【01】科斯-《社会成本问题》(中文版)
《社会成本问题》读书笔记_作文3000字_读书笔记_
《社会成本问题》读书笔记罗纳德·科斯在《社会成本问题》一文中,通过对侵害的交互性,以法律判例为基本事实,提出了对此类侵害事件的新的看法,下面是小编为大家整理的《社会成本问题》,希望大家喜欢!《社会成本问题》读书笔记篇一20xx年7月28日读盛洪先生主编的《现代制度经济学》(北京大学出版社)前言二:“走向新政治经济学”:盛洪先生在前言一:“新制度经济学家和他们的理论”一文写于1993年,主要对新制度经济学的主要代表人物及其研究方向和研究成果进行了综述,尤其对新制度经济学中的基本核心观点进行了简明扼要的说明,为开始学习或了解新制度经济学的后学打开了通向新制度经济学的大门。
在前言二:“走向新政治经济学”一文写于20xx年,则是对本书所编辑的新制度经济学的核心论文内容逐篇进行了导读式的分析,为我等后学能更清楚地阅读和理解新制度经济学大家的代表作奠定了基础。
该文从科斯的社会成本角度延伸开来,延伸到整个社会体制及其代表物政治体制,文中贯穿了新制度经济学大家们的真知卓见,犹如一根无形的彩色丝线将散落于各家的珍珠串成了一个眩目璀璨的项链。
字里行间发人深思……一、罗纳德·科斯《社会成本问题》1、外部侵害不仅起因于侵害者的行为,也起因于被侵害者的存在;受到侵害时损失,但同样让侵害者停止侵害行为也会造成损失。
2、法律根据对社会的成本与收益的考虑,提出了“合法的妨害”的概念,即有些行为,即使对别人造成了侵害,只要该行为的当事人采用了适宜的技术降低了侵害,受到侵害的人也只能承认这些行为的合法性。
3、让企业和公用事业以“合法的妨害”为理由免除侵害责任是否是一个更好的选择,拥有“合法的妨害”权利的当事人,是否会利用信息的不对称,使用低于适宜水平的技术,从而使侵害的程度高于均衡水平。
4、依据这个理论学习分析公共事业的管理问题、公共资源的管理问题、污染的问题等等。
根据庇古在《福利经济学》中的观点,整个社会(包括法学和经济学界)在解决社会净产品与私人净产品的矛盾时候,一般采用赔偿、征税、许可证或者强制搬迁等方式来弥补侵害者对他人造成的损失。
科斯-社会成本问题
The Problem of Social CostR.H.Coase University of Virginia1.The Problem to Be Examined1This paper is concerned with those actions of businessfirms which have harmful effects on others.The standard example is that of a factory the smoke from which has harmful effects on those occupying neighbouring properties.The economic analysis of such a situation has usually proceeded in terms of a di-vergence between the private and social product of the factory,in which econ-omists have largely followed the treatment of Pigou in The Economics of Welfare. The conclusions to which this kind of analysis seems to have led most economists is that it would be desirable to make the owner of the factory liable for the dam-age caused to those injured by the smoke,or alternatively,to place a tax on the factory owner varying with the amount of smoke produced and equivalent in money terms to the damage it would cause,orfinally,to exclude the factory from residential districts(and presumably from other areas in which the emission of smoke would have harmful effects on others).It is my contention that the suggested courses of action are inappropriate,in that they lead to results which are not necessarily,or even usually,desirable.2.The Reciprocal Nature of the ProblemThe traditional approach has tended to obscure the nature of the choice that has to be made.The question is commonly thought of as one in which A inflicts harm on B and what has to be decided is:how should we restrain A?But this is wrong.We are dealing with a problem of a reciprocal nature.To avoid the harm to B would inflict harm on A.The real question that has to be decided is:should A be allowed to harm B or should B be allowed to harm A?The 1This article,although concerned with a technical problem of economic analysis,arose out of the study of the Political Economy of Broadcasting which I am now conducting.The argument of the present article was implicit in a previous article dealing with the problem of allocating radio and television frequencies(The Federal Communications Commission,w&Econ.[1959])but comments which I have received seemed to suggest that it would be desirable to deal with the question in a more explicit way and without reference to the original problem for the solution of which the analysis was developed.[Journal of Law and Economics,vol.56(November2013)]᭧1960by The University of Chicago.All rights reserved.0022-2186/2013/5604-0025$10.00837838The Journal of LAW&ECONOMICSproblem is to avoid the more serious harm.I instanced in my previous article2 the case of a confectioner the noise and vibrations from whose machinery dis-turbed a doctor in his work.To avoid harming the doctor would inflict harm on the confectioner.The problem posed by this case was essentially whether it was worth while,as a result of restricting the methods of production which could be used by the confectioner,to secure more doctoring at the cost of a reduced supply of confectionery products.Another example is afforded by the problem of straying cattle which destroy crops on neighbouring land.If it is inevitable that some cattle will stray,an increase in the supply of meat can only be obtained at the expense of a decrease in the supply of crops.The nature of the choice is clear:meat or crops.What answer should be given is,of course, not clear unless we know the value of what is obtained as well as the value of what is sacrificed to obtain it.To give another example,Professor George J. Stigler instances the contamination of a stream.3If we assume that the harmful effect of the pollution is that it kills thefish,the question to be decided is:is the value of thefish lost greater or less than the value of the product which the contamination of the stream makes possible.It goes almost without saying that this problem has to be looked at in total and at the margin.3.The Pricing System with Liability for DamageI propose to start my analysis by examining a case in which most economists would presumably agree that the problem would be solved in a completely satisfactory manner:when the damaging business has to pay for all damage caused and the pricing system works smoothly(strictly this means that the operation of a pricing system is without cost).A good example of the problem under discussion is afforded by the case of straying cattle which destroy crops growing on neighbouring land.Let us suppose that a farmer and a cattle-raiser are operating on neighbouring properties.Let us further suppose that,without any fencing between the properties,an increase in the size of the cattle-raiser’s herd increases the total damage to the farmer’s crops.What happens to the marginal damage as the size of the herd increases is another matter.This depends on whether the cattle tend to follow one another or to roam side by side,on whether they tend to be more or less restless as the size of the herd increases and on other similar factors.For my immediate purpose, it is immaterial what assumption is made about marginal damage as the size of the herd increases.To simplify the argument,I propose to use an arithmetical example.I shall assume that the annual cost of fencing the farmer’s property is$9and that the price of the crop is$1per ton.Also,I assume that the relation between the number of cattle in the herd and the annual crop loss is as follows:2Coase,The Federal Communications Commission,w&Econ.26–27(1959).3G.J.Stigler,The Theory of Price105(1952).The Problem of Social Cost839Number in Herd(Steers)Annual Crop Loss(Tons)Crop Loss per AdditionalSteer(Tons)1112323634104Given that the cattle-raiser is liable for the damage caused,the additional annual cost imposed on the cattle-raiser if he increased his herd from,say,2to 3steers is$3and in deciding on the size of the herd,he will take this into account along with his other costs.That is,he will not increase the size of the herd unless the value of the additional meat produced(assuming that the cattle-raiser slaughters the cattle)is greater than the additional costs that this will entail, including the value of the additional crops destroyed.Of course,if,by the employment of dogs,herdsmen,aeroplanes,mobile radio and other means,the amount of damage can be reduced,these means will be adopted when their cost is less than the value of the crop which they prevent being lost.Given that the annual cost of fencing is$9,the cattle-raiser who wished to have a herd with4 steers or more would pay for fencing to be erected and maintained,assuming that other means of attaining the same end would not do so more cheaply.When the fence is erected,the marginal cost due to the liability for damage becomes zero,except to the extent that an increase in the size of the herd necessitates a stronger and therefore more expensive fence because more steers are liable to lean against it at the same time.But,of course,it may be cheaper for the cattle-raiser not to fence and to pay for the damaged crops,as in my arithmetical example,with3or fewer steers.It might be thought that the fact that the cattle-raiser would pay for all crops damaged would lead the farmer to increase his planting if a cattle-raiser came to occupy the neighbouring property.But this is not so.If the crop was previously sold in conditions of perfect competition,marginal cost was equal to price for the amount of planting undertaken and any expansion would have reduced the profits of the farmer.In the new situation,the existence of crop damage would mean that the farmer would sell less on the open market but his receipts for a given production would remain the same,since the cattle-raiser would pay the market price for any crop damaged.Of course,if cattle-raising commonly in-volved the destruction of crops,the coming into existence of a cattle-raising industry might raise the price of the crops involved and farmers would then extend their planting.But I wish to confine my attention to the individual farmer.I have said that the occupation of a neighbouring property by a cattle-raiser would not cause the amount of production,or perhaps more exactly the amount of planting,by the farmer to increase.In fact,if the cattle-raising has any effect, it will be to decrease the amount of planting.The reason for this is that,for any given tract of land,if the value of the crop damaged is so great that the receipts from the sale of the undamaged crop are less than the total costs of cultivating that tract of land,it will be profitable for the farmer and the cattle-raiser to840The Journal of LAW&ECONOMICSmake a bargain whereby that tract of land is left uncultivated.This can be made clear by means of an arithmetical example.Assume initially that the value of the crop obtained from cultivating a given tract of land is$12and that the cost incurred in cultivating this tract of land is$10,the net gain from cultivating the land being$2.I assume for purposes of simplicity that the farmer owns the land.Now assume that the cattle-raiser starts operations on the neighbouring property and that the value of the crops damaged is$1.In this case$11is obtained by the farmer from sale on the market and$1is obtained from the cattle-raiser for damage suffered and the net gain remains$2.Now suppose that the cattle-raiserfinds it profitable to increase the size of his herd,even though the amount of damage rises to$3;which means that the value of the additional meat production is greater than the additional costs,including the additional $2payment for damage.But the total payment for damage is now$3.The net gain to the farmer from cultivating the land is still$2.The cattle-raiser would be better off if the farmer would agree not to cultivate his land for any payment less than$3.The farmer would be agreeable to not cultivating the land for any payment greater than$2.There is clearly room for a mutually satisfactory bargain which would lead to the abandonment of cultivation.4But the same argument applies not only to the whole tract cultivated by the farmer but also to any subdivision of it.Suppose,for example,that the cattle have a well-defined route, say,to a brook or to a shady area.In these circumstances,the amount of damage to the crop along the route may well be great and if so,it could be that the farmer and the cattle-raiser wouldfind it profitable to make a bargain whereby the farmer would agree not to cultivate this strip of land.But this raises a further possibility.Suppose that there is such a well-defined route.Suppose further that the value of the crop that would be obtained by cultivating this strip of land is$10but that the cost of cultivation is$11.In the absence of the cattle-raiser,the land would not be cultivated.However,given the presence of the cattle-raiser,it could well be that if the strip was cultivated, the whole crop would be destroyed by the cattle.In which case,the cattle-raiser would be forced to pay$10to the farmer.It is true that the farmer would lose $1.But the cattle-raiser would lose$10.Clearly this is a situation which is not likely to last indefinitely since neither party would want this to happen.The aim of the farmer would be to induce the cattle-raiser to make a payment in return 4The argument in the text has proceeded on the assumption that the alternative to cultivation of the crop is abandonment of cultivation altogether.But this need not be so.There may be crops which are less liable to damage by cattle but which would not be as profitable as the crop grown in the absence of damage.Thus,if the cultivation of a new crop would yield a return to the farmer of$1instead of$2,and the size of the herd which would cause$3damage with the old crop would cause$1damage with the new crop,it would be profitable to the cattle-raiser to pay any sum less than$2to induce the farmer to change his crop(since this would reduce damage liability from$3 to$1)and it would be profitable for the farmer to do so if the amount received was more than$1 (the reduction in his return caused by switching crops).In fact,there would be room for a mutually satisfactory bargain in all cases in which a change of crop would reduce the amount of damage by more than it reduces the value of the crop(excluding damage)—in all cases,that is,in which a change in the crop cultivated would lead to an increase in the value of production.The Problem of Social Cost841 for an agreement to leave this land uncultivated.The farmer would not be able to obtain a payment greater than the cost of fencing off this piece of land nor so high as to lead the cattle-raiser to abandon the use of the neighbouring property.What payment would in fact be made would depend on the shrewdness of the farmer and the cattle-raiser as bargainers.But as the payment would not be so high as to cause the cattle-raiser to abandon this location and as it would not vary with the size of the herd,such an agreement would not affect the allocation of resources but would merely alter the distribution of income and wealth as between the cattle-raiser and the farmer.I think it is clear that if the cattle-raiser is liable for damage caused and the pricing system works smoothly,the reduction in the value of production else-where will be taken into account in computing the additional cost involved in increasing the size of the herd.This cost will be weighed against the value of the additional meat production and,given perfect competition in the cattle industry,the allocation of resources in cattle-raising will be optimal.What needs to be emphasized is that the fall in the value of production elsewhere which would be taken into account in the costs of the cattle-raiser may well be less than the damage which the cattle would cause to the crops in the ordinary course of events.This is because it is possible,as a result of market transactions,to discontinue cultivation of the land.This is desirable in all cases in which the damage that the cattle would cause,and for which the cattle-raiser would be willing to pay,exceeds the amount which the farmer would pay for use of the land.In conditions of perfect competition,the amount which the farmer would pay for the use of the land is equal to the difference between the value of the total production when the factors are employed on this land and the value of the additional product yielded in their next best use(which would be what the farmer would have to pay for the factors).If damage exceeds the amount the farmer would pay for the use of the land,the value of the additional product of the factors employed elsewhere would exceed the value of the total product in this use after damage is taken into account.It follows that it would be desirable to abandon cultivation of the land and to release the factors employed for production elsewhere.A procedure which merely provided for payment for dam-age to the crop caused by the cattle but which did not allow for the possibility of cultivation being discontinued would result in too small an employment of factors of production in cattle-raising and too large an employment of factors in cultivation of the crop.But given the possibility of market transactions,a situation in which damage to crops exceeded the rent of the land would not endure.Whether the cattle-raiser pays the farmer to leave the land uncultivated or himself rents the land by paying the land-owner an amount slightly greater than the farmer would pay(if the farmer was himself renting the land),thefinal result would be the same and would maximise the value of production.Even when the farmer is induced to plant crops which it would not be profitable to cultivate for sale on the market,this will be a purely short-term phenomenon and may be expected to lead to an agreement under which the planting will842The Journal of LAW&ECONOMICScease.The cattle-raiser will remain in that location and the marginal cost of meat production will be the same as before,thus having no long-run effect on the allocation of resources.4.The Pricing System with No Liability for DamageI now turn to the case in which,although the pricing system is assumed to work smoothly(that is,costlessly),the damaging business is not liable for any of the damage which it causes.This business does not have to make a payment to those damaged by its actions.I propose to show that the allocation of resources will be the same in this case as it was when the damaging business was liable for damage caused.As I showed in the previous case that the allocation of resources was optimal,it will not be necessary to repeat this part of the argument.I return to the case of the farmer and the cattle-raiser.The farmer would suffer increased damage to his crop as the size of the herd increased.Suppose that the size of the cattle-raiser’s herd is3steers(and that this is the size of the herd that would be maintained if crop damage was not taken into account). Then the farmer would be willing to pay up to$3if the cattle-raiser would reduce his herd to2steers,up to$5if the herd were reduced to1steer and would pay up to$6if cattle-raising was abandoned.The cattle-raiser would therefore receive$3from the farmer if he kept2steers instead of3.This$3 foregone is therefore part of the cost incurred in keeping the third steer.Whether the$3is a payment which the cattle-raiser has to make if he adds the third steer to his herd(which it would be if the cattle-raiser was liable to the farmer for damage caused to the crop)or whether it is a sum of money which he would have received if he did not keep a third steer(which it would be if the cattle-raiser was not liable to the farmer for damage caused to the crop)does not affect thefinal result.In both cases$3is part of the cost of adding a third steer, to be included along with the other costs.If the increase in the value of production in cattle-raising through increasing the size of the herd from2to3is greater than the additional costs that have to be incurred(including the$3damage to crops),the size of the herd will be increased.Otherwise,it will not.The size of the herd will be the same whether the cattle-raiser is liable for damage caused to the crop or not.It may be argued that the assumed starting point—a herd of3steers—was arbitrary.And this is true.But the farmer would not wish to pay to avoid crop damage which the cattle-raiser would not be able to cause.For example,the maximum annual payment which the farmer could be induced to pay could not exceed$9,the annual cost of fencing.And the farmer would only be willing to pay this sum if it did not reduce his earnings to a level that would cause him to abandon cultivation of this particular tract of land.Furthermore,the farmer would only be willing to pay this amount if he believed that,in the absence of any payment by him,the size of the herd maintained by the cattle-raiser wouldThe Problem of Social Cost843 be4or more steers.Let us assume that this is the case.Then the farmer would be willing to pay up to$3if the cattle-raiser would reduce his herd to3steers, up to$6if the herd were reduced to2steers,up to$8if one steer only were kept and up to$9if cattle-raising were abandoned.It will be noticed that the change in the starting point has not altered the amount which would accrue to the cattle-raiser if he reduced the size of his herd by any given amount.It is still true that the cattle-raiser could receive an additional$3from the farmer if he agreed to reduce his herd from3steers to2and that the$3represents the value of the crop that would be destroyed by adding the third steer to the herd. Although a different belief on the part of the farmer(whether justified or not) about the size of the herd that the cattle-raiser would maintain in the absence of payments from him may affect the total payment he can be induced to pay, it is not true that this different belief would have any effect on the size of the herd that the cattle-raiser will actually keep.This will be the same as it would be if the cattle-raiser had to pay for damage caused by his cattle,since a receipt foregone of a given amount is the equivalent of a payment of the same amount. It might be thought that it would pay the cattle-raiser to increase his herd above the size that he would wish to maintain once a bargain had been made, in order to induce the farmer to make a larger total payment.And this may be true.It is similar in nature to the action of the farmer(when the cattle-raiser was liable for damage)in cultivating land on which,as a result of an agreement with the cattle-raiser,planting would subsequently be abandoned(including land which would not be cultivated at all in the absence of cattle-raising).But such manoeuvres are preliminaries to an agreement and do not affect the long-run equilibrium position,which is the same whether or not the cattle-raiser is held responsible for the crop damage brought about by his cattle.It is necessary to know whether the damaging business is liable or not for damage caused since without the establishment of this initial delimitation of rights there can be no market transactions to transfer and recombine them.But the ultimate result(which maximises the value of production)is independent of the legal position if the pricing system is assumed to work without cost.5.The Problem Illustrated AnewThe harmful effects of the activities of a business can assume a wide variety of forms.An early English case concerned a building which,by obstructing currents of air,hindered the operation of a windmill.5A recent case in Florida concerned a building which cast a shadow on the cabana,swimming pool and sunbathing areas of a neighbouring hotel.6The problem of straying cattle and the damaging of crops which was the subject of detailed examination in the two preceding sections,although it may have appeared to be rather a special case, 5See Gale on Easements237–39(13th ed.M.Bowles1959).6See Fontainebleu Hotel Corp.v.Forty-Five Twenty-Five,Inc.,114So.2d357(1959).844The Journal of LAW&ECONOMICSis in fact but one example of a problem which arises in many different guises. To clarify the nature of my argument and to demonstrate its general applicability, I propose to illustrate it anew by reference to four actual cases.Let usfirst reconsider the case of Sturges v.Bridgman7which I used as an illustration of the general problem in my article on“The Federal Communi-cations Commission.”In this case,a confectioner(in Wigmore Street)used two mortars and pestles in connection with his business(one had been in operation in the same position for more than60years and the other for more than26 years).A doctor then came to occupy neighbouring premises(in Wimpole Street). The confectioner’s machinery caused the doctor no harm until,eight years after he hadfirst occupied the premises,he built a consulting room at the end of his garden right against the confectioner’s kitchen.It was then found that the noise and vibration caused by the confectioner’s machinery made it difficult for the doctor to use his new consulting room.“In particular...the noise prevented him from examining his patients by auscultation8for diseases of the chest.He also found it impossible to engage with effect in any occupation which required thought and attention.”The doctor therefore brought a legal action to force the confectioner to stop using his machinery.The courts had little difficulty in granting the doctor the injunction he sought.“Individual cases of hardship may occur in the strict carrying out of the principle upon which we found our judgment,but the negation of the principle would lead even more to individual hardship,and would at the same time produce a prejudicial effect upon the development of land for residential purposes.”The court’s decision established that the doctor had the right to prevent the confectioner from using his machinery.But,of course,it would have been possible to modify the arrangements envisaged in the legal ruling by means of a bargain between the parties.The doctor would have been willing to waive his right and allow the machinery to continue in operation if the confectioner would have paid him a sum of money which was greater than the loss of income which he would suffer from having to move to a more costly or less convenient location or from having to curtail his activities at this location or,as was suggested as a possibility,from having to build a separate wall which would deaden the noise and vibration.The confectioner would have been willing to do this if the amount he would have to pay the doctor was less than the fall in income he would suffer if he had to change his mode of operation at this location,abandon his operation or move his confectionery business to some other location.The solution of the problem depends essentially on whether the continued use of the machinery adds more to the confectioner’s income than it subtracts from the doctor’s.9But now consider the situation if the confectioner had won the case.The confectioner 711Ch.D.852(1879).8Auscultation is the act of listening by ear or stethoscope in order to judge by sound the condition of the body.9Note that what is taken into account is the change in income after allowing for alterations in methods of production,location,character of product,etc.The Problem of Social Cost845 would then have had the right to continue operating his noise and vibration-generating machinery without having to pay anything to the doctor.The boot would have been on the other foot:the doctor would have had to pay the confectioner to induce him to stop using the machinery.If the doctor’s income would have fallen more through continuance of the use of this machinery than it added to the income of the confectioner,there would clearly be room for a bargain whereby the doctor paid the confectioner to stop using the machinery. That is to say,the circumstances in which it would not pay the confectioner to continue to use the machinery and to compensate the doctor for the losses that this would bring(if the doctor had the right to prevent the confectioner’s using his machinery)would be those in which it would be in the interest of the doctor to make a payment to the confectioner which would induce him to discontinue the use of the machinery(if the confectioner had the right to operate the ma-chinery).The basic conditions are exactly the same in this case as they were in the example of the cattle which destroyed crops.With costless market transac-tions,the decision of the courts concerning liability for damage would be without effect on the allocation of resources.It was of course the view of the judges that they were affecting the working of the economic system—and in a desirable direction.Any other decision would have had“a prejudicial effect upon the development of land for residential purposes,”an argument which was elaborated by examining the example of a forge operating on a barren moor,which was later developed for residual purposes.The judges’view that they were settling how the land was to be used would be true only in the case in which the costs of carrying out the necessary market transactions exceeded the gain which might be achieved by any rearrangement of rights.And it would be desirable to preserve the areas(Wimpole Street or the moor)for residential or professional use(by giving non-industrial users the right to stop the noise,vibration,smoke,etc., by injunction)only if the value of the additional residential facilities obtained was greater than the value of cakes or iron lost.But of this the judges seem to have been unaware.Another example of the same problem is furnished by the case of Cooke v. Forbes.10One process in the weaving of cocoa-nutfibre matting was to immerse it in bleaching liquids after which it was hung out to dry.Fumes from a man-ufacturer of sulphate of ammonia had the effect of turning the matting from a bright to a dull and blackish colour.The reason for this was that the bleaching liquid contained chloride of tin,which,when affected by sulphuretted hydrogen, is turned to a darker colour.An injunction was sought to stop the manufacturer from emitting the fumes.The lawyers for the defendant argued that if the plaintiff “were not to use...a particular bleaching liquid,theirfibre would not be affected;that their process is unusual,not according to the custom of the trade, and even damaging to their own fabrics.”The judge commented:“...it appears to me quite plain that a person has a right to carry on upon his own property 10L.R.5Eq.166(1867–1868).。
《社会成本问题》 罗纳德.科斯
社会成本问题罗纳德.科斯①一、有待分析的问题本文将分析商业企业行为对旁人带来不良影响的问题。
标准例子就是,某工厂的烟尘给邻近的财产所有者带来的有害影响。
对此类情况,经济学的分析通常是因袭了庇古在《福利经济学》的处理思路,即认为问题是在于工厂的私人产品与社会产品有差异。
这些分析让大多经济学家得出以下三个结论:即要么是要求工厂主对烟尘的损害负责赔偿;要么是根据工厂排烟尘的具体量及其所致损害的相应金额标准对工厂主征税;或者最终,责令该厂迁出居民区(可能也应包括那些烟尘排放会影响到别人的区域)。
依我之见,这些解决办法并不合适,因为它们所引至的结果既非人们所需,甚至通常亦非人们所欲。
二、问题的相互性本质传统方法倾向于模糊了必须作选择的本质。
人们通常将以下两个问题视为同一:其一是A给B造成损失,其二需要决定的是:我们应如何限制A。
但这是不对的,我们分析的问题本质上具有相互性。
避免对B的损害必将会使A遭受损失。
真正必须决策的问题是:是允许A损害B,还是允许B损害A?问题的关键在于避重就轻。
我在之前的文章②中列举了糖果制造商的机器噪声和震动干扰了某医生工作的事例。
为了避免医生有损,将只能让糖果制造商受伤害。
此案例提出的问题实质上是,限制糖果制造商采用的某种生产方式以产品供给减少为代价,保证医生的正常工作是否值得。
另一例子可以看走失的牛损坏邻近土地里的谷物问题。
倘若有些牛无论如何都会走失,那么只有以谷物供给的减少为代价换取肉类供给的增加。
选择的本质简单明了:肉类抑或谷物?当然,除非知晓所得以及牺牲的代价各几何,不然这个问题的答案并不清楚。
再举一例:乔治·J·施蒂格勒教授举的河流污染例子③。
如果假定污染的有害后果是鱼类的死亡,需要抉择的问题不外乎是:鱼类损失的价值与以河流污染为代价的产品价值孰高孰低。
不言而喻,必须从总体和边际两个方面看此种问题。
三、损害责任的定价制度我想以一个案例的剖析作为分析的起点。
社会成本问题
社会成本问题罗纳德.科斯一、有待分析的问题本文将分析商业企业行为对旁人带来不良影响的问题。
标准例子就是,某工厂的烟尘给邻近的财产所有者带来的有害影响。
对此类情况,经济学的分析通常是因袭了庇古在《福利经济学》的处理思路,即认为问题是在于工厂的私人产品与社会产品有差异。
这些分析让大多经济学家得出以下三个结论:即要么是要求工厂主对烟尘的损害负责赔偿;要么是根据工厂排烟尘的具体量及其所致损害的相应金额标准对工厂主征税;或者最终,责令该厂迁出居民区(可能也应包括那些烟尘排放会影响到别人的区域)。
依我之见,这些解决办法并不合适,因为它们所引至的结果既非人们所需,甚至通常亦非人们所欲。
二、问题的相互性本质传统方法倾向于模糊了必须作选择的本质。
人们通常将以下两个问题视为同一:其一是A给B造成损失,其二需要决定的是:我们应如何限制A。
但这是不对的,我们分析的问题本质上具有相互性。
避免对B的损害必将会使A遭受损失。
真正必须决策的问题是:是允许A损害B,还是允许B损害A?问题的关键在于避重就轻。
我在之前的文章中列举了糖果制造商的机器噪声和震动干扰了某医生工作的事例。
为了避免医生有损,将只能让糖果制造商受伤害。
此案例提出的问题实质上是,限制糖果制造商采用的某种生产方式以产品供给减少为代价,保证医生的正常工作是否值得。
另一例子可以看走失的牛损坏邻近土地里的谷物问题。
倘若有些牛无论如何都会走失,那么只有以谷物供给的减少为代价换取肉类供给的增加。
选择的本质简单明了:肉类抑或谷物?当然,除非知晓所得以及牺牲的代价各几何,不然这个问题的答案并不清楚。
再举一例:乔治·J·施蒂格勒教授举的河流污染例子。
如果假定污染的有害后果是鱼类的死亡,需要抉择的问题不外乎是:鱼类损失的价值与以河流污染为代价的产品价值孰高孰低。
不言而喻,必须从总体和边际两个方面看此种问题。
三、损害责任的定价制度我想以一个案例的剖析作为分析的起点。
社会成本问题
社会的成本问题一、课堂讲解科斯在本文中列举论文许多经典案例,通过对这些案例的分析,提出了他的看法,并且批判了庇古在《福利经济学》中的处理思路。
在文章前部分,举例了牛损坏毗邻土地谷物一案,假定农夫和养牛者在毗邻的土地上各自经营,并且他们土地之间没有栅栏,随着牛群规模的扩大,可能会出现牛跑到农夫的地理损坏他的谷物的情况。
庇古以及继承了庇古处理思路的经济学家们认为有以下三种方式,要么要求养牛者对农夫的谷物损失进行赔偿,要么根据牛损坏的谷物的具体量以及所致损坏的相应金额标准对养牛者征税,或者,责令养牛者寻找别处放牧。
科斯认为以上三种方式都不合适,因为他们所致的结果并不能实现社会福利的最优化。
他认为在考虑A方行为对B方造成不良影响的问题时,必须从总体和边际两个方面思考,即使社会总产出最大化、两方交易最大化。
科斯在有交易成本和无交易成本两种情况下进行讨论。
在无交易成本的情况下,无论是A方赔偿B方,还是B方赔偿A方,总产出与边际成本都没有变化,两种方式都不会影响资源的配置。
以牛损坏农夫谷物为例,若养牛者赔偿农夫,实际赔偿不会大于两地之间建立栅栏的成本,并且取决于农夫和养牛者之间讨价还价的本领。
若养牛者无须对谷物损失负责,则农夫可能会向养牛者支付一定金额的赔偿金以使养牛者减小养牛规模,减少对谷物的破坏。
但赔偿金额将小于或等于谷物损失的价值,这里的赔偿金额计入生产谷物的成本中去。
总的来说,无交易成本时解决问题的本质在于,A的行为给A 带来的收入的增加,是否超过了给B带来的收入的减少。
无论谁赔偿谁,均衡结果均是一样的。
但在交易成本存在时,情况就大不相同。
为了进行市场交易,就必须发现交易对手、告知交易对手交易条款,通过谈判达成交易、起草交易契约并督促保证契约条款的履行等等诸如此类的交易成本。
所以无交易成本的假定是不现实的,一旦将市场交易成本纳入考虑,当收益小于其成本时,原来在无交易成本条件下的行动这时不再继续;只有当后续产值的增加大于所需成本时,重新安排才得以进行。
《社会成本问题》 罗奈德科斯
社会成本问题罗纳德.科斯①一、有待分析的问题本文将分析商业企业行为对旁人带来不良影响的问题。
标准例子就是,某工厂的烟尘给邻近的财产所有者带来的有害影响。
对此类情况,经济学的分析通常是因袭了庇古在《福利经济学》的处理思路,即认为问题是在于工厂的私人产品与社会产品有差异。
这些分析让大多经济学家得出以下三个结论:即要么是要求工厂主对烟尘的损害负责赔偿;要么是根据工厂排烟尘的具体量及其所致损害的相应金额标准对工厂主征税;或者最终,责令该厂迁出居民区(可能也应包括那些烟尘排放会影响到别人的区域)。
依我之见,这些解决办法并不合适,因为它们所引至的结果既非人们所需,甚至通常亦非人们所欲。
二、问题的相互性本质传统方法倾向于模糊了必须作选择的本质。
人们通常将以下两个问题视为同一:其一是A给B造成损失,其二需要决定的是:我们应如何限制A。
但这是不对的,我们分析的问题本质上具有相互性。
避免对B的损害必将会使A遭受损失。
真正必须决策的问题是:是允许A损害B,还是允许B损害A?问题的关键在于避重就轻。
我在之前的文章②中列举了糖果制造商的机器噪声和震动干扰了某医生工作的事例。
为了避免医生有损,将只能让糖果制造商受伤害。
此案例提出的问题实质上是,限制糖果制造商采用的某种生产方式以产品供给减少为代价,保证医生的正常工作是否值得。
另一例子可以看走失的牛损坏邻近土地里的谷物问题。
倘若有些牛无论如何都会走失,那么只有以谷物供给的减少为代价换取肉类供给的增加。
选择的本质简单明了:肉类抑或谷物?当然,除非知晓所得以及牺牲的代价各几何,不然这个问题的答案并不清楚。
再举一例:乔治·J·施蒂格勒教授举的河流污染例子③。
如果假定污染的有害后果是鱼类的死亡,需要抉择的问题不外乎是:鱼类损失的价值与以河流污染为代价的产品价值孰高孰低。
不言而喻,必须从总体和边际两个方面看此种问题。
三、损害责任的定价制度我想以一个案例的剖析作为分析的起点。
社会成本问题
产权外部性
产权:是描述人们可以对他们的财产做什么 的法律规则。它包括所有权、使用权、收益 权和转让权。 外部性又称为溢出效应、外部影响或外差效 应,指一个人或一群人的行动和决策使另一 个人或一群人受损或受益的情况。 产权外部性 应该就是由于某人的使用自己财 产权利时的动作行为等对其余人造成了损失。
外部经济产生的原因: 科斯认为,外部经济产生的根本原因 是产权界定不够明确或界定不当。所 以政府不必一定要用干预的方法来试 图消除社会收益或成本与私人收益或 成本之间的差异,政府只需界定并保 护产权,而随后产生的市场交易就能 达到帕累托最优。
原文节选—科斯不同意庇古的看法
庇古的分析怎么会得出错误的结论呢?原因 在于庇古似乎并没有注意到他的分析所针对 的是完全不同的问题。他的分析是正确的, 但他得出的具体结论却是不合逻辑的。(火车
发动机产生火星的事件)
他们的分析结论无非是要求工厂主对烟尘所 引起的损害负责赔偿,或者根据工厂排出烟 尘的不同容量及其所致损害的相应金额标准 对工厂主征税,或者最终责令该厂迁出居民 区(当然也指烟尘排放对他人产生有害影响 的地区),以我之见,这些解决办法并不合 适,因为它们所导致的结果不是人们所需要 的,甚至通常也不是人们所满意的。(关于庇
总结文章内容: 简单来说,《社会成本问题》就是讨 论解决事件外部性的方法。并通过很 多案列,如牛和谷物,糖果商和医生, 编制草席的厂和会产生二氧化硫的厂, 烟囱事件,建筑物挡风影响风车问题 等就外部性讨论事件中甲乙双方的利 益问题,如何平衡解决甲乙双方的利 益争论的一系列延伸讨论。
产权的内涵
(1)它是人与物之间的归属关系,但其实质 是依附于物上面的人与人之间的关系; (2)在资源无限供给或者零交易成本下,产 权是不起作用的; (3)产权表现为一权利束,它包括占有权、 使用权、收益权等方面。
The Problem of Social Cost
The Problem of Social CostAuthor(s): R. H. CoaseSource: Journal of Law and Economics, Vol. 3 (Oct., 1960), pp. 1-44Published by: The University of Chicago PressStable URL: /stable/724810Accessed: 16/05/2010 10:54Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use.Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=ucpress.Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission.JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@.The University of Chicago Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journalof Law and Economics.。
社会成本问题阅读笔记
社会成本问题阅读笔记《The problem of social cost》阅读笔记本篇笔记共分为两个部分:第一部分是对《The problem of social cost》的简要梳理;第二部分提出自己的思考,并尝试用所学的知识以严谨的态度来解释自己提出的问题。
1. 《The problem of social cost》梳理全文共十个小节,主要讨论了经济活动中的外部侵害问题。
在工商企业生产行为可能损害他人利益的情境中,看似是企业损害了他人权益,实际上,如果“被伤害方”不进行相应的活动行为伤害也不会出现。
例如,糖果制造商产生的噪音影响了医生诊所的工作是由医生施行自己权利开诊所和工厂施行自己权利进行生产活动共同作用的结果。
这种现象就是科斯所说的问题的相互性,即:外部侵害的发生是由两方共同造成的。
这是一种权力的冲突,矛盾的根源是权力的法律初始界定。
科斯以此否定了应该由企业承担责任并赔付损失/缴纳税收/迁走的观点。
而后,科斯用大量的案例说明了在交易成文为零的情况下无论是对损害负有责任的定价制度和不负责任的定价制度都能实现最终总体利润最大化—资源配置最优,即:在交易成本为零的情况下,法律判决或者法律制度对经济运及资源配置不产生任何影响作用。
但是,由于现实生活中市场交易成本(通过市场企业或者政府进行问题的解决的成本)实际存在且不为零,无论是市场还是企业或者政府干预(税收或者补贴--庇古的观点)都不能取得理想的结果。
在这种情况下,如果法律禁令的颁布和支付损害赔偿的责任可能会导致工商企业成本高于收入,从而迫使这些(发生在交易成本为零的情况下的)工商业生产活动的终止--法律制度中的权力界定会影响经济活动(权力配置某种程度决定资源配置效率)。
因此科斯认为,在处理妨害后果的生产活动时不应该简单对企业生产方进行限制,我们需要对比防止妨害发生的收益与防止妨害的可能产生的损失(机会)进行对比。
但这样的结果未必就是好的:政府对经济制度的干预会使那些产生伤害的企业拥有者得到某种程度的保护。
制度经济学科斯定理读《社会成本问题》解析42页PPT
46、我们若已接受最坏的,就再没有什么损失。——卡耐基 47、书到用时方恨少、事非经过不知难。——陆游 48、书籍把我们引入最美好的社会,使我们认识各个时代的伟大智者。——史美尔斯 49、熟读唐诗三百首,不会作诗也会吟。——孙洙 50、谁和我一样用功,谁就会和我一样成功。——莫扎特
制度经济学科斯定理读《社会成本问 题》解析
16、自己选择的路、跪着也要把它走 完。 17、一般情况下)不想三年以后的事, 只想现 在的事 。现在 有成就 ,以后 才能更 辉煌。
18、敢于向黑暗宣战的人,心里必须 充满光 明。 19、学习的关键--重复。
20、懦弱的人只会裹足不前,莽撞的 人只能
【01】科斯-《社会成本问题》(中文版)
社会成本问题[英] R. H. 科斯原载《法律与经济学杂志》第3卷(1960年10月)有待分析的问题本文涉及对他人产生有害影响的那些工商业企业的行为。
一个典型的例子就是,某工厂的烟尘给邻近的财产所有者带来的有害影响。
对此类情况,经济学的分析通常是从工厂的私人产品与社会产品之间的矛盾这方面展开的。
在这一方面,许多经济学家都因袭了庇古在《福利经济学》中提出的观点。
他们的分析结论无非是要求工厂主对烟尘所引起的损害负责赔偿,或者根据工厂排出烟尘的不同容量及其所致损害的相应金额标准对工厂主征税,或者最终责令该厂迁出居民区(当然也指烟尘排放对他人产生有害影响的地区),以我之见,这些解决办法并不合适,因为它们所导致的结果不是人们所需要的,甚至通常也不是人们所满意的。
问题的相互性传统的方法掩盖了不得不做出的选择的实质。
人们一般将该问题视为甲给乙造成损害,因而所要决定的是:如何制止甲?但这是错误的。
我们正在分析的问题具有相互性,即避免对乙的损害将会使甲遭受损害。
必须决定的真正问题是,是允许甲损害乙,还是允许乙损害甲?关键在于避免较严重的损害。
我在前文中列举了糖果制造商的机器引起的嗓声和震动干扰了某医生的工作的事例。
为了避免损害医生,糖果制造商将遭受损害。
此事例提出的问题实质上是,是否值得去限制糖果制造商采用的生产方法,并以减少其产品供给的代价来保证医生的正常工作。
另一事例是走失的牛损坏邻近土地里的谷物所产生的问题。
倘若有些牛难免要走失,那么只有以减少谷物的供给这一代价来换取肉类供给的增加。
这种选择的实质是显而易见的:是要肉类,还是要谷物?当然,我们不能贸然回答,除非我们知道所得到的价值是什么,以及为此所牺牲的价值是什么。
再举一例:乔治·J·施蒂格勒教授提到的河流污染问题。
如果我们假定污染的有害后果是鱼类的死亡,要决定的问题则是:鱼类损失的价值究竟大于还是小于可能污染河流的产品的价值。
不言而喻,必须从总体的和边际的角度来看待这一问题。
R.H.Coase 社会成本问题
社会成本问题罗纳德·科斯一、有待分析的问题本文涉及对他人产生有害影响的那些工商业企业的行为。
一个典型的例子就是,某工厂的烟尘给邻近的财产所有者带来了有害影响。
对此类情况,经济学的分析通常是从工厂的私人产品与社会产品之间分歧的观点展开的。
在这一方面,许多经济学家都因袭了庇古在《福利经济学》中提出的观点。
他们的分析结论无非是要求工厂主对烟尘所引起的损害负责赔偿,或者根据工厂不同的烟尘排放量及其所致损害的相应金额标准对工厂主征税,或者最终责令该厂迁出居民区(当然也指烟尘排放对他人产生有害影响的地区)。
以我之见,这些解决办法并不合适,因为它们所导致的结果不是人们所需要的,甚至通常也不是人们所满意的。
二、问题的交互性质传统的方法掩盖了不得不作出的选择的实质。
人们一般将该问题视为甲给乙造成损害,因而所要决定的是:如何制止甲?但这是错误的。
我们正在分析的问题具有交互性质,即避免对乙的损害将会使甲遭受损害,必须决定的真正问题是:是允许甲损害乙,还是允许乙损害甲?关键在于避免较严重的损害。
我在以前的文章2中列举了糖果制造商的机器引起的噪声和震动干扰了某医生的工作的事例。
为了避免损害医生,糖果制造商将遭受损害。
此事例提出的问题实质上是,是否值得去限制糖果制造商采用的生产方法,并以减少其产品供给的代价来保证医生的正常工作。
另一事例是走失的牛损坏邻近土地里的谷物所产生的问题。
倘若有些牛难免要走失,那么只有以减少谷物的供给这一代价来换取肉类供给的增加。
这种选择的实质是显而易见的:是要肉类,还是要谷物?当然,我们不能贸然回答,除非我们知道所得到的价值是什么,以及为此所牺牲的价值是什么。
再举一例:乔治·J·施蒂格勒教授提到的河流污染问题3。
如果我们假定污染的有害后果是鱼类的死亡,要决定的问题则是:鱼类损失的价值究竟大于还是小于可能污染河流的产品的价值。
不言而喻,必须从总体的和边际的角度来看待这一问题。
社会成本问题
社會成本問題The Problem of Social Cost作者:R.H.科斯Ronald Coase有待分析的問題本文涉及對他人産生有害影響的那些工商業企業的行爲。
一個典型的例子就是,某工廠的烟塵給鄰近的財産所有者帶來的有害影響。
對此類情况,經濟學的分析通常是從工廠的私人産品與社會産品之間的矛盾這方面展開的。
在這一方面,許多經濟學家都因襲了庇古在《福利經濟學》中提出的觀點。
他們的分析結論無非是要求工廠主對烟塵所引起的損害負責賠償,或者根據工廠排出烟塵的不同容量及其所致損害的相應金額標準對工廠主徵稅,或者最終責令該廠遷出居民區(當然也指烟塵排放對他人産生有害影響的地區),以我之見,這些解决辦法幷不合適,因爲它們所導致的結果不是人們所需要的,甚至通常也不是人們所滿意的。
問題的相互性傳統的方法掩益了不得不作出的選擇的實質。
人們一般將該問題視爲甲給乙造成損害,因而所要决定的是:如何制止甲?但這是錯誤的。
我們正在分析的問題具有相互性,即避免對乙的損害將會使甲遭受損害。
必須决定的真正問題是,是允許甲損害乙,還是允許乙損害甲?關鍵在于避免較嚴重的損害。
我在前文中列舉了糖果製造商的機器引起的嗓聲和震動干擾了某醫生的工作的事例。
爲了避免損害醫生,糖果製造商將遭受損害。
此事例提出的問題實質上是,是否值得去限制糖果製造商采用的生産方法,幷以减少其産品供給的代價來保證醫生的正常工作。
另一事例是走失的牛損壞鄰近土地裏的穀物所産生的問題。
倘若有些牛難免要走失,那么只有以减少穀物的供給這一代價來換取肉類供給的增加。
這種選擇的實質是顯而易見的:是要肉類,還是要穀物?當然,我們不能貿然回答,除非我們知道所得到的價值是什么,以及爲此所犧牲的價值是什么。
再舉一例:喬治·J·施蒂格勒教授提到的河流污染問題。
如果我們假定污染的有害後果是魚類的死亡,要决定的問題則是:魚類損失的價值究竟大于還是小于可能污染河流的産品的價值。
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社会成本问题[英] R. H. 科斯原载《法律与经济学杂志》第3卷(1960年10月)有待分析的问题本文涉及对他人产生有害影响的那些工商业企业的行为。
一个典型的例子就是,某工厂的烟尘给邻近的财产所有者带来的有害影响。
对此类情况,经济学的分析通常是从工厂的私人产品与社会产品之间的矛盾这方面展开的。
在这一方面,许多经济学家都因袭了庇古在《福利经济学》中提出的观点。
他们的分析结论无非是要求工厂主对烟尘所引起的损害负责赔偿,或者根据工厂排出烟尘的不同容量及其所致损害的相应金额标准对工厂主征税,或者最终责令该厂迁出居民区(当然也指烟尘排放对他人产生有害影响的地区),以我之见,这些解决办法并不合适,因为它们所导致的结果不是人们所需要的,甚至通常也不是人们所满意的。
问题的相互性传统的方法掩盖了不得不做出的选择的实质。
人们一般将该问题视为甲给乙造成损害,因而所要决定的是:如何制止甲?但这是错误的。
我们正在分析的问题具有相互性,即避免对乙的损害将会使甲遭受损害。
必须决定的真正问题是,是允许甲损害乙,还是允许乙损害甲?关键在于避免较严重的损害。
我在前文中列举了糖果制造商的机器引起的嗓声和震动干扰了某医生的工作的事例。
为了避免损害医生,糖果制造商将遭受损害。
此事例提出的问题实质上是,是否值得去限制糖果制造商采用的生产方法,并以减少其产品供给的代价来保证医生的正常工作。
另一事例是走失的牛损坏邻近土地里的谷物所产生的问题。
倘若有些牛难免要走失,那么只有以减少谷物的供给这一代价来换取肉类供给的增加。
这种选择的实质是显而易见的:是要肉类,还是要谷物?当然,我们不能贸然回答,除非我们知道所得到的价值是什么,以及为此所牺牲的价值是什么。
再举一例:乔治·J·施蒂格勒教授提到的河流污染问题。
如果我们假定污染的有害后果是鱼类的死亡,要决定的问题则是:鱼类损失的价值究竟大于还是小于可能污染河流的产品的价值。
不言而喻,必须从总体的和边际的角度来看待这一问题。
对损害负有责任的定价制度我想以一个案例的剖析作为分析的起点。
对此案例,大多数经济学家可能都同意以下观点,即当造成损害的一方赔偿所有损失,并且定价制度正常运行时(严格地说,这意味着定价制度的运行是不需成本的),这一问题就会得到令人满意的解决。
走失的牛损坏邻近土地的谷物生长一案,是说明我们所要讨论的问题的很好例子。
假定农夫和养牛者在毗邻的土地上经营。
再假定在土地之间没有任何栅栏的情形下,牛群规模的扩大就会增加农夫的谷物损失,牛群规模扩大产生的边际损失是什么则是另一个问题,这取决于牛是否习惯于相互尾随或并排漫游,取决于由于牛群规模的扩大和其他类似因素,是否使牛变得越来越不安定。
就眼前的目的而言,对牛群规模的扩大所造成的边际损失的假定是无关宏旨的。
为简化论述,我尝试运用一个算术例子。
假定将农夫的土地用栅栏围起来的年成本为9美元,谷物价格为每吨1美元,并假定牛群数与谷物年损失之间的关系如下:牛群数目谷物年损失每增加一头牛所造成的谷物损失(头)(吨)(吨)1 1 12 3 23 6 34 10 4假定养牛者对所造成的损害承担责任。
如果他将牛群数目从2头增加到3头,他现追加年成本3美元。
在决定牛群规模时,他就需联系其他成本来考虑这一因素。
这就是,除非追加生产的牛肉(假定养牛者宰杀牛)价值大于包括增加的损坏谷物价值在内的附加成本,否则他不会扩大牛群。
当然,如果利用狗、放牧人、飞机、步话机和其他办法可减少损害,如果其成本低于免于损失的谷物价值,这些办法就会被采用。
假定圈围土地的年成本为9美元,养牛者希望有4头或更多的牛,当没有其他更便宜的方法可达到同样目的时,养牛者愿支付这笔费用。
当棚栏围起来后,由于损害责任而产生的边际成本为零,除非牛群规模扩大而不得不加固并建造花费更大的栅栏,因为养牛者有责任依靠这些栅栏管好更多的牛。
当然。
对养牛者而言,不设栅栏而支付谷物的损失费也许更合算,就像在上述算术例子中牛群只有3头牛或更少一些时那样。
人们可能会想,养牛者将支付所有谷物损失这一事实会促使农夫增加种植量,假如养牛者逐渐占据了邻近土地的话。
但是,事实并非如此。
如果以前在完全竞争的条件下出售谷物,边际成本等于已种谷物数量的价格,生产的任何扩张都会减少农夫的利润。
因为在新的情况下,谷物损害的存在意味着农夫在公开市场上出售谷物量的减少,但既然养牛者将为损失的谷物支付市场价,所以农夫从既定产量中得到的收入不变。
当然,放牛一般都会造成谷物损失,因此养牛业开始出现时会抬高谷物的价格,那时农夫就会扩大种植。
不过,我只想将注意力限于单个农夫的情况。
我说过,养牛者占据邻近土地不会促使农夫增加产量,确切地说是种植量。
实际上,如果说养牛会有什么影响的话,那它只会减少种植量。
理由是,就既定的某块土地而言,如果受损害的谷物价值是如此之大,以至于从未被损害的谷物的销售中得到的收入少于耕种该块土地的总成本,那么对于农夫和养牛者来说,达成一笔交易而不将这块土地留作耕种是有利可图的。
通过一个算术例子可以清楚地说明这个问题。
假定起初耕种某块土地所收获的谷物价值为12美元,耕种成本为10美元,纯收益为2美元。
为简明起见,假设农夫拥有土地。
现在假定养牛者开始在邻近的土地上经营,谷物损失的价值为1美元。
在此情况下,农夫在市场上销售谷物获得11美元,因蒙受损失得到养牛者赔偿1美元,纯收益仍为2美元。
现在假定养牛者发现扩大牛群规模有利可图,即便损害赔偿费增加到3美元也不在乎,这意味着追加牛肉生产的价值将大于包括2元额外损害赔偿费在内的追加成本。
但是,现在总的损害赔偿支出是3美元。
农夫耕种土地的纯收益仍是2美元。
如果农夫同意在任何损害赔偿低于3美元时就不耕种他的土地,则养牛者的境况就好转了。
农夫为任何高于2美元的赔偿费都会同意不耕种那块土地。
显然,使农夫放弃耕作而达成满意交易的余地还是有的。
但同样的观点不仅适用于农夫耕作的整块土地,而且也适用于任何分成小块的土地。
例如,牛有相当固定的通往小溪或树萌地带的路线,在此情形下,沿途道路两旁的谷物损害量也许较大,因此,农夫与养牛者将发现,达成一项农夫不耕种这块狭长土地的交易会对双方拥有利。
然而,也可能出现另一种情况。
假定牛有一条相当固定的路线,再假定耕种这一狭长土地所获谷物价值为10美元,但耕种成本为11美元。
在没有养牛者的情况下,土地就会荒芜。
然而,当出现养牛者之后,如果耕种这块土地,所种谷物很可能会被牛损坏。
在此情形下,养牛者将被迫支付给农夫10美元,诚然,农夫会损失1美元,但养牛者则损失10美元。
很明显,这种状况不会无限期地持续下去,因为任何一方都不想这样做。
农夫的目的是要养牛者支付赔偿,作为对农夫同意不耕种这块土地的报答。
农夫不可能获得高于用栅栏圈围这块土地的成本的赔偿费,以至于使养牛者放弃使用邻近的土地。
实际上,赔偿费的支付额取决于农夫与养牛者进行讨价还价的本领。
但这笔费用既不会高得使养牛者放弃这块土地,也不会随牛群规模而变。
这种协议不会影响资源的配置,但会改变养牛者与农夫之间的收入和财富的分配。
我认为,如果养牛者对相应的损害承担责任,而且定价制度运行正常,在计算牛群规模的扩大所包含的附加成本时显然须考虑其他方面产值的减少这一因素。
该成本应参照牛肉生产的附加价值来衡量,并假定养牛业处于完全竞争状态时,养牛方面的资源配置将最佳化。
需要强调的是,在养牛的成本可能低于通常牛对谷物的损害时,要考虑其他方面产值的下降,因为市场交易的结果可能引起土地耕种的停止。
在牛引起损害且养牛者愿意支付赔偿费的情况下,这笔赔偿费超过农夫使用土地的支出总是令人满意的。
在完全竞争条件下,农夫使用土地的支出等于该土地上生产要素的总产值与其在次优使用状态下的附加产值之间的差额(而农夫不得不为这些要素支付费用)。
若损害超过农夫使用土地的支出,则要素在其他方面使用的附加产值将超过在考虑到损害后使用该土地的总产值。
因此,人们就会放弃耕种这块土地而将各种要素投到其他方面的生产中去。
仅规定牛损害谷物必须赔偿但不允许终止耕种,会导致养牛业中生产要素过少和谷物种植业中生产要素过多。
但如果存在市场交易,则对谷物的损害超过土地租金的情况不会持久。
不论是养牛者支付给农夫一笔钱让他放弃土地,还是养牛者支付给土地所有者一笔稍高于给农夫的钱(若农夫自己正式租地的话)而自己租下土地,最终结果都一样,即使产值最大化。
即使农夫种植在市场上无利可图的谷物,这也纯粹是短期现象,而且可以预料农夫与养牛者将达成一项停止种植的协定。
但养牛者仍将留在原地,肉类生产的边际成本依然如故,因此,对资源配置没有任何长期影响。
对损害不负责任的定价制度现在,我转向分析这类案例:在这些案例中虽然假设定价制度运行顺利(即成本为零),但是引起损害的企业对损害结果并不承担责任。
它不必对其行为所造成的损害支付赔偿费。
我要说明的是,在这种情况下资源的配置同在引起损害的企业承担损害责任时的情况一样。
由于我在前一例中指出了资源配置是最优化的,因此没有必要再重复这一论点。
我仍以农夫与养牛者为例。
农夫的谷物损失随着牛群规模的扩大而增大。
假设牛群头数为3(这是假设不考虑谷物损失时维持牛群规模的数量)。
如果养牛者将牛减为3头,农夫愿支付3美元,如果减为1头,则支付5美元;如果减为零,则支付6美元。
因此,如果养牛人将牛群头数保持在2头而不是3头,那么他从农夫那里可得到3美元。
这3美元就成为增加第3头牛所需成本的一部分。
养牛人在增加第3头牛时是否付出3美元(如果养牛人对相应的农夫谷物损失负责),或者他不增加第3头牛时是否收到3美元(如果养牛人对相应的农夫谷物损失不负责),这些都不会影响最后的结果。
在这两种情况下,3美元都是增加第3头牛的成本一部分,并和其他成本一起被考虑。
假如通过将牛群规模从2头增至3头,养牛业产值的增加大于不得不支出的附加成本(包括支付3美元谷物损失费),那么,牛群规模将扩大,反之则反是。
无论养牛者是否对相应的谷物损失负责,牛群规模都将一样。
有人会提出,这种假定的出发点——3头牛的牛群——有点武断。
确实如此。
但农夫并不愿花钱去避免养牛者引起的谷物损害。
例如,能劝说农夫支付的最高额每年不能超过9美元,这是每年用栅栏圈围土地的成本。
只有当这笔费用不会使农夫收入减至放弃耕种一块特定土地的水平时,他才愿意支付。
进而言之,只有农夫相信,在他没花钱的情况下,养牛者会使牛群规模保持在4头或更多,他才愿支付这笔费用。
让我们假定情况是这样的:如果养牛者将牛减至3头,农夫愿付3美元;如果减至2头,愿付6美元,如果减至1头,愿付8美元;如果取消养牛业,愿付9美元。
必须注意,出发点的变化没有改变对养牛者来说自然增长着支付金额,如果他以任何既定的数量减少牛群规模的话。