养老金外文翻译
老龄化和退休养老金外文翻译文献
文献信息文献标题：Active Ageing, Pensions and Retirement in the UK（英国的积极老龄化、养老金和退休）文献作者：Liam Foster文献出处：《Journal of Population Ageing》,2018,11(2):117-132字数统计：英文3829单词，20396字符；中文6752汉字外文文献Active Ageing, Pensions and Retirement in the UK Abstract The ageing population has led to increasing concerns about pensions and their future sustainability. Much of the dominant policy discourse around ageing and pension provision over the last decade has focussed on postponing retirement and prolonging employment. These measures are central to productive notions of ‘active ageing’. Initially the paper briefly sets out the pension developments in the UK. Then it introduces active ageing and active ageing policy, exploring its implications for UK pension provision. It demonstrates that a more comprehensive active ageing framework, which incorporates a life-course perspective, has the potential to assist the UK to respond to the challenges of an ageing population. In doing so it needs to highlight older people as an economic and social resource, and reduce barriers to older people’s participation in society.Keywords: Active ageing, Extending working lives, UK, Longevity, PensionsIntroductionThe world’s population is ageing. The number of people aged 65 or older worldwide is projected to grow from 524 million in 2010 to nearly 1.5 billion in 2050 (World Health Organisation 2012). The age-based dependency ratio is also changing: in Europe there are four people of working age for every person over 65 and by 2060 there will be only two (European Commission 2010). In the UK it is estimated that thepopulation aged over 65 will grow twice as fast as the working age population, accounting for 24% of the population by 2037 (Office for National Statistics 2015). This process of demographic ageing with the accompanying shifts in the ratio of social security contributors to recipients poses a significant challenge to the sustainability of pensions (Hofäcker 2015).The ‘active ageing’ framework has emerged as a key policy resp onse to the challenges of an ageing population (Foster and Walker 2015). Active ageing is concerned with enabling people to remain independent and achieve their potential regardless of age. It emphasises the importance of maximizing health, participation and security in enhancing well-being as people age (World Health Organisation 2002). In addition, it indicates the role older people can play in combating the challenges of an ageing population through delaying exit from employment and maintaining an active life following retirement (European Commission 2014). Pension policies can have an important role in extending working lives in addition to providing an adequate income in retirement and, as such, should be a central component of the active ageing agenda (Foster 2012). Despite this, little attention has been given to the links between the active ageing framework and pensions, especially in the UK (Hinrichs and Aleksandrowicz 2006; Botti et al. 2011).Initially the paper briefly outlines the development of pensions in the UK. Then it considers the emergence of active ageing policy, exploring its implications for UK pensions and extending working lives, before outlining the importance of utilising a life-course approach to active ageing. It shows how an active ageing strategy can assist the UK to respond to the challenges of an ageing population. In doing so it emphasises the need to see older people as an economic and social resource, and reduce barriers to older people’s participation in society.The Development of Pensions in the UKIn the UK the fate of the aged poor became a public issue in the late nineteenth century and a campaign for the introduction of an old age pension began towards the end of 1898. This led to the creation of the 1908 Old Age Pensions Act. Coverage waslimited for financial and moral reasons, with the focus on undeserved poverty. The level of pension was insufficient to tempt those able to continue in full-time work to stop doing so. Following the Second World War, further changes were made to the state pension scheme based on the Beveridge Report (1942). A flat-rate pension, funded through National Insurance (NI) contributions (made by employees and employers), meant older people became more of a distinct social category, defined by age (of pension entitlement) (Walker 1980). This flat-rate pension was supplemented by an occupational pension for those who could afford them or by national assistance for those without further provision.These developments enhanced the connection between ageing and public policy in the UK and were accompanied by a rise in living standards of older people (Walker 2009). However they also contributed to the perception of older people as requiring economic support and enhanced ageist stereotypes of old age as a period of dependency and frailty (Townsend 1981). The developments meant older people were expected to exit the labour force at fixed ages and exchange wages for pensions. Pensions operated as a form of institutionalisation of retirement and management of the labour market (Kohli 2007). Retirement provided a clearly defined ‘normative’ phase of the lifecourse, structurally distinct from paid work, and formed a boundary that produced older people as a distinct group. These developments were underpinned by various types of support created through the welfare state, in addition to the expansion of occupational (defined benefit) pensions (Phillipson et al. 2016).An Active Ageing FrameworkThe concept of active ageing, which lacks a precise universally agreed definition, is a relatively new one, achieving widespread currency only in the past 20 years, largely due to the WHO. It emerged at a time when many countries began to restructure their old age income security systems in response to the challenges presented by an ageing population. These changes also fitted with principles of the active ageing framework which ‘portrayed an active role for older people’ (Walker 2009, p. 79). The emergence of active ageing can be traced back to the activityperspective in the US, during the early 1960s, as the antithesis of disengagement, the mutual withdrawal between ageing persons and society (Foster and Walker 2015). Cumming and Henry (1961) assumed disengagement to be universal and inevitable. However, this theory was criticised as it largely ignored older adults’ perceptions about what engagement entailed, enforcing a deficit model (Hochschild 1975). At that time the key to ‘successful ageing’ was perceived as the continuation of activity in older age (Havighurst 1961; Rowe and Kahn 1987). This approach was predicated on reductionist aims and had the effect of placing an unrealistic expectation on individuals in older age to maintain levels of activity associated with middle age, disregarding functional limitations. Thus, it failed to acknowledge the heterogeneous nature of older age. Productive ageing followed in the US a decade later, focussing on ‘any activity by an older individual that produces goods or services, or develops the capacity to produce goods or services’ (Caro et al. 1993, p. 6), before the global concept of active ageing emerged.Active ageing represents a vision for policy in which facilitating the rights of older people will enable the expanding population to remain healthy (reducing the burden on health and social care systems), stay in employment longer (reducing pension costs), whilst also fully participating in community and political processes. It is concerned with ‘continuing participation in social, economic, cultural, spiritual and civic affairs, not just the ability to be physically active or to participate in the labour force’ (World Health Organisation 2002, p. 12). Therefore, it involves challenging views of older age as characterised by passivity and dependency. It also emphasises the importance of experiences in younger years for determining well-being in later life (Hamblin 2013), highlighting the need for preventative processes throughout the life-course, including providing opportunities to contribute to adequate pension schemes or rewarding periods of caring (Ginn and Macintyre 2013).Pensions and Active AgeingA productivist version of active ageing has focussed on raising the employment rates of older workers through a combination of pension and labour market reforms.Longer working lives are seen as a viable approach to reduce the welfare bill. In 2014 in the UK there were 2.9 million people out of work aged between 50 and the State Pension Age (SPA), the age at which the state pension is received, and the government was spending around £7 billion on out-of-work benefits for people in this age group (Government Office for Science 2016). There are also currently over 1 million people aged 50-SPA who are not working because of sickness or disability (Department for Work and Pensions 2014a). While ‘passive’ programmes tend to discourage the use of early retirement schemes, ‘active’ approaches target employment retention and the reintegration of older workers (Corsi and Samek 2010). Despite considerable increases in older worker’s employme nt in the UK the current employment rate declines from 86% for 50 year olds, to 65% for 60 year olds and 31% for 65 year olds (Government Office for Science 2016). The DWP ( 2014a) suggests that halving the employment gap between older people aged 50-SPA and those in their 40s could have seen income tax and NI receipts 1% (just under £3 billion) higher and GDP up to 1% (£18 billion) higher in 2013.Pension system reforms are seen as fundamental to older workers’ employment, by providing effective incentives and an environment for demand and supply of the labour of older workers (Botti et al. 2011). In the UK policy has encouraged delayed retirement in a number of ways, including increases in the age at which the state pension can be received (in 2008, the UK government announced a phased increase in the SPA to 68 by 2046) and gradually standardising the pension age for men and women. These are practices recently undertaken by a number of EU countries (Foster 2012). In an interview with the Guardian Sarah Harper suggested that if Brexit leads to a significant decline in migration in the UK then a reduction in the ratio of workers to retired people is likely to lead to additional increases in the SPA (Lyons and Hill 2017). The changes in SPA may be difficult for people who have already made employment, saving and retirement decisions based on a particular SPA who are unable to adjust to a higher SPA by working or saving longer. Raising the SPA in line with increasing life expectancy may result in more people with health problems or caring commitments leaving the labour market before they are eligible for the statepension (Price et al. 2015). Leaving work before SPA makes it increasingly difficult to maintain living standards into retirement. For instance a third of people who stopped work aged 50 to SPA between 2008 and 2010 saw their overall household income immediately drop by over a half (Department for Work and Pensions 2014a). Weyman et al. (2012) suggest that it is likely to have the greatest effect on middle to lower-income groups given that they are least likely to be in employment up to SPA. They may be most likely to see the SPA increase as a signal to work slightly longer if possible (Phillipson et al. 2016). For high income groups the state pension represents a relatively marginal factor in their financial planning. They are more likely to have access to occupational pensions and other financial assets.Ensuring an adequate level of income in retirement for all fits with a more comprehensive approach to active ageing as financial resources can enhance the prospect of ‘activity’ in retirement (Foster and Walker 2015). Government sources of income are crucial to maintaining post-retirement living standards (Phillipson et al. 2016). For instance, in 2012/13 state benefits accounted for 44% of pensioners’ incomes, occupational pensions made up 27%, earnings 17%, investment income 7%, and personal pensions (defined contribution (DC) schemes usually set up by an individual which do not stipulate an employer contribution is required) 4% (Department for Work and Pensions 2014b). Cash benefits/state pensions represented 79% of the incomes of retired households in the bottom quartile in 2012 (Macnicol 2015). In the UK state pension provision is still comparatively low compared with its European counterparts, despite recent changes to the state pension scheme (Creighton 2014). The indexation of the Basic State Pension (BSP), a regular payment from the government that begins when people reach the SPA based on an individ ual’s history of payments of NI Contributions, and the means-tested Pension Credit has been improved and a new single tier pension, combining the basic and second (earnings-related) state pensions, was introduced in 2016 at about £155 per week if payable in full. Since no extra money is forthcoming, there will be both gainers and losers, with estimates of gainers varying from 35% of men and 61% of women (Crawford et al. 2013) to 70% of men and 75% of women (Department for Work andPensions 2015). Men and women already over the SPA in April 2016 are ineligible and will continue to receive the state pension in its current form, even where they would have benefitted from the new pension. As such many pensioners, including the oldest old, are excluded from this policy. If existing pensioners had been included, by 2025 this would reduce the projected percentage of pensioners living in relative poverty from around 11% under current policy to around 7%, rather than 10% when just including those reaching the SPA post-2016 (Carrera et al. 2012). Lloyd (2015), using ELSA, found that increasing income in retirement impacts upon retirement satisfaction. Therefore, enhancing the basic level of pension provision could assist older people to finance additional activities, key characteristics of comprehensive active ageing (ILC–UK 2014). Hence the need for a more inclusive approach to basic pension provision which does not exclude the oldest old (Walker 2002).Extending Working LivesIn 2010 the default retirement age (DRA) of 65, which meant that employers could force their employees to retire at the age of 65, was abolished in the UK following a number of countries including Australia, Canada, New Zealand and the USA (certain employers such as the fire service still have a compulsory retirement age). The abolition of the DRA in the UK, a productivist active ageing policy, was seen as an important way of ‘encouraging’ people with inadequate retirement incomes to continue working and contributing to pensions (Botti et al. 2011). An active ageing framework needs to acknowledge the diverse experiences and the lack of choice often associated with retirement decisions. The age at which people retire is influenced by a variety of factors including health, wealth, work decisions including involuntary redundancy, caring obligations and job satisfaction (Brown and Vickerstaff 2011). Pension arrangements, and the availability of other benefits (for instance as alternative retirement vehicles), also influence the timing and nature of retirement. Studies regarding the decision to retire find that people with higher incomes and occupational pensions are able to more freely decide when to retire (and tend to be most likely to either retire early or to continue working past SPA), while those without a privatepension are more likely to leave work involuntarily, because of redundancy, care-giving responsibilities or illhealth (Phillipson et al. 2016; Vickerstaff et al. 2006). There are also differences between those who ‘consider retirement a wel l-earned entitlement, individuals who retire for health reasons, those who are compelled to continue working for financial reasons and older workers who have an inherently positive relationship with employment and would like to continue working’ (Beck 2014, p. 201). As such the extending working lives agenda is a complex one, with choice unevenly distributed and constrained by a myriad of interrelated factors (Porcellato et al. 2010; Lain 2016).Whilst there has been an increase in people working past age 65 in the UK, this largely relates to people being retained in their current jobs rather than undertaking new ones. This is also applicable to self-employed workers where an increase in selfe-mployed individuals aged 65–69 is due to the long-term self-employed remaining in their jobs longer (Phillipson et al. 2016). It may be easier for self-employed workers to work beyond 65 as they are not as confined by organisational rules regarding retirement, have a greater ability to work flexibly and can return to work, having left, without having to convince an employer to rehire them (Lain 2016). Although opportunities to remain in work have improved, it is evident that age discrimination continues in hiring practices (Phillipson et al. 2016). While UK employers often acknowledge the benefits of age diverse workforces, in practice, recruitment trends show they prefer to recruit younger workers (Porcellato et al. 2010; Lain 2016). Stereotypes still exist that older workers: do not want to train; lack creativity; are too cautious; cannot do heavy physical work; and dislike taking orders from younger workers (Walker and Maltby 2012). This is despite evidence which shows older workers are, on average, as effective in their jobs as younger ones (Smeaton et al. 2009). Furthermore, Lain (2012) found that in the early 2000s employees working at age 65–69 who had recently been recruited were disproportionately in low paid, part-time employment which required few qualifications, pointing to the limitations of a productivist active ageing agenda.Active Ageing, Pensions and the Life-CourseWhile active ageing emphasises the need for extending working lives, employment throughout the life-course has considerable implications for pension accumulation. Individuals who have fragmented pension contribution histories are likely to build up smaller pension pots for retirement. Therefore, security in retirement cannot easily be achieved by planning in the immediate run up to retirement (Macnicol 2015). In particular women’s incre ased risk of poverty in older age depends largely on lower accumulation of pension rights throughout the life-course often as a result of their greater likelihood of undertaking caring responsibilities (Corsi and Samek 2010). British women receive 25% less in state pension than men and women’s private pension savings are only half that of men (Pensions Policy Institute 2016). Such disparities between men and women’s pension income are not specific to the UK. For instance, taking the EU as a whole, men are on average entitled to pensions that are 40% higher than women’s (Tinios et al. 2015).Given that active ageing policy is dependent on characteristics and experiences throughout the life-course, policies should not simply be targeted at older age. A lack of pension income in later life is a result of insufficient pension saving in early and middle adult life. Therefore, pension challenges will not be addressed only through expanding working life and delaying pension receipt. A comprehensive active ageing approach needs to take into account pension saving throughout the life-course in order to understand income inequalities in older age. This needs to depart from an outdated notion of a ‘standardised’ or ‘normative’ life-course where exit from the labour market in older age is regulated by pension norms (Loretto and Vickerstaff 2015).While a neoliberal policy approaches may be steering an individual approach to pension saving (Grady 2016), the male breadwinner ideology is still prevalent in pension decision-making and women still undertake greater levels of caring responsibilities at all stages of the life-course (Scott and Clery 2012). Therefore, a comprehensive active ageing strategy needs to recognise the different trajectories women often face and not penalise women (and men) who diverge from traditional male patterns of employment (it is also worth noting that for many men workingpatterns have changed with more frequent movement between employers and an expansion in self-employment). Unfortunately, neoliberal pension policies, which promote individual responsibility for pension provision, do not account for the realities of many women’s (and some men’s) labour market experience. It would be possible to redevelop pension systems in a manner which de-couples retirement income from labour market participation (Strauss 2014) thus avoiding the penalty for caring years incurred in private pensions (Ginn and Macintyre 2013). In effect, we need to move beyond policy that solely reinforce the liberal celebration of better-paid employment in the labour market and explore ways to reward all forms of work including unpaid labour (Strauss 2014). One option is to introduce an unconditional Citizens Pension set at an adequate level. This approach would reduce gendered inequalities in pensions in retirement and provide a greater acknowledgement of the impact of a life-course approach to active ageing.ConclusionActive ageing has the potential to provide a framework for strategies relating to population ageing and pensions, particularly when a life-course approach is employed. Whilst it is important that a comprehensive active ageing approach recognises diversity and cultural differences, there are fundamental characteristics which must be included in an active ageing approach, whether the focus is on the UK, Europe or beyond. Ultimately it can assist with the process of optimising opportunities for health, participation and security (particularly through increasing the BSP) and as a way to enhance well-being as people age (Corsi and Samek 2010). A comprehensive strategy has the potential to assist with the challenges of workforce ageing and pressure on social protection systems, and enhance the experiences of older people (Foster and Walker 2013). It should not only be concerned with paid employment and pensions; the notion of ‘activity’ should involve all meaningful pursuits that contribute to an individual’s well-being, including their family, local community or society.In reality, much of the emphasis on active ageing has been on productivity and attempts to encourage people to work longer (Foster and Walker 2015). This focus islikely to adversely affect particular groups, including the lowest paid, carers and those with disabilities, who may have limited opportunities or choice in relation to employment (Phillipson et al. 2016). Furthermore, a greater emphasis on individual responsibility for pension provision has led to the displacement of risk and responsibility from a collective public level to individual policy-holders in the UK and beyond (McClymont and Tarrant 2016). This is likely to present significant challenges to those with limited access to opportunities to save and exacerbate gender inequalities in pension provision (Ginn and Macintyre 2013). In addition, increasing the SPA in the UK may result in more people with health problems or caring commitments leaving the labour market before they are eligible for the state pension (Price et al. 2015).We need to look beyond narrow productivist notions of active ageing, taking a lifecourse perspective, to ensure people have the income, opportunities and choices required to enhance their well-being in later life. At the same time, active ageing policies, including economic incentives to continue working in later life, need to be accompanied by policies that enable older workers who want to work to remain active in the paid labour market, focusing on i-deals (Loretto 2016). Unless sustainable pension provision with adequate income in retirement is enacted, there is a danger that more individuals will be compelled to work in insecure forms of paid employment or face an insecure retirement (Phillipson 2012; Grady 2016; Lain 2016). Therefore there is a need to develop a more comprehensive approach to active ageing in the UK which supports retirement as a period of financial security.中文译文英国的积极老龄化、养老金和退休摘要人口老龄化使人们越来越担心养老金及其未来的可持续性。
养老金领取证明 英语
养老金领取证明英语英文回答：A pensioner's certificate is a document that verifies that an individual is receiving pension benefits. Ittypically includes information such as the pensioner's name, address, date of birth, and the amount of pension they are receiving. Pensioner's certificates are often used to prove eligibility for government benefits, such as healthcare or housing assistance.There are two main types of pensioner's certificates:Service pensioner's certificate: This type ofcertificate is issued to individuals who have served in the military or other government service.Age pensioner's certificate: This type of certificateis issued to individuals who have reached retirement ageand meet certain eligibility criteria.The specific requirements for obtaining a pensioner's certificate vary depending on the country or jurisdiction. In general, however, individuals must provide proof of their identity, age, and pension status.Pensioner's certificates are important documents that can be used to access a variety of government benefits and services. It is important to keep these certificates safe and to have them readily available when needed.中文回答：養老金领取证明是证明个人正在领取养老金福利的文件。
养老保险外文翻译文献
养老保险外文翻译文献(文档含中英文对照即英文原文和中文翻译)原文：Reintroducing Intergenerational Equilibrium: Key Concepts behind the New Polish Pension SystemAbstractPoland adopted a new pension system in 1999. This new pension system allows Poland to reduce pension expenditure (as a percent of GDP), instead of increasing it as is projected for the majority of other OECD countries. This paper presents the conceptual background of the new system design. The new system’s long-term bjective is to ensure intergenerational equilibrium irrespective of the demographic situation. This requires stabilisation of the share of GDP allocated to the entire retiredgeneration. Traditional pension systems aim, instead, at stabilisation of the share of GDP per retiree. The change in demographic structure observed over the past for a couple of decades and this historic attempt to stabilise the share of GDP per retiree led to severe fiscal problems and negative externalities for growth, as observed in numerous countries. Many countries have tried to reform their pension systems in different ways to try to resolve the issue of these ever-increasing costs. Although the Polish reform uses a number of techniques applied elsewhere, its design differs from the typical approaches –and the lessons and results are promising for all OECD countries. This paper presents the theoretical and practical application of this alternative approach and as such, the key features of the new Polish pension system design.IntroductionDemographic transition together with myopic policies has caused severe problems in the area of pensions in many countries around the world. Elements of traditional pension systems’ design include a weak link of benefits to contributions and the lack of control over costs of the system. Inclusion of these elements in the pension system design led to the explosion of costs, caused negative externalities for growth and contributed to persistently high unemployment. As such, the quest for pension reform is now on the top of policy agendas around the world, and especially in Europe. However, very few countries have been able to introduce fundamental reforms in the area of pensions to this time. In this case, the definition of reform is crucial. For the purposes of this paper, “reform” means changing t he system in order to remove tructural inefficiencies – and not just playing at the margins with contribution rates a nd retirement ages to adjust the system’s parameters for short-term fiscal and political reasons.Traditional pension systems have proven to be inefficient in providing societies with social security. Atthe same time attempts to cure these systems are hampered by a lack of consensus on what could replace the traditional system. Discussions on this issue involve confusion stemming from the ideological context of the discussion participants, as well as from overuse of such concepts as “pay-as-you-go” versus“funding”, or “public” versus “private”, while at the same time ignoring a number of important economic issues.Furthermore, economists have traditionally ignored pensions. Designing and running pension systems was left to non-economists, who were not extensively concerned with how to finance pensions in the long-term or with how to counteract these pension systems’ negative externalities. The new Polish pension system belongs to very small number of successful attempts to apply modern thinking in the area of pensions. This does not mean – as some may assume – giving up social security goals. Rather, the key idea was to give up the inefficient methods of delivering social security in order to save its goals and principles.This paper consists of two parts. The first focuses on a discussion of general issues that need to be addressed when designing a pension system. These issues are presented in a way that goes beyond the traditional way of thinking on pensions. In regards to this second part of the paper, it is important to point out that most countries in the current EU member states and candidate countries have pension systems that are essentially the same at the basic policy level. As such, the solutions in one member state or candidate country can be expected to be the same. Like European states such as France, Germany, Italy, the Czech Republic, Hungary and other European states, Poland and Sweden over the past decades and until the late 1990’s developed inefficient, costly pension systems. As such, in part two of the paper we shall examine how Poland has now successfully implemented the approach presented in the first part of the paper, and created a fundamentally strong and neutral pension system.Selected general issuesPension system design has to take into account a number of issues. Their full presentation and discussion goes beyond the scope of this paper This paper presents only a list of the issues for consideration and the most important observations. The pension system: externalities versus neutrality The description of a pension system depends strongly on both the aggregated and individual viewpoint.From the aggregated perspective, the pension system is a way of dividing current GDP between a part kept by the working generation and a part allocated to the retired generation. From the individual perspective, the pension system is a way of income allocation over a person’s life cycle. The above holds irrespective to the technical method applied or the ideological viewpoint. The pension system –as defined above –is not necessarily pay-as-you-go or funded. Such features stem from technical elements additionally applied on the top of the pension system, rather than from the system itself. If the pension system design assumes anonymous participation and a substantial scale of redistribution then we usually call this system pay-as-you-go. If the pension system design uses financial markets, then we usually call it funded. However, these two typically used concepts do not exhaust all possible combinations of anonymous versus individualised participation and financial versus non-financial pension system design techniques used. The dualistic pay-as-you-go versus funded approach leaves aside the combination of individual participation in a system that does not use financial markets. This approach also neglects the fact that using financial markets means investment (pension portfolio consists of private equities) or deferring taxes (pension portfolio consists of government bonds), which is obviously not the same. Adding redistribution or financial markets to the pension system generates externalities. These externalities can be positive and negative. Redistribution within the pension system can generate positive externalities if the system isinexpensive, namely the part of GDP allocated to the retired generation is not large. If the redistribution is large, then it generates negative externalities, such as contributing to persistently high unemployment and weak growth. Using financial markets causes positive externalities for growth if the pension system spends contribution money on investment. If the contributions are spent on government debt they may lead to negative externalities similar to those of large redistributive system, namely more tax distortions. This can happen if the rate of return on government debt is persistently above the rate of GDP growth. There exists yet another option, namely to bring the pension system as close toeconomic neutrality as possible. This option requires, among other things, combining individual participation in the system with dividing GDP between generations based on real economy developments, such as has been done in Poland and Sweden.Demographic structure: consequences of the change .Irrespective of the pension system design technique used, the pension system exchanges a right of the retired generation for a part of the product of the working generation. The exchange can be organised in various ways and also the rights can be expressed in various ways. In particular, the rights can be either traded in the financial markets, or defined in relation to some economic variables, or just based on political promise. In all of these cases there is a kind of market for pension rights. The working generation finances contributions in order to purchase the rights; the retired generation sells the rights in order to get a part of the product of the working generation. The various types of pension systems create an institutional framework for this market.Key features of the new Polish pension systemThe new Polish pension system design is a good example of applying the above described way of thinking in practice. The system named“Security through Diversity” started on 1 January 1999. It entirely replaced previous regulations on oldage pensions for majority of working population. Designing the new system from scratch provided the unique opportunity to avoid complicating the system. Instead, the new system design is simple and transparent. The main goal was to design a system that can be neutral or at least close to neutrality for economic growth irrespective of population ageing. The design of the new system does not copy any other pension system existing elsewhere. Strong similarity can be found only to the new Swedish pension system based on similar principles and started on the same day.16 At the same time, within this general framework the new Polish system uses a number of technical concepts developed in other countries. This brief presentation of the new Polish pension system focuses on the general economic design of the system, while leaving aside most technical details.The following bullets help in grasping the essence of the concept of the new Polish system design.Focusing on the universal part of the pension system;Separation of the old-age part of social security from the non-old-age parts of social security ; and segmenting the flows of revenue;Termination of the part of the previous system;Creation of a new pension system, entirely based on individual accounts; Accrual accounting within the system;Splitting each person’s OA contributions between two accounts (first account –NDC, second account – FDC);Annuitisation of account values at the moment of retirement;Minimum pension supplement on the top of both annuities if their sum is belowcertain level (financed out of the state budget).It should be strongly stressed that both accounts are annuitised at the same moment and play exactly the same role within social security. In particular there is no such element of the system as a “basic state pension”. Social redistribution exists but it has been moved out from the pension system. The sole role of the pension system is providing working generation with an efficient method of income allocation over their life cycle. The contribution rate for the entire social security system has not changed. However workers’ salaries were “grossed up” in order to introduce to them the idea that they pay part of the contribution and to build their awareness of the overall cost of the pension system. As such, since 1 January 1999 both workers and employers share the cost of contributions without any real change in the size of the total contributions. The whole operation affected percentages but not real flows of money. Thus the new system is based on the same contribution inflow as the previous system.Final remarksProviding people with social security –including financing consumption of the retired generation out of the product of the working generation - is very high on the list of social priorities in most countries. It is especially important in European societies. However, the inefficiency of traditional pension systems put achieving this goal at risk. Social and populist rhetoric suggests to the public that changes within the pension system are dangerous for social goals. In reality, for most countries in the world, it is just the opposite. The longer the traditional pension systems are held up, the more socially damaging effects will be created. Poland belongs to a non-numerous group of countries that are prepared for one of the most difficult challenges of our time, namely the ageing of the population. The new pension system will not only stop the increase of costs of the pension system but will alsoallow for their reduction. This will leave more resources available for development, which, in turn, will contribute to stronger growth and the increase of living standards of both the working and the retired generation. The example of the new Polish pension system, as well as the Swedish one, is interesting for yet another reason. This type of system contributes to labour mobility, which is particularly needed in Europe. Free movement of labour cannot be achieved if moving from one country to another affects expected retirement income. As such, aiming at pension system neutrality will be more and more important for European integration.译文：重新引入代际均衡：波兰养老保险制度摘要波兰于1999年通过了新的养老金制度。
养老保险(英文表达)
语料库之保险1.养老保险: endowment insurance例句：The draft regulation was released on Monday by the Ministry of Human Resources and Social Security to ensure conditional transfers of the country's three types of social endowment insurances and to benefit the potential 750 million residents who joined at least one of the three programs.人社部周一发布的办法草案是为了确保我国三种不同养老保险体系可有条件转换，以惠及7.5亿参保人员。
Endowment insurance就是“养老保险”，我国有三种不同的养老保险体系，分别为basic endowment insurance for the urban working group（城镇职工基本养老保险）、new rural social endowment insurance for rural residents（新型农村社会养老保险），以及social endowment insurance for non-working urban residents（针对城镇无业人员的社会养老保险）。
三个体系中的premium（缴费）和领到的pension（养老金）也有所不同。
《办法》提出，只要缴费满15年，参保人员无论是从新农保或城居保转入职保，还是从职保转入新农保或城居保，都将个人账户（individual accounts）全部储存额随同转移，包括government subsidies（政府补贴）。
我们平时所说的“五险一金”除了endowment insurance（养老保险）外，还有medical insurance （医疗保险）、unemployment insurance （失业保险）、employment injury insurance （工伤保险）、maternity insurance （生育保险），以及housing fund （住房公积金）。
职场英语 “养老金”英语说
职场英语“养老金”英语说如今，越来越多的家庭开始出现“倒金字塔”构造，夫妻二人上面孝敬四位老人，下面养育一个孩子，实在不堪重负。
而且随着社会的转型，“养儿防老”的传统观念也逐渐让位于“养老金”防老，甚至更新潮的“以房养老”。
“养老金”在人们的理财中越来越重要了，难怪很多美国人因为经济危机导致养老金缩水而不敢花钱了呢。
请看外电的报道：Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke told Congress Tuesday that the economy should pull out of a recession and start growing again later this year. Still, rising unemployment, sinking home values and cracked nest eggs will still weigh on consumers willingness to spend freely.美联储主席本?伯南克在本周二告诉美国国会，美国经济将在今年晚些时候走出，重新开始增长。
但不断攀升的失业率、房屋贬值以及养老金缩水等因素仍将限制消费者自由消费的意愿。
在上面的报道中，nest egg 就是指“养老金”，或是为了某种用途而攒的钱。
《牛津英语大词典》将其解释为“放在巢中以引诱鸟继续在某地产蛋的人工蛋或真蛋”，由于是出于某种目的而把蛋存放在巢中，后来西方人就用 nest egg 喻指“养老金”或者“应变的储蓄金”。
例如：Investing small amounts of money is an excellent way of building a nest egg（小额投资是积累储藏金的好方法）。
如果是偷偷攒下的 nest egg，就是“私房钱”了。
Nest 通常都指“巢、窝”等动物的栖身地，不过不同动物的栖身地代表的比喻意义却不尽相同，比方：Jim 喜欢的女孩子回绝了他，He thought the girl would be his wife-to-be, only to find a mare's nest（他一直以为那个女孩会嫁给他，到头来却是空欢喜一场），但这件事他可不想声张出去，以免 foul his own nest（家丑外扬），或者 put his head into a hor's nest（招惹是非）。
退休金英语单词
退休金英语单词1. 定义与释义- 单词：pension- 1.1词性：名词- 1.2中文释义：退休金，养老金，是人们在退休后定期领取的一笔钱，用于维持生活。
- 1.3英文释义：A regular payment made by an employer to an employee after they have retired, or by the state to retired people.- 1.4相关词汇：- 同义词：annuity，superannuation。
- 派生词：pensioner（领取退休金的人）。
2. 起源与背景- 2.1词源：“pension”源于拉丁语“pensio”，意思是“支付、租金”。
最初这个词用于表示定期的支付，后来逐渐专门指退休后的养老金支付。
- 2.2趣闻：在一些欧洲国家，传统的养老金体系是非常复杂且与社会结构紧密相连的。
例如，在德国，养老金制度有着悠久的历史，它是社会福利体系的重要组成部分。
德国的养老金制度早期主要是基于雇主与雇员之间的协议，后来逐渐发展成为由国家参与调控的综合体系。
这种体系的发展反映了社会对老年人生活保障重视程度的提高。
3. 常用搭配与短语- 3.1短语：- pension plan：养老金计划例句：Our company has a very good pension plan for employees.翻译：我们公司为员工有一个非常好的养老金计划。
- pension fund：养老基金例句：The pension fund is managed by professional investors.翻译：养老基金由专业投资者管理。
- draw a pension：领取退休金例句：He retired last year and now he can draw a pension every month.翻译：他去年退休了，现在他每个月都能领取退休金。
HND养老金
1.state basic pensionUntil 2002, National insurance contribution had to be paid for 90% of a person’s working life to be able to claim 100% of the state basic pension.Form 2002, the amount of basic pension payable depends on the number of ‘qualifying years’.A male will need 44 qualifying years to get a full SBP but a female only need 39 qualifying years. From 2010, the state pension age is 65 for both men and women that mean men and women w ill need same number of qualifying years. I.e. 30 years.A qualifying year is a year in which the taxpayer has received qualifying earnings of at least 52 times the Lower Earning Limit (LEL). In 2007-2008, the full State pension is 87.30 a week for a single person and 139.60 a week for a couple.In the case, Iona now is working as self- employed, so that she doesn’t qualify to get full SBP but other benefits. Robert has been working for the same company more than 37 years and he has contributed to his compa ny’s contracted- out Occupational Scheme since 1972, so when he reach his qualifying years (44), he enable to get full SBP.Home responsibilities protection is a part of SBP. In the case, Iona gave up work for the first 5 years of Alisa’s life before goi ng back to work. And she was looking after children and receiving Child Benefit. Home responsibilities protection placed with weekly credits. Children up to age 12 and children benefit. Married women’s pension is payable before husband takes his pension.I n the case, Iona doesn’t qualify a basic state pension in her right on reaching state pension age; she may be able to get a basic state pension based on Robert’s National Insurance Contribution. She may be able to get a BSP of up to 52.30 (in 07/08). But s he couldn’t receive a BSP on Robert’s NIC unless he is drawing his State Pension.2. State second pensionState Earnings Related Benefits Scheme (SERPS) was introduced in the 1970s to provide a level of earning-related pension benefit on top of the SBP. SERPS should have provided a partial replacement of band earnings. The Upper Earning Limit (UEL) is between 7 and 8 times the LEL. Relating to the case, Iona can have some benefit from SERPS because she earned income was less that the LEL paid no NIC, therefore did not qualify for basic pension and could not, but qualifies for SERPS benefits. And Iona is a married woman, she continued to pay reduced rate NICs.On SERPS’ first existence in 1978, it had a maximum target benefit of 25% of band earnings (earnings between the LEL and the UEL). The maximum target benefit of the band earnings figure was not available in full during the early years of SERPS. Because of the Demographic Pressure, the state pension age fall on or after 6 April 2009, the maximum target benefit provided by SERPS reduces to 20% of band earnings.The main benefits of state second pension:One of the steps taken was to replace SERPS with S2P as from April 2002. Like SERPS, S2P is available only to employees who over the LEL and also like SERPS, the self- employed are not eligible合格的。
pensionfund养老金介绍
Differences between their policies
• The policy of bank：It may go bankrupt and once it happens, you will lose all your money. • The policy of pension fund: according to the Insurance Law of People‘s Republic of China(中华人 民共和国保险法），the insurance company operating the life business should be dissolved and the premiums need to be paid at the predetermined time.
The tax is different
Compared to insurance, banks levy a tax on the public in many ways, for example, interest tax ,gift tax, inheritance tax. And the tax is relatively high, which may up to fifty-five per cent. In contrast, insurance is free of tax.
Difference between their risks
The risk of bank deposit: In the case of inflation, the price level is so
high that reduces the purchasing power of money. So the income of the bank savings interest is few.
英语翻译CATTI备考：2021政府报告常用词-基础的译法
英语翻译CATTI备考：2021政府报告常用词-基础的译法”基础“的几个译法1.固定搭配：基础设施 infrastructure2.短语：在...基础上on the basis of , based on， with the principle of如：based on what we had done to在相互尊重基础上: on the basis of equality and mutual respect, with the principle of mutual respect3.basic, base基础养老金：basic pension基础研究：basic research产业基础: industrial base5.underlying基础制度：the underlying system5.foundation基础地位: the foundational role of发展是基础: Development is the foundation经济恢复基础: The foundation for achieving our country’s economic recovery提取的与“基础”有关的双语句子面对历史罕见的冲击，我们在“六稳”工作基础上，明确提出“六保”任务，特别是保就业保民生保市场主体，Facing shocks of a severity rarely seen before, based on what we had done to ensure stability on six key fronts, we carried out the task of maintaining security in six key areas —particularly job security, basic living needs, and the operations of market entities.完善资本市场基础制度。
养老金外文翻译_
Protecting underfunded pensions: the role of guarantee fundsRUSSELL W. COOPERPEF, 2 (3): 247–251, 2003.f 2003 Cambridge UniversityPress247Kingdom保护资金不足的养老金：担保资金的作用罗素· W · 库珀PEF，2（3）： 247–251，2003年。
f 2003 剑桥大学出版社摘要有雇主的退休金是一个补偿支付给劳动者的发达经济体，是共同的和极其重要的组成部分的公共和私营部门。
许多私人养老金资金不足，工人暴露损失的风险，因他们的用人单位停止运作，不能满足支付退休金的责任。
在本文中，我们将研究担保资金的作用，即为工人提供抵御因公司资金不足而导致福利退休金计划失败的风险。
如果实行私有化以预计养老金资金不足，我们首先考虑私人担保基金的可能性操作和探索公款一些潜在的优势。
总体而言，我们的确发现，公共资金和私人资金在提供保险方面都有一定的优势。
然而，由于需要事前溢价金资本市场不完善，以及依赖于事后捐款的资金，私人担保基金可能在战略上具有很大的不确定性。
而公共基金却可以克服这种协调性的问题。
然而，诸如美国养老金福利担保公司管理的公共基金可导致以下几个问题：（一）使本就资金不足的养老金更加缺少积累；（二）在参与市场的时候扭曲自己的决定；（三）在养老金投资组合风险过高的资产中纳入企业的决策。
在某些情况下，担保基金是不是福利的改善。
1、引言在美国，由保险养老金福利担保公司（PBGC）私人部门养老金的资金不足问题，并不和那些在20世纪80年代的储蓄和贷款机构中的危险一样。
有许多专家关注这方面问题：资金不足的计划失败暴露了保险覆盖范围并不全面以及与纳税人潜在显著的损失两个方面的问题.最近的一个由劳伦斯·怀特（1993）发起的关于通用汽车公司资金不足的讨论突出强调了一些担心，即：尽管联邦退休金福利担保公司是一家在一个基金破产是会按指定最大的数额支付养老金的公司，它有紧张的理由。
退休金单词
退休金单词一、单词：pension二、单词释义：1. 名词：退休金；抚恤金；养老金；年金。
例如，“He lives on his pension.”（他靠退休金生活。
）它是一种定期支付给退休人员的款项，是对他们过去工作的一种补偿。
三、单词用法：1. 作可数名词：- 可以直接表示某人的退休金数额。
例如，“My grandpa gets a small pension every month.”（我爷爷每个月得到一小笔退休金。
） - 与形容词搭配，如“generous pension”（丰厚的退休金），“meager pension”（微薄的退休金）。
2. 作不可数名词：- 表示养老金制度等抽象概念。
例如，“The pension system in this country needs to be reformed.”（这个国家的养老金制度需要改革。
）四、近义词：1. annuity：两者都有年金的意思。
不过，“annuity”更侧重于一种金融产品，是按照合同定期支付的款项。
例如，“He bought an annuity to secure his old - a ge ie.”（他买了一份年金以保障他的老年收入。
）而“pension”更多地与退休工作相关。
2. retirement pay：和“pension”一样都指退休后得到的报酬。
例如，“The retirement pay of the factory workers has been increased this year.”（工厂工人的退休工资今年提高了。
）五、短语搭配：1. pension plan：养老金计划。
例如，“Ourpany has a good pension plan for it s employees.”（我们公司为员工有一个很好的养老金计划。
）2. draw one's pension：领取退休金。
例如，“He goes to the bank to draw his pension every month.”（他每个月去银行领取他的退休金。
会计养老金准则-----外文翻译(原文 译文)
会计养老金准则-----外文翻译(原文+译文)外文翻译原文1The logic of pension accounting2. Pensions as an expense2.1. Early approaches to pension accountingIn the USA and UK, private-sector employer-sponsored pension arrangements began to appear in the second half of the 19th century, and were often associated with large organizations such as railways, insurance companies and banks Hannah, 1986: 10?12; Chandar and Miranti,2007: 206. Accounting for these arrangements was often very simple. The cost recognized by the employer was effectively the cash paid in a given period. Some schemes operated on a ‘pay-as-you-go’ basis, where the employer made no advance provision for retirement benefits. In this case, the cost each period equaled the benefits paid. In a scheme where the employer made contributions to an external fund invested in securities, out of which benefits would be paid, or made notional contributions to an internal account, the cost would be the contributions arising in each period, possibly augmented by interest on notional contributions if these were not used to purchase securities. However, manyemployers granted pensions to enable employees to retire, even though no advance provision had been made.The ‘expense-as-you-pay’accounting for pensions was rationalized through the ‘gratuity theory’ of retirement benefits McGill et al., 2004: 16.This theory proposed that retirement benefits were awarded to retirees at the discretion of the employer, ‘as a kindly act on the part of an employer towards old retainers who have served him faithfully and well’ Pilch and Wood, 1979: 2. Paying a pension was not necessarily an act of pure benevolence, because it could allow an employer to retire an employee who was no longer performing adequately, without incurring public criticism. The gratuity theory implied that the employer received an efficiency gain when superannuated employees retired, and that the appropriate point at which to recognize the cost of pensions was as the pensions were paid. If the employer wanted to earmark some earnings in a distinct pension reserve before employees retired, then this would be regarded as an appropriation of profit rather than as an expense. Even in structured pension schemes, the employer might include clauses denying the existence of an enforceable contract, stressing that pension benefits were paid entirely at the employer’s discretion and could be discontinued at any time Stone, 1984: 24.However, the gratuity theory rapidly came under challenge from the view that pens ions constitute ‘deferred pay’, and that employeesin effect sacrifice current income in exchange for the expectation of income in the future. On this basis, early accounting theorists such as Henry Rand Hatfield suggested that employers should include in operating expenses ‘the amount necessary to provide for future pensions’ Hatfield, 1916: 194. A number of commentators observed that the calculation of such an expense was potentially highly complex, but they suggested that the calculations fell within the domain of actuaries Stone, 1984: 26.Members of the actuarial profession had already been involved in advising on appropriate contribution rates for pension schemes involving either external or internal ‘notional’ funding. In accounting terms, the employer would measure the annual cost of pension provision either directly in terms of amounts calculated by actuaries, if the route of internal funding was followed, or through the contributions themselves determined by actuaries to an external pension fund. In the case of external funding, cost would be equal to contributions due for the period, and, other than short-term accruals,pension expense would be based on cash payments or other assets transferred to the pension fund.2.2. The beginnings of accounting regulationEarly authoritative accounting pronouncements endorsed this essentially cash-based approach to pension cost determination. The Committee on Accounting Procedure of the American Institute of Certified Public Accountants AICPA issued Accounting Research Bulletin No. 47Accountingfor Costs of Pension Plans in 1956, and expressed the view that ‘costs based on current and futureservices should be systematically accrued during the expected period of active service of the covered employees’ CAP, 1956. On closer analysis, ‘systematic accrual’ implied that employers would use the method recommended by the actuary for funding the pension plan to determine the pension expense in respect of current service. This approach was endorsed by the Accounting Principles Board APB in their Opinion No. 8 Accounting for the Cost of Pension Plans, issued in 1966. APB 8 is entirely cost-based ? there are references to ‘balance-sheet pensio n accruals’ and ‘balance-sheet pension prepayments or deferred charges’ but no explanation of these terms or how they are to be determined. Much of the Opinion addresses not the issue of determining ‘normal cost’ ‘the annual cost assigned, under the actuarial cost method in use, to years subsequent to the inception of a pension plan or to a particular valuation date’ but rather ‘past service cost’ ‘pension cost assigned under the actuarial cost method in use, to years prior to the inception of a pension pla n’ and ‘prior service cost’ ‘pension cost assigned, under the actuarial cost method in use, to years prior to the date of a particular actuarial valuation’. The Opinion goes to great lengths to provide guidance on how these components of pension cost should be recognized,recommending spreading of the costs over a period up to 40 years. A number of features of the accounting treatment of pension costs need to be highlighted. First although it is not made explicit, there is an under-lying desire to arrive at a pension expense in each period that is not materially different from the employer’s contributions to the pension fund. APB 8 notes ‘the amount of the pension cost determined under this Opinion may vary from the amounfunded’ APB, 1966: para. 43, but this situation is not analyzed in detail. For unfunded pension plans, costs are to be determined using an actuarial cost method. The criteria for the selection of an appropriate actuarial cost method are that the method is‘rational and systematic and should be consistently applied so that it results in a reasonable measure of pension cost from year to year’.Author: Christopher J. NapierNationality: EnglishOriginate from: The CPA Journal译文一养老金会计的逻辑2养老金费用2.1早先的养老金会计在19世纪后期的美国和英国，出现了私人部门雇主赞助的养老金计划，主要集中于铁路公司和保险业、银行业等大型机构Hannah, 1986: 10?12; Chandar and Miranti,2007: 206。
“养老金并轨”英文怎么说
“养老金并轨”英文怎么说发布日期：2013-03-27 15:06 来源:沪江英语In China, the pension follows a dual system. The pensions for those who worked within the system — for the government and public institutions — and out of the system, including those working for companies, are very different.在中国，养老金制度目前采取的是养老金双轨制，即企业养老金和事业养老金。
事业养老金的领取者为公务员和事业单位的工作者，在企业工作的个人领取的是企业养老金。
两者在数量上相差巨大（小编注：根据相关数据，现在的事业养老金比企业养老金高出3倍左右）。
The only information that authorities have disclosed about reform is from December, when Hu Xiaoyi, vice-minister of human resources and social security, told Xinhua News Agency that the ministry was planning to merge social insurances. He did not offer details or a schedule for the plan.关于养老金并轨的消息，目前唯一的官方信息来源于国家人力资源和社会保障部副部长胡晓义，去年12月，他告诉新华网说，正在计划养老金并轨，但并未透露具体细节。
分析：上述新闻中的“merge social insurances”就是养老金并轨的意思。
不过目前为止，对于养老金并轨或者养老金双轨制还没有一个正式的规定说法，我们可以来看一下还有哪些英文表达可以来表示“养老金并轨”这个意思：transfer the dual system to a uniform onereform of the dual system相关词汇：1.养老金制度：pension system（养老金还有一个有趣且地道的表达叫做nest egg）2.社会保障制度：social security system3.双轨制：dual system, twin-track system例句：Pilot programs on reforming the dual system of pension have been conducted in some cities for a few years, but observers said almost no change has been seen due to the complicated situation.据观察，养老金双轨制改革在几个城市试点几年后，由于形势复杂，情况并未有多大的改变。
养老金会计外文翻译文献
养老金会计外文翻译文献(文档含英文原文和中文翻译)原文：New Accounting Rules for Defined Benefit Pension Plans MARCH 2008 - Issued in September 2006, Statement of Financial Accounting Standards (SFAS) 158, Employers’ Accounting for Defined Benefit Pension and Other Postretirement Plans—An Amendment of FASB Statements No. 87, 88, 106, and 132(R), significantly changes the balance-sheet reporting for defined benefit pension plans. Before SFAS 158, the effects of certain events, such as plan amendments or actuarial gains and losses, were granted delayed balance-sheet recognition. As a result, a plan’s funded status (plan assets minus obligations) was rarely reported on the balance sheet. SFAS 158 requires companies to report their plans’ funded status as either an asset or a liabil ity on their balancesheets, which will cause reported pension liabilities to rise significantly. Although SFAS 158 also applies to postretirement benefit plans other than pensions and to not-for-profit entities, the focus below is on for-profit businesses with defined benefit pension plans.Balance-Sheet Reporting Under SFAS 158Under SFAS 87, prepaid or accrued pension cost, which is the net of a firm’s pension assets, liabilities, and unrecognized amounts, is reported on the balance sheet. SFAS 158 arguably improves financial reporting by more clearly communicating the funded status of defined benefit pension plans. Previously, this information was reported only in the detailed pension footnotes.Under SFAS 158, companies with defined benefit pension plans must recognize the difference between the plan’s projected benefit obligation and its fair value of plan assets as either an asset or a liability. The projected benefit obligation is the actuarial present value of the benefits attributed by the pension plan benefit formula for services already provided. As a result, the complex and conceptually unsound ―minimum pension liability‖ rules, which are used when the accumulated benefit obligation is less than the fair value of pension plan assets, has been eliminated. (The accumulated benefit obligation is similar to the projected benefit obligation but does not include expected future salaryincreases in the calculation of the present value of actuarial benefits.) In addition, the unrecognized prior service costs and actuarial gains and losses that were previously relegated to the footnotes are now recognized on the balance sheet, with an offsetting amount in accumulated other comprehensive income under shareholders’ equity.Income Reporting Under SFAS 158SFAS 158 does not change the computation of periodic pension cost, which remains a function of service cost, interest cost, expected return on pension plan assets, and amortization of unrecognized items. It does, however, impact the reporting of comprehensive income. Specifically, actuarial gains or losses and prior service costs that arise during the period are recognized as components of comprehensive income. In addition, the amortization of actuarial gains or losses, prior service costs, and transition amounts recognized before implementing SFAS 158 require a reclassification adjustment to comprehensive income. Applying SFAS 158Exhibit 1 presents pension footnote data for three companies: Lockheed Martin, Glatfelter, and AMR Corp. Lockheed Martin represents a classic example of a scenario SFAS 158 is designed to eliminate: namely, reporting a pension asset when the pension plan is actually underfunded. Specifically, Lock heed Martin’s pension obligation($28,421 million) exceeds its plan assets ($23,432 million), meaning the plan is underfunded by the difference, $4,989 million. Previously, Lockheed Martin’s unrecognized net losses and unrecognized prior service costs (totaling $7,108 million) enabled it to report a pension asset of $2,119 million ($7,108 – $4,989).The data for Glatfelter and AMR in Exhibit 1 indicate other likely scenarios under SFAS 158. Glatfelter, while overfunded by $155.3 million, would reduce its reported pension asset by $90 million under SFAS 158. Although AMR currently recognizes a pension liability of $882 million, SFAS 158 would require AMR to significantly increase its reported pension liability to $3,225 million.An Illustration of the Transition to SFAS 158The following example uses the actual 2005 data from Exhibit 1 to illustrate how each of these companies would record the transition to the new rules. Because SFAS 158 is generally first effective for fiscal years ending after December 15, 2006, the actual numbers these companies record upon transition to SFAS 158 will differ from those in this example. For simplicity, the illustration ignores tax effects.Exhibit 1 shows that each of the three companies reports additional minimum liabilities and related intangible assets on its balance sheet. These items are eliminated under SFAS 158. In addition, pension assetsand liabilities and accumulated other comprehensive income are adjusted so that their ending balances conform to the amounts required under SFAS 158. The necessary journal entries to accomplish the transition, using 2005 data, are presented in Exhibit 2.Exhibit 3 shows the balance-sheet reporting for each company after posting the entries in Exhibit 2, and exposes several important points. First, each company reports its funded status as either a pension asset or liability. Second, the balance in accumulated other comprehensive income equals the amount of previously unrecognized items. In this example, and likely for many companies with defined benefit plans, the amount of this contra-shareholders’ equity will increase under SFAS 158, even potentially generating negative shareholders’ equity. The transition to SFAS 158 might impose costs on leveraged firms due to the increased likelihood of tightening restrictive debt covenants. Finally, the balance-sheet presen tation, and each company’s funded status, should be easier to understand after SFAS 158 is implemented.Subsequent Application of SFAS 158SFAS 158 does not impact the amount of periodic pension cost reported on the income statement, but it does impact the reporting of comprehensive income. For example, assume that after implementingSFAS 158 Lockheed Martin were to report the financial results in Exhibit 4. Again, these amounts are for illustrative purposes only.Exhibit 5 shows the required journal entries. The first entry records the service cost, interest cost, and expected return on plan assets components of periodic pension cost. The second entry reclassifies the amortization items from accumulated other comprehensive income to periodic pension cost, and the third entry adjusts the pension liability and accumulated other comprehensive income for the difference in actual pension returns above expectations during the year.Author: Kenneth W. ShawNationality: ColumbiaOriginate from: The CPA Journal翻译：设定收益制养老金会计新准则2008年3月SFAS颁布了158号《雇主对既定福利养老金和其他退休后计划的会计处理》对FASB第87、88、106号准则做了修订，显著改变了资产负债表对设定收益制下养老金的列报。
养老金 英语作文
养老金英语作文Pension, a topic that has been widely discussed in recent years. Many people have different opinions on this issue. Some believe that the government should increase the amount of pension, while others argue that individuals should save more for their own retirement.The concept of pension is to provide financial support for people after they retire. It is a way for the government to ensure that the elderly can live a decentlife without having to worry about money. However, the current pension system is facing challenges due to the aging population and economic pressure.In some countries, the pension amount is barely enough to cover the basic living expenses. This has led to concerns about the quality of life for retirees. Many elderly people have to rely on their children or work part-time jobs to make ends meet.On the other hand, some people believe that individuals should take more responsibility for their own retirement. They argue that saving for retirement should be a personal priority and that people should not rely solely on the government for financial support.In conclusion, the issue of pension is complex and requires careful consideration. It is important for the government to ensure the sustainability of the pension system, while individuals should also take proactive steps to save for their own retirement. Ultimately, a balanced approach is needed to address the challenges of pension in the modern world.。
养老金的英语单词
养老金的英语单词
old-age pensionn.养老金；老年抚恤金
pensionn.养老金，退休金，抚恤金；（欧洲，尤指法国的）廉价小旅店；（赞助者或政府给艺术家、科学家等的）津贴，补助金，年金；
例句如下：
1.
中国国有企业由于养老金资金不足的债务问题一直存在，导致公共养老基金的财政稳定性处于一种危险状态。
China's state-owned enterprises have debt problem of old-age pension because of insufficient funds, which result in a risk state of financial stability of public old-age pension funds.
2.
职工退休后基本养老个人账户存储额已领取完毕时，由社会统筹基金按规定标准继续支付，直到其死亡，不影响基本养老金的发放。
Account of individual of basic provide for the aged stores the forehead already was gotten after the worker is retired when ending, plan as a whole by the society fund continues to pay by formulary level, die till its, do not affect basic old-age pension extend.。
退休金（pensionplan）
退休金（pensionplan）企业或事业单位职工或工作人员退休后一次或分次支付给职工的服务酬劳的一部分。
企业制订的退休办法，应有利于提高职工的劳动积极性，使其老有所依，对社会的安定和提高企业效益的均有益处。
在实务中，企业制订的退休金的筹措方式可分为置存基金的退休办法（unfunded pension plan）。
置存基金的退休办法企业提取退休基金，交给独立的信托机构，如银行或保险公司，由其保管运用，在职工退休时，由信托机构从退休基金中支付退休金。
企业除非已完全履行退休金给付义务，否则不得将退休基金收回。
未置存基金的退休办法企业提取退取退休基金，交给独立的信托，如银行或保险公司，由其保管运用，在职工退休时，由信托机构从退休基金中支付退休金。
企业除非已完全履行退休金给付义务，否则不得将退休基金收回。
未置存基金的退休办法企业未提取退休基金交付信托机构保管运用，或者企业虽提取了退休基金，但自行保管运用，而未交付给信托机构保管使用，在职工退休时，企业自行筹措资金支付退休金。
这种办法与置存基金的退休办法相比，职工的退休金缺乏保障。
退休办法按退休金给付的确定方式可分为约定提存金办法（defined comtribution pension plan）和约定给付办法（defined benefit pension plan）。
约定提存金办法是企业按照退休办法的规定，每年提取一定数额的退休基金，交给信托机构保管运用，在职工退休时，将属于该职工的退休基金支付给已退休职工。
通常每年提取定额的基金，是按职工工资的一定比例（如工资的5%）提取的，职工退休时所能领取的退休金取决于提存的金额及其所孳生的利息，企业并不保证退休金给付的数额。
企业在每期提取的退休金数额，即为当期应确认的退休金成本。
约定提存金金办法的会计处理较为简单，只须在提取时借记退休金成本，贷记现金，此外别无其他分录。
我国企业多数采用这种办法。
约定给付退休办法是企业承诺在职工退休时一次支付一定数额退休金，或者在职工退休时分期支付一定数额的退休金；只要职工退休时企业有能力履行支付退休金的义务，企业是否按时提取退休基金则由企业决定。
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Protecting underfunded pensions: the role of guarantee funds
RUSSELL W. COOPER
PEF, 2 (3): 247–251, 2003.f 2003 Cambridge University
Press247
DOI: 10.1017/S1474747203001343 Printed in the United
Kingdom
保护资金不足的养老金：担保资金的作用
罗素· W · 库珀
PEF，2（3）： 247–251，2003年。
f 2003 剑桥大学出版社DOI： 10.1017/S1474747203001343 由英国出版
摘要
有雇主的退休金是一个补偿支付给劳动者的发达经济体，是共同的和极其重要的组成部分的公共和私营部门。
许多私人养老金资金不足，工人暴露损失的风险，因他们的用人单位停止运作，不能满足支付退休金的责任。
在本文中，我们将研究担保资金的作用，即为工人提供抵御因公司资金不足而导致福利退休金计划失败的风险。
如果实行私有化以预计养老金资金不足，我们首先考虑私人担保基金的可能性操作和探索公款一些潜在的优势。
总体而言，我们的确发现，公共资金和私人资金在提供保险方面都有一定的优势。
然而，由于需要事前溢价金资本市场不完善，以及依赖于事后捐款的资金，私人担保基金可能在战略上具有很大的不确定性。
而公共基金却可以克服这种协调性的问题。
然而，诸如美国养老金福利担保公司管理的公共基金可导致以下几个问题：（一）使本就资金不足的养老金更加缺少积累；（二）在参与市场的时候扭曲自己的决定；（三）在养老金投资组合风险过高的资产中纳入企业的决策。
在某些情况下，担保基金是不是福利的改善。
1、引言
在美国，由保险养老金福利担保公司（PBGC）私人部门养老金的资金不足问题，并不和那些在20世纪80年代的储蓄和贷款机构中的危险一样。
有许多专家关注这方面问题：资金不足的计划失败暴露了保险覆盖范围并不全面以及与纳税人潜在显著的损失两个方面的问题.最近的一个由劳伦斯·怀特（1993）发起的关于通用汽车公司资金不足的讨论突出强调了一些担心，即：
尽管联邦退休金福利担保公司是一家在一个基金破产是会按指定最大的数额支付养老金的公司，它有紧张的理由。
公司虽然为了覆盖面自掏腰包来付保费，但这种对保费的调整来应对风险的行为并不恰当。
最终，纳税人可能会遭受储蓄贷款手工业在联邦的损失。
认识到养老金在金融投资组合中的重要性和通过PBGC而保持的非常强的公共责任，本文将研究养老保障资金的作用和影响。
我们的重点将是DB计划的养老金，而不是目前有足够的资金来满足他们的预期的义务。
这些“资金不足计划”暴露了工人将面对如果雇主破产就领不到养老金的风险。
如上所述，DB计划养老金资金缺口是巨大的，离职员工和诸如PBGC的担保基金都将面临相当大的风险。
在本文中，我们将研究与DB计划下养老金的资金不足问题相联系的风险是如何影响到各地的工人，企业和政府。
为了研究这个问题，我们特别选择了一个模型，在这个模型中，养老金的资金不足是由于资本市场的不完善引起的。
我们
首先考虑了私人担保基金如何操作然后探索公共资金的一些潜在的优势。
我发现，私人需要事前的地价款项的担保基金的存在，而这在资本市场的不完善情况下是不太可能的，同时，依赖于事后捐款的资金在战略上也是具有不确定性的。
因此，私人资金无法保证工人有充分的保险，因为这只有在企业效益最好的时候才有可能实现。
即便公共资金可以克服这种协调性的问题，他们也不能提供最好最充分的保险。
最后，我们探索了一些例如PBGC的公共资金的效果和效率，其特点是这种类型的担保基金的存在造成部分的扭曲。
特别是，我们发现，担保基金可以增加资金不足，而不是减少。
此外，这些资金可能会在退休金组合中扭曲补偿额度和过度投资高风险的资产。
因此，即便是公共担保基金也不一定会增加福利计划的参与者。
2、背景
在很多经济发达的国家，无论是公共部门还是私人部门，有关雇主的养老金已成为支付给工人报酬的一个共同的和极其重要的组成部分。
例如，在美国，大约有43万职工收到的退休金福利保证保险公司的养老金。
为美国提供养老金支付的基金持有重大和数量不断增加的财富：在过去50年里，养老金资产的价值作为国家财富的一小部分已显著增长。
从Schieber和Shoven（1997年：3）得来的数据表明，从1950年的2％左右增长至1993年的24％。
在美国的某些社会保障制度现有的改革中，私人养老金变得更加重要。
在许多其他国家，雇主资助的养老金也具有突出的作用。
例如，在加拿大，1995年有43.4％的工人拥有某种类型的雇主发起的退休金。
Hannah（1992：21）报告说，二十世纪，在大多数经合组织国家中的雇主赞助的养老金将会大幅度增加。
通常情况下，从雇主和工人那里筹集而来的养老基金是作为信托管理，独立于用人企业。
当基金拥有足够的资产来履行其支付退休工人退休金的义务时，我们就可以称其为“充分的资金”。
退休金计划有两个基本类型。
与“DC计划下的退休金，由雇主和雇员共同缴费还是只由其中一方缴费是由计划来决定的，而支付退休人员的养老金是由基金通过投资所赚取的利润来决定的。
这些从定义上来说都是充分的资金。
相反，DB计划承诺在工人退休时领取一定额度的养老金，并且在养老金计划里，雇主必须确保有足够的资金以兑现这些承诺。
事实上，当公司破产，基金资金不足，也会导致工人领取不到本该属于他们的养老金。
从历史上看，保护工人免遭因雇主未能兑现养老金义务而导致的可能的重大损失的愿望，已经引起了无数私人部门和公共部门的反应。
例如，私人养老金的只有约1％对保险计划，他们是负责超过80％的资金不足。
测量资金不足问题“规模”的也不是没有，因为它需要一个复杂的预计工人的贴现现值和工人的收入以资助这些流动的决心。
从这个角度来看，资金不足不一定使工人面临所有的风险。
假设一个公司养老金资金不充足但未来的盈利前景会很好哪怕是在最坏的状态下，那么它能够满足其退休金义务的未来收入。
在这种情况下，养老基金的水平和工人是无关的，这在下面会有更详细的检查。
因此，即使该计划像PBGC一样是资金不足的，无论是工人还是担保基金，实际上都不会遭受任何风险。
相比之下，伊波利托（1985）认为，官方统计数据资料低估了资金不足的程度。
如果一个工人目前是40,000美元的年薪，而现在他退休了，该基金将依照法律根据终端工资40,000美元来计算其养老金的额度。
然而，如果计划不是现在终止，工人和公司期望工人在退休时其工资达到年薪50，000美元，那么今年他的养老金将按照年薪50,000美元来计算。
总之，在基金足够充足来满足你现在的基金清盘和满足对基金的未来的预期需求是完全不同的。