this country, the success of our children cannot depend more on where they live than their potential.When we renew the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, we will work with Congress to expand these reforms to all fifty states. Still, in this economy, a high school diploma no longer guarantees a good job. I urge the Senate to follow the House and pass a bill that will revitalize our community colleges, which are a career pathway to the children of so many working families. To make college more affordable, this bill will finally end the unwarranted taxpayer-subsidies that go to banks for student loans. Instead, let's take that money and give families a 10,000 dollar tax credit for four years of college and increase Pell Grants. And let's tell another one million students that when they graduate, they will be required to pay only ten percent of their income on student loans, and all of their debt will be forgiven after twenty years -- and forgiven after ten years if they choose a career in public service. Because in the United States of America, no one should go broke because they chose to go to college. And it's time for colleges and universities to get serious about cutting their own costs -- because they too have a responsibility to help solve this problem.Now, the price of college tuition is just one of the burdens facing the middle-class. That's why last year I asked Vice President Biden to chair a task force on Middle-Class Families. That's why we're nearly doubling the child care tax credit, and making it easier to save for retirement by giving every worker access to a retirement account and expanding the tax credit for those who start a nest egg. That's why we're working to lift the value of a family's single largest investment -- their home. The steps we took last year to shore up the housing market have allowed millions of Americans to take out new loans and save an average of 1,500 dollars on mortgage payments. This year, we will step up re-financing so that homeowners can move into more affordable mortgages. And it is precisely to relieve the burden on middle-class families that we still need health insurance reform.Now let's be clear -- I did not choose to tackle this issue to get some legislative victory under my belt. And by now it should be fairly obvious that I didn't take on health care because it was good politics.I took on health care because of the stories I've heard from Americans with pre-existing conditions whose lives depend on getting coverage; patients who've been denied coverage; and families -- even those with insurance -- who are just one illness away from financial ruin.After nearly a century of trying, we are closer than ever to bringing more security to the lives of so many Americans. The approach we've taken would protect every American from the worst practices of the insurance industry. It would give small businesses and uninsured Americans a chance to choose an affordable health care plan in a competitive market. It would require every insurance plan to cover preventive care. And by the way, I want to acknowledge our First Lady, Michelle Obama, who this year is creating a national movement to tackle the epidemic of childhood obesity and make our kids healthier.Our approach would preserve the right of Americans who have insurance to keep their doctor and their plan. It would reduce costs and premiums for millions of families and businesses. And according to the Congressional Budget Office -- the independent organization that both parties have cited as the official scorekeeper for Congress -- our approach would bring down the deficit by as much as 1 trillion dollars over the next two decades.Still, this is a complex issue, and the longer it was debated, the more skeptical people became. I take my share of the blame for not explaining it more clearly to the American people. And I know that with all the lobbying and horse-trading, this process left most Americans wondering what's in it for them.But I also know this problem is not going away. By the time I'm finished speaking tonight, more Americans will have lost their health insurance. Millions will lose it this year. Our deficit will grow. Premiums will go up. Patients will be denied the care they need. Small business owners will continue to drop coverage altogether. I will not walk away from these Americans, and neither should the people in this chamber.As temperatures cool, I want everyone to take another look at the plan we've proposed. There's a reason why many doctors, nurses, and health care experts who know our system best consider this approach a vast improvement over the status quo. But if anyone from either party has a better approach that will bring down premiums, bring down the deficit, cover the uninsured, strengthen Medicare for seniors, and stop insurance company abuses, let me know. Let's get it done. Let's get it done. Here's what I ask of Congress, though: Do not walk away from reform. Not now. Not when we are so close. Let us find a way to come together and finish the job for the American people.Now, even as health care reform would reduce our deficit, it's not enough to dig us out of a massive fiscal hole in which we find ourselves. It's a challenge that makes all others that much harder to solve, and one that's been subject to a lot of political posturing.So let me start the discussion of government spending by setting the record straight. At the beginning of the last decade, America had a budget surplus of over 200 billion dollars. By the time I took office, we had a one year deficit of over 1 trillion dollars and projected deficits of 8 trillion dollars overthe next decade. Most of this was the result of not paying for two wars, two tax cuts, and an expensive prescription drug program. On top of that, the effects of the recession put a 3 trillion dollar hole in our budget. That was before I walked in the door. I'm just stating the facts.Now if we had taken office in ordinary times, I would have liked nothing more than to start bringing down the deficit. But we took office amid a crisis, and our efforts to prevent a second Depression have added another 1 trillion dollars to our national debt. That, too, is a fact.I am absolutely convinced that was the right thing to do. But families across the country are tightening their belts and making tough decisions. The federal government should do the same. So tonight, I'm proposing specific steps to pay for the 1 trillion that it took to rescue the economy last year.Starting in 2011, we are prepared to freeze government spending for three years. Spending related to our national security, Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security will not be affected. But all other discretionary government programs will. Like any cash-strapped family, we will work within a budget to invest in what we need and sacrifice what we don't. And if I have to enforce this discipline by veto, I will.We will continue to go through the budget line by line, page by page, to eliminate programs that we can't afford and don't work. We've already identified 20 billion dollars in savings for next year. To help working families, we will extend our middle-class tax cuts. But at a time of record deficits, we will not continue tax cuts for oil companies, for investment fund managers, and for those making over 250,000 dollars a year. We just can't afford it.Now, even after paying for what we spent on my watch, we will still face the massive deficit we had when I took office. More importantly, the cost of Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security will continue to skyrocket. That's why I've called for a bipartisan, Fiscal Commission, modeled on a proposal by Republican Judd Gregg and Democrat Kent Conrad. This can't be one of those Washington gimmicks that lets us pretend we solved a problem. The Commission will have to provide a specific set of solutions by a certain deadline. Now, yesterday, the Senate blocked a bill that would have created this commission. So I will issue an executive order that will allow us to go forward, because I refuse to pass this problem on to another generation of Americans. And when the vote comes tomorrow, the Senate should restore the pay-as-you-go law that was a big reason why we had record surpluses in the 1990s.Now, I know that some in my own party will argue that we cannot address the deficit or freeze government spending when so many are still hurting. And I agree, which is why this freeze will not take effect until next year, when the economy is stronger. That's how budgeting works. But understand -- understand, if we do not take meaningful steps to rein in our debt, it could damage our markets, increase the cost of borrowing, andjeopardize our recovery -- all of which could have an even worse effect on our job growth and family incomes.From some on the right, I expect we'll hear a different argument: If we just make fewer investments in our people, extend tax cuts for wealthier Americans, eliminate more regulations, and maintain the status quo on health care, our deficits will go away. The problem is, that's what we did for eight years. That's what helped lead us into this crisis. It's what helped lead to these deficits. We can't do it again.Rather than fight the same tired battles that have dominated Washington for decades, it's time to try something new. Let's invest in our people without leaving them a mountain of debt. Let's meet our responsibility to the citizens who sent us here. Let's try common sense -- a novel concept.To do that, we have to recognize that we face more than a deficit of dollars right now. We face a deficit of trust -- deep and corrosive doubts about how Washington works that have been growing for years. To close that credibility gap we must take action on both ends of Pennsylvania Avenue to end the outsized influence of lobbyists; to do our work openly; to give our people the government they deserve.Now, that's what I came to Washington to do. That's why -- for the first time in history -- my Administration posts our White House visitors online. That's why we've excluded lobbyists from policy-making jobs or seats on federal boards and commissions.But we can't stop there. It's time to require lobbyists to disclose each contact they make on behalf of a client with my Administration or Congress. And it's time to put strict limits on the contributions that lobbyists give to candidates for federal office. With all due deference, last week the Supreme Court reversed a century of law to open the floodgates for special interests -- including foreign corporations -- to spend without limit in our elections. Well I don't think American elections should be bankrolled by America's most powerful interests, or worse, by foreign entities. They should be decided by the American people, and I'd urge Democrats and Republicans to pass a bill that helps to right this wrong.I'm also calling on Congress to continue down the path of earmark reform -- Democrats and Republicans, Democrats and Republicans. Look, you have trimmed some of this spending and embraced some meaningful change. But restoring the public trust demands more. For example, some members of Congress post some earmark requests online. Tonight, I'm calling on Congress to publish all earmark requests on a single website before there's a vote so that the American people can see how their money is being spent.Of course, none of these reforms will even happen if we don't also reform how we work with one another.。
奥巴马就美国国情咨文演讲：维护国家安全,确保和平发展的前提
奥巴马就美国国情咨文演讲：维护国家安全，确保和平发展的前提，在今天这个特殊的时刻，我很高兴有机会与大家分享我对美国国情的观察和思考。
作为美国的领导者，我们必须始终牢记们的责任，保护我们的国家和我们的公民，并努力确保全球和平和繁荣。
在这篇演讲中，我将强调维护国家安全和确保和平发展的重要性。
让我们谈谈国家安全。
美国是一个伟大的国家，有着强大的军队和警察。
然而，我们面临的安全风险正变得越来越复杂和严重。
恐怖主义和网络安全问题，成为我们重要的安全挑战。
我们需要更好的解决方案，以应对这些挑战。
这个过程需要一些痛苦的改变，但这是维护我们国家安全的唯一途径。
我们应该鼓励我们的公民参与到守护国家安全的行动中。
我们需要强化安全意识，让每一个公民都明白自己的安全意识和责任。
我们需要加强监督和控制，以便尽可能地确保所有人都对安全问题有意识，特别是在共享和访问敏感信息方面。
我们需要培训更加优秀的分析人员，加强我们的人员和技术能力，尽可能地增加我们的预警和防范能力。
让我们探讨和平发展的前提。
作为全球领导国家，我们不仅要保护自己，也要关注整个全球的和平和繁荣。
所以，我们必须在国内和国际上，促进和平、稳定、繁荣和合作。
在国内，我们应该支持一种合理和富有建设性的国际关系，建设多元化、公开和透明的合作机制。
这将有助于我们及其它国家分享知识和资源，为我们的民众和其他国家的民众带来更多的福祉。
要推进和平，我们的工作强调着与其他国家的互相理解和尊重，因为每个国家在它自己的方式和节奏下，通过各自的政治、社会和文化背景和特点，在各自的领域内，它们的发展之路是不同的。
并且，更重要的是，我们必须在国际合作中以平等、公正、互惠的原则作为基础。
我们应该向世界展示我们的价值观和原则，性别平等、人权尊重和全球环保等。
我们应该开展国际联合行动，与世界其他地区和国家共同应对各种挑战，包括但不限于可持续发展、气候变化和全球安全等。
我们应该继续推动区域和全球互联互通、推进更加公平更加公开的国际贸易体系。
美国奥巴马国情咨文演讲稿
美国奥巴马国情咨文演讲稿引言尊敬的议员们、女士们、先生们：我今天晚上站在这里发表一篇国情咨文，我明确地意识到，我们依旧面临着很多挑战。
虽然我们已经迈出了很多步，但是我们还有很长的路要走，我们还需要共同努力，期待未来。
经济我们的经济正在复苏。
而这个复苏的过程不是没有成果的，我们已经创造了十万个就业岗位，这源于我们在金融危机的时候所做的不懈努力。
过去这几年，我们已经把失业人数降低了三千万。
政府所采取的投资对于我们的经济也是非常的重要，它们取得的显著效果证明了政府可行的投资和稳健的经济政策。
然而，我们需要认真关注日益增长的收入不平等问题。
其中一项数据凸显出问题所处严重性：百万富翁的财产不断增加，而工薪阶层的工资却未跟上通货膨胀，存在着越来越大的不平等之患。
我们必须要妥善解决这个问题，因为这事关我们国家的繁荣和稳定。
医疗保健在医疗保健的领域，我们所经历的一些困难让我们认识到了这个系统改革的必要性。
现在，更多的人得到了医保覆盖，更多的人可以自己去看医生，得到自己所需要的治疗。
这是一件好事情，但是我们还需要更进一步地去完善，让医疗保健能够越来越好地为百姓服务。
我们需要着眼于减少医疗保健负担，特别是对于财力有限的人群。
我们需要为他们提供更多的保护和支持，并为所有人提供公平而且合理的医疗保健覆盖。
教育我们需要一套系统完备的教育体系，让我们的孩子获得一个高质量的教育，因为他们就是未来的栋梁。
我们需要对所有教育工作者进行更好的支持，让他们能够有更好的发展机会和教育资源。
我们也需要在教育领域不断追求变革，运用现代技术来提高教学的质量，提高教育标准，让每个孩子都拥有公平竞争的机会，培养更多的未来领袖。
移民我们常说，美国是一个移民国家，这是我们的骄傲，也是我们的财富。
而我们目前还存在一些移民方面的问题，这些问题需要我们一同去解决。
我们需要关注的是指定合理的政策，确保我们的移民政策能够让我们吸引那些在教育、技术、创意方面有能力的人来到美国，同时，我们也要确保所有合法的旅行者都能够受到公正的接待和对待。
奥巴马国情咨文内容要点
奥巴马国情咨文内容要点
奥巴马
中评社香港1月29日电／美国总统奥巴马今天台北时间上午10时将发表国情咨文演说，以下为讲稿摘录。
中央社报道，讲稿显示，奥巴马将在演说中表示：“在未来几个月，让我们共同体察能在哪些方面精进，让今年成为行动之年。
这是大部分美国民众所希望的，让国会全体成员聚焦民众生活、民众想望和他们的抱负，我深信我们可以团结国家人民，跨越种族、宗教或党派、不论年龄、富裕或贫困，单纯而坚定的相信每个人都有机会，也就是只要努力，肩负责任，你就可以获得成功。
”
“让我们面对现实：这个信念受到一些重挫。
过去30多年来，甚至是在大衰退冲击之前，技术和全球竞争的大量转移，消弭了许多好的、中产阶级的工作机会，并削弱许多家庭所仰赖的经济基础。
”
“今天，经过4年的经济成长后，企业获利、股价也罕见地成长，经济最富裕的民众创造前所未有财富。
但平均薪资几乎停滞不前。
严酷的事实在于，即使经济正在复苏，太多美国民众比从前做得更多，才足以勉强维持生活，更别说是进步。
太多人甚至毫无工作机会。
”
讲稿显示：“我们的工作在于扭转这些趋势。
这不会马上发生，我们无法立刻就所有事务达成协议。
但我今晚想表达的是一套具体可行的倡议，以加速经济成长、巩固中产阶级，让中产阶级拥有新的向上流动机会。
”
“这部分需要国会行动，而我渴望与你们合作。
但美国不会静止不动，我也不会。
所以不论在任何地方、任何时候，只要我能在跳过立法机构下采取步骤，拓展更多美国家庭的机会，我就会着手进行。
”
奥巴马说：“我们就是机会，而恢复这项承诺是这一代的确定任务。
”。
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作业要求：①标明出色的表达句式和词汇
②思考这些表达可以替换哪些词汇？
③思考这些表达可以对应的中文有哪些？
2016年奥巴马国情咨文（节选）
We live in a time of extraordinary change — c hange that's reshaping the way we live, the way we work, our planet and our place in the world. It's change that promises amazing medical breakthroughs, but also economic disruptions that strain working families. It promises education for girls in the most remote villages, but also connects terrorists plotting an ocean away. It's change that can broaden opportunity, or widen inequality. And whether we like it or not, the pace of this change will only accelerate.
America has been through big changes before — w ars and depression, the influx of immigrants, workers fighting for a fair deal, and movements to expand civil rights. Each time, there have been those who told us to fear the future; who claimed we could slam the brakes on change, promising to restore past glory if we just got some group or idea that was threatening America under control. And each time, we overcame those fears. We did not, in the words of Lincoln, adhere to the "dogmas of the quiet past." Instead we thought anew, and acted anew.。