美国总统悼念爱德华·肯尼迪英语演讲稿

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名人著名英语演讲稿肯尼迪就职演讲稿三篇

名人著名英语演讲稿：肯尼迪就职演讲稿名人著名英语演讲稿：肯尼迪就职演讲稿We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom, symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning; signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.今天我们庆祝的不是政党的胜利，而是自由的胜利。

这象征着一个结束，也象征着一个开端；意味着延续也意味看变革。

因为我已在你们和全能的上帝面前，宣读了我们的先辈在170多年前拟定的庄严誓言。

In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.公民们，我们方针的最终成败与其说掌握在我手中，不如说掌握在你们手中。

自从合众国建立以来，每一代美国人都曾受到召唤去证明他们对国家的忠诚。

响应召唤而献身的美国青年的坟墓遍及全球。

美国总统发言稿英语版

美国总统发言稿英语版Ladies and gentlemen, esteemed individuals present here today, thank you for your presence and attention. It is an honor to address you as the President of the United States.First and foremost, I want to express my gratitude to the citizens of this great nation for entrusting me with the responsibility of leading this country. It is a humbling experience to serve as your President and advocate for your concerns, dreams, and aspirations.Today, I stand before you to discuss some significant issues that we need to address together as a united nation. The challenges we face are numerous, both domestically and globally, but I firmly believe that with collective effort, we can overcome them and achieve progress.One of our top priorities is to enhance our economic growth and promote job creation. We must invest in our industries, innovation, and infrastructure to foster a thriving economy that benefits all Americans. By providing tax incentives for businesses, facilitating trade agreements that promote fairness, and empowering our workforce through education and training, we can build a prosperous future for our nation.Furthermore, we must address the critical issue of climate change and its implications for our planet. The scientific evidence is overwhelming, urging us to take immediate action to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and transition to sustainable energy sources. We must lead by example, investing in renewable energy research and development, and collaborating with other nations tocombat this global challenge.Equally important is the need to prioritize national security and protect our homeland. We face evolving threats from terrorism, cyberattacks, and other malicious activities. To ensure the safety of our citizens, we must strengthen our intelligence capabilities, invest in cutting-edge technology, and collaborate with our international partners to counter these threats effectively.Moreover, we cannot overlook the pressing issue of healthcare in our nation. Millions of Americans still struggle to afford quality healthcare, and it is our duty to provide accessible and affordable options. We will work towards expanding healthcare coverage, lowering prescription drug costs, and improving the overall healthcare system to ensure that no citizen is left behind.In conclusion, let us remember that united we stand, and together we can overcome any challenge that comes our way. As your President, I reaffirm my commitment to serve this nation with integrity, empathy, and unwavering dedication. Together, we can build a brighter future for our great nation and leave a lasting legacy for generations to come.Thank you, and God bless America.。

美国总统悼念爱德华·肯尼迪英语演讲稿

美国总统悼念爱德华·肯尼迪英语演讲稿One of the Most Accomplished Americans Ever to Serve our DemocracyREMARKS BY THE PRESIDENTON THE PASSING OF SENATOR EDWARD M. KENNEDYBlue Heron FarmChilmark, Massachusetts9:57 A.M. EDTTHE PRESIDENT: I wanted to say a few words this morning about the passing of an extraordinary leader, Senator Edward Kennedy.Over the past several years, I've had the honor to call Teddy a colleague, a counselor, and a friend. And even though we have known this day was coming for some time now, we awaited it with no small amount of dread.Since Teddy's diagnosis last year, we've seen the courage with which he battled his illness. And while these months have no doubt been difficult for him, they've also let him hear from people in every corner of our nation and from around the world just how much he meant to all of 1————来源网络整理，仅供供参考us. His fight has given us the opportunity we were denied when his brothers John and Robert were taken from us: the blessing of time to say thank you -- and goodbye.The outpouring of love, gratitude, and fond memories to which we've all borne witness is a testament to the way this singular figure in American history touched so many lives. His ideas and ideals are stamped on scores of laws and reflected in millions of lives -- in seniors who know new dignity, in families that know new opportunity, in children who know education's promise, and in all who can pursue their dream in an America that is more equal and more just -- including myself.The Kennedy name is synonymous with the Democratic Party. And at times, Ted was the target of partisan campaign attacks. But in the United States Senate, I can think of no one who engendered greater respect or affection from members of both sides of the aisle. His seriousness of purpose was perpetually matched by humility, warmth, and good cheer. He could passionately battle others and do so peerlessly on the Senate floor for the causes that he held dear, and yet still maintain warm friendships across party lines.————来源网络整理，仅供供参考 2And that's one reason he became not only one of the greatest senators of our time, but one of the most accomplished Americans ever to serve our democracy.His extraordinary life on this earth has come to an end. And the extraordinary good that he did lives on. For his family, he was a guardian. For America, he was the defender of a dream.I spoke earlier this morning to Senator Kennedy's beloved wife, Vicki, who was to the end such a wonderful source of encouragement and strength. Our thoughts and prayers are with her, his children Kara, Edward, and Patrick; his stepchildren Curran and Caroline; the entire Kennedy family; decades' worth of his staff; the people of Massachusetts; and all Americans who, like us, loved Ted Kennedy.END10:00 A.M. EDT3————来源网络整理，仅供供参考。

肯尼迪英文演讲稿

肯尼迪英文演讲稿Ladies and gentlemen,。

It is with great honor and privilege that I stand before you today to deliver this speech on the topic of Kennedy's famous English speech. John F. Kennedy, the 35th President of the United States, was known for his charismatic leadership and powerful oratory skills. His speeches have left a lasting impact on the world, and today, I would like to share with you one of his most iconic speeches.In his inaugural address on January 20, 1961, President Kennedy delivered a speech that has become one of the most memorable in American history. The speech was a call to action, urging Americans to come together and work towards a better future. Kennedy's words resonated with the American people and inspired a sense of hope and optimism.One of the most famous lines from Kennedy's speech is, "Ask not what your country can do for you, ask what you can do for your country." This powerful statement encapsulates Kennedy's vision of a united and selfless nation, where individuals are willing to make sacrifices for the greater good. This call to service and civic responsibility struck a chord with the American public and continues to be quoted and remembered to this day.Kennedy's speech also addressed the global challenges of the time, including the Cold War and the struggle for freedom and democracy. He spoke of the need for unity and cooperation among nations, emphasizing the importance of diplomacy and peaceful resolution of conflicts. His words were a rallying cry for freedom and justice, and they continue to inspire people around the world to this day.In addition to its powerful message, Kennedy's speech is also remembered for its eloquence and rhetorical skill. His use of language and imagery was masterful, and his delivery was both commanding and heartfelt. Kennedy's ability to connect with his audience and convey a sense of purpose and determination was truly remarkable.In conclusion, Kennedy's English speech is a timeless example of leadership and inspiration. His words continue to resonate with people of all ages and backgrounds, and his vision of a better future remains as relevant today as it was over half a century ago. As we reflect on the legacy of President Kennedy, let us remember the power of his words and the enduring impact of his leadership.Thank you.。

美国总统肯尼迪就职演讲稿(中英版)

美国总统肯尼迪就职演讲稿(中英版) Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens:We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning -- signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man e not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans -- born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights towhich this nation has always been mitted, and to which we are mitted today at home and around the world.Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the suess of liberty.This much we pledge -- and more.To those old allies whose cultural and spiritualorigins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do in a host ofcooperative ventures. Divided there is little we can do -- for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.To those new states whom we wele to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power byriding the back of the tiger ended up inside.To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required -- not because the Communistsmay be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot bee the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support -- to prevent it from being merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or aidental self-destruction.We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take fort from our present course -- both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.So let us begin anew -- remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and merce.Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the mand of Isaiah -- to "undo the heavy burdens, and [to] let the oppressed go free."1And, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor -- not a new balance of power, but a new world of law -- where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved.All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days; nor in the life of this Administration; nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this pla. But let us begin.In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final suess or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.Now the trumpet summons us again -- not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need -- not as a call to battle, though embattled we are -- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope; patient in tribulation,"2 a struggle against the mon enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility -- I wele it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it. And the glow from that fire can truly light the world.And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country.My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.Finally, whether you are citizens of America orcitizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.我们今天庆祝的并不是一次政党的胜利，而是一次自由的庆典;它象征着完毕，也象征着开始;意味着更新，也意味着变革。

肯尼迪就职演讲稿(中英文)

肯尼迪就职演讲稿（中英文）肯尼迪就职演讲稿（中英文）演讲时间：20 January 1961肯尼迪就职演讲稿（英文版）Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens:We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning -- signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans --born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty.This much we pledge -- and more.To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided there is little we can do -- for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required -- not becausethe Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support -- to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course -- both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.So let us begin anew -- remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah -- to "undo the heavy burdens, and [to] let the oppressed go free."¹And, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor -- not a new balance ofpower, but a new world of law -- where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved.All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days; nor in the life of this Administration; nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.Now the trumpet summons us again -- not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need -- not as a call to battle, though embattled we are -- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope; patient in tribulation,"² a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger.I do not shrink from this responsibility -- I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people orany other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it. And the glow from that fire can truly light the world.And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country.My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.肯尼迪就职演讲稿（中文版）我们今天庆祝的并不是一次政党的胜利，而是一次自由的庆典；它象征着结束，也象征着开始；意味着更新，也意味着变革。

肯尼迪总统就职演说英文版_英语演讲稿_

肯尼迪总统就职演说英文版friday, january 20, 1961vice president johnson, mr. speaker, mr. chief justice, president eisenhower, vice president nixon, president truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom——symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning——signifying renewal, as well as change. for i have sworn i before you and almighty god the same solemn oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.the world is very different now. for man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. and yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe——the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of god.we dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of americans——born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage——and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.this much we pledge——and more.to those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. united, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. divided, there is little we can do——for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.to those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. we shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. but we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom——and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.to those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required——not because the communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. if a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.to our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge——to convert our good words into good deeds——in a new alliance for progress——to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. but this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the americas. and let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.to that world assembly of sovereign states, the united nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support——to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective——to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak——and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.we dare not tempt them with weakness. for only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.but neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course——both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.so let us begin anew——remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. let us never negotiate out of fear. but let us never fear to negotiate.let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms——and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of isaiah——to "undo the heav y burdens …… and to let the oppressed go free."and if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.all this will not be finished in the first 100 days. nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. but let us begin.in your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. since this country was founded, each generation of americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. the graves of young americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.now the trumpet summons us again——not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need; not as a call to battle, though embattled we are——but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation"——a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, north and south, east and west, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? will you join in that historic effort?in the long history of the world, only a few generations havebeen granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. i do not shank from this responsibility——i welcome it. i do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. the energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it——and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.and so, my fellow americans: ask not what your country can do for you——ask what you can do for your country.my fellow citizens of the world: ask not what america will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.finally, whether you are citizens of america or citizens of the world, ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. with a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking his blessing and his help, but knowing that here on earth god's work must truly be our own.。

经典英文演讲肯尼迪TowardsaStrategyofPeacekennedy（最终版）

经典英文演讲肯尼迪TowardsaStrategyofPeacekennedy（最终版）第一篇：经典英文演讲肯尼迪Towards a Strategy of Peace kennedy（最终版）Modern History Sourcebook:President John F.Kennedy:Towards a Strategy of Peace, June 10, 1963------------------Address by President Kennedy at The American University, Washington, D.C., June 10, 1963[]I have...chosen this time and this place to discuss a topic on which ignorance too often abounds and the truth is too rarely perceived-yet it is the most important topic on earth: world peace.What kind of peace do I mean? What kind of peace do we seek? Not a Pax Americana enforced on the world by American weapons of war.Not the peace of the grave or the security of the slave.I am talking about genuine peace, the kind of peace that makes life on earth worth living, the kind that enables men and nations to grow and to hope and to build a better life for their children-not merely peace for Americans but peace for all men and women, not merely peace in our time but peace for all time..First: Let us examine our attitude toward peace itself.Too many of us think it is impossible.T oo many think it unreal.But that is a dangerous, defeatist belief.It leads to the conclusion that war is inevitable, that mankind is doomed, that we are gripped by forces we cannot control.We need not accept that view.Our problems are manmade;therefore they can be solved by man.And man can be as big as be wants.No problem of human destiny isbeyond human beings.Man's reason and spirit have often solved the seemingly unsolvable, and we believe they can do it again.I am not referring to the absolute, infinite concept of universal peace and good will of which some fantasies and fanatics dream.I do not deny the values of hopes and dreams, but we merely invite discouragement and incredulity by making that our only and immediate goal.Let us focus instead on a more practical, more attainable peace, based not on a sudden revolution in human nature but on a gradual evolution in human institutionsincluding this nation's closest alliesmore than enough-of war and hate and oppression.We shall be prepared if others wish it.We shall be alert to try to stop it.But we shall also do our part to build a world of peace where the weak are safe and the strong are just.We are not helpless before that task or hopeless of its success.Confident and unafraid, we labor on-not toward a strategv of annihilation but toward a strategy of peace.第二篇：肯尼迪演讲就职演说今天我们欢庆的不是一次政党的胜利，而是一个自由的盛典；它象征着结束，也象征着开始；意味着改良，也意味着革新。

肯尼迪英语演讲稿

肯尼迪英语演讲稿Ladies and gentlemen,Thank you for joining me here today. I stand before you not just as an individual, but as a representative of hope, change, and progress. It is an honor to address such a distinguished audience, and I am humbled by the opportunity to share my vision for a new America.Today, I want to talk about the power of unity and the importance of working together towards a common goal. As President of the United States, I believe it is my duty to inspire and mobilize the American people to come together and confront the pressing challenges of our time.In times of uncertainty, it is natural for people to retreat into their own corners, to focus only on their own needs and wants. But true greatness is not achieved through isolation, it is achieved through collaboration and cooperation.We live in a world that is more interconnected than ever before. Our challenges—whether they be economic, environmental, or political—are not limited by national boundaries. They require a global response and a collective effort. The problems we face are not Democratic or Republican, they are human problems, and it is our shared responsibility to find solutions.I believe that America has the power to lead this effort. We are a nation of dreamers and doers, of innovators and pioneers. Throughout history, we have overcome great challenges by daring to dream and by working together to make those dreams a reality.This is the spirit that built our nation, and it is the spirit that will drive us forward.But to truly harness this power, we must first heal the divisions that have plagued us for far too long. We must reject the politics of fear and division, and embrace the politics of hope and unity. We must reach across the aisle, find common ground, and work towards a shared vision for the future.Today, I want to make a pledge to the American people. I pledge to be a President for all Americans, regardless of party affiliation. I pledge to listen to your concerns, to understand your struggles, and to fight for your future. I pledge to put the needs of the American people above all else, and to work tirelessly to build a stronger, fairer, and more inclusive America.But the responsibility does not rest solely on my shoulders. Each and every one of you has a role to play in shaping our future. It is up to us—collectively—to forge a path towards a better tomorrow.I am reminded of the words of President John F. Kennedy, who once said, "Ask not what your country can do for you, ask what you can do for your country." Today, I urge you to ask yourselves what you can do to make a difference. Whether it is by volunteering in your community, by advocating for change, or by simply treating others with kindness and respect, each and every action, no matter how small, has the power to create positive change.Together, we can overcome the challenges that lie ahead. Together,we can build a better future for ourselves, for our children, and for generations to come. Together, we can make the world a better place.I want to thank you all once again for being here today, and foryour commitment to a brighter tomorrow. Let us go forth from this moment inspired by the power of unity, and let us work together to create a future that we can all be proud of.Thank you, and God bless America.继续写相关内容，1500字的篇幅可以进一步探讨以下几个方面：1. 经济发展：作为一个经济强国，美国面临着许多经济问题，包括失业率、收入不平等、工人权益等。

初中英语名人演讲稿爱德华.肯尼迪_美国的真相与和解素材)

I realize that my visit may be a little controversial. But as many of you have heard, Dr. Falwell recently sent me a membership in the Moral Majority -- and I didn't even apply for it. And I wonder if that means that I'm a member in good standing.
[Falwell: Somewhat]
Somewhat, he says.
This is, of course, a nonpolitical speech which is probably best under the circumstances. Since I am not a candidate for President, it would certainly be inappropriate to ask for your support in this election and probably inaccurate to thank you for it in the last one.
But in saying that, we cannot and should not turn aside from a deeper and more pressing question -- which is whether and how religion should influence government. A generation ago, a presidential candidate had to prove his independence of undue religious influence in public life, and he had to do so partly at the insistence of evangelical Protestants. John Kennedy said at that time: “I believe in an America where there is no religious bloc voting of any kind.” Only twenty years later, another candidate was appealing to a[n] evangelical meeting as a religious bloc. Ronald Reagan said to 15 thousand evangelicals at the Roundtable in Dallas: “ I know that youcan’t endorse me. I want you to know I endorse you and what you are doing.”

肯尼迪英语演讲稿

肯尼迪英语演讲稿Ladies and gentlemen,Today, I stand before you to speak about a great leader, John F. Kennedy, who once said, "Ask not what your country can do for you, ask what you can do for your country." These words embody the spirit and courage of a man who led the United States during a time of great challenge and change. With his charisma and vision, Kennedy inspired a nation and left an indelible mark on history.Kennedy's presidential campaign in 1960 was marked by his youthful energy and his call for a new generation of Americans to take part in the political process. He addressed the nation in his inaugural speech on January 20, 1961, delivering one of the most famous lines in American history. He said, "And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you - ask what you can do for your country."These words captured the essence of Kennedy's leadership style –one that emphasized citizen participation and service. Kennedy believed that the strength of a nation lies in the hands of its people, and he sought to inspire individuals to make a difference in their communities and in the world. He believed in the power of volunteerism and urged his fellow Americans to take an active role in shaping the future of their country.Kennedy's passion for public service and his commitment to social progress were evident in his policies and initiatives. He championed civil rights and worked to dismantle segregation and discrimination in all forms. He established the Peace Corps, anorganization that provides young Americans with the opportunity to serve in developing countries and promote peace and understanding. Through initiatives like the Alliance for Progress, Kennedy sought to foster economic development and improve the living conditions of people in Latin America.Furthermore, Kennedy's leadership extended beyond domestic issues. During the height of the Cold War, he faced the Cuban Missile Crisis, a tense standoff between the United States and the Soviet Union that brought the world to the brink of nuclear war. Kennedy's calm and steady approach to the crisis averted catastrophe and showcased his ability to navigate complex international challenges.Kennedy's legacy as a leader lives on in the hearts and minds of Americans and people around the world. He inspired a generation to dream big and aim high. His commitment to public service and his belief in the power of individuals to effect change continue to resonate with people today.In conclusion, John F. Kennedy was a man of vision and courage, who believed in the power of the people to shape their own destiny. Through his words and actions, he inspired a nation and left a lasting impact on the world. As we reflect on his legacy, let us remember his call to action: "Ask not what your country can do for you – ask what you can do for your country." Let us strive to live up to these words and honor his memory by working together to build a better and brighter future for all.John F. Kennedy's presidency was marked by an atmosphere of optimism and hope. He promised a new era of progress and change, and his presidencywas indeed characterized by significant achievements in various areas. One of the most notable accomplishments of his administration was the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which prohibited discrimination based on race, color, religion, sex, or national origin. This landmark legislation was a major step forward in the fight against racial segregation and paved the way for greater equality and justice in America.Kennedy also made significant strides in the field of space exploration. He set a goal of landing a man on the moon before the end of the 1960s and committed the necessary resources and funding to make it happen. This ambitious project culminated in the historic Apollo 11 mission in 1969, when astronauts Neil Armstrong and Buzz Aldrin became the first humans to set foot on the moon. Kennedy's vision and determination pushed the boundaries of human achievement and captured the imagination of people around the world.In addition to his domestic achievements, Kennedy was also highly regarded for his foreign policy initiatives. He established the Peace Corps, which sent American volunteers to developing countries to assist with various projects, such as education, healthcare, and agriculture. This initiative was aimed at promoting goodwill and understanding between nations, as well as fostering economic and social development in struggling regions.Kennedy also faced significant challenges on the international stage, particularly during the Cold War. Perhaps the most crucial test of his leadership came during the Cuban Missile Crisis in 1962. The discovery of Soviet nuclear missiles in Cuba brought theUnited States and the Soviet Union to the brink of a nuclear war. Kennedy handled the crisis with composure and resolved the situation through a blockade of Cuba, negotiation, and diplomatic efforts. His ability to navigate this dangerous confrontation without escalating it into a full-scale war is widely regarded as one of his greatest accomplishments.Kennedy's foreign policy approach was marked by a combination of pragmatism and idealism. He believed in the importance of American leadership and influence on the global stage, while also advocating for the principles of democracy and human rights. He famously declared, "Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty."Tragically, Kennedy's presidency was cut short by his assassination in 1963. His untimely death stunned the nation and left a void in leadership. However, his legacy and impact endure to this day. Kennedy's charisma, inspiration, and visionary leadership continue to inspire future generations of leaders and citizens. His call to be active participants in shaping our world and making a difference remains an important reminder of our duties and responsibilities as citizens.Furthermore, Kennedy's presidency and legacy also shed light on the enduring power of leadership. His ability to inspire and unite people brought forth a renewed sense of national purpose and mobilized the country towards achieving common goals. Kennedy's leadership style was characterized by his ability tocommunicate effectively, set ambitious goals, and foster a spirit of collaboration and collective action. He knew how to inspire and connect with people, and his speeches and rhetoric still resonate today.John F. Kennedy was not a perfect leader, and his presidency faced its fair share of challenges and controversies. However, his enduring legacy lies in his ability to inspire and mobilize individuals to come together for a greater cause. He believed in the power of the people to effect change and left behind a legacy that reminds us of our collective responsibility to work towards a better future. As we look back on his presidency, let us remember the words he spoke and the spirit he embodied – the call to ask not what our country can do for us, but what we can do for our country.。

爱德华.肯尼迪《美国的真相与和解》英语演讲稿

爱德华.肯尼迪《美国的真相与和解》英语演讲稿（最新版）编制人：__________________审核人：__________________审批人：__________________编制单位：__________________编制时间：____年____月____日序言下载提示：该文档是本店铺精心编制而成的，希望大家下载后，能够帮助大家解决实际问题。

文档下载后可定制修改，请根据实际需要进行调整和使用，谢谢!并且，本店铺为大家提供各种类型的经典范文，如演讲稿、祝福语、主持词、欢迎词、自我介绍、合同协议、条据书信、报告总结、工作计划、作文大全、其他范文等等，想了解不同范文格式和写法，敬请关注!Download tips: This document is carefully compiled by this editor.I hope that after you download it, it can help you solve practical problems. The document can be customized and modified after downloading, please adjust and use it according to actual needs, thank you!In addition, this shop provides you with various types of classic sample essays, such as speech drafts, blessings, host speech, welcome speech, self-introduction, contract agreement, letter of agreement, report summary, work plan, essay encyclopedia, other sample essays, etc. Want to know the format and writing of different sample essays, so stay tuned!爱德华.肯尼迪《美国的真相与和解》英语演讲稿Edward M. Kennedy: Truth and Tolerance in AmericaThank you very much Professor Kombay for that generous introduction. And let me say, that I never expected to hear such kind words from Dr. Falwell. So in return, I have an invitation of my own. On January 20th, 1985, I hope Dr. Falwell will say a prayer at the inauguration of the next Democratic President of the United States. Now, Dr. Falwell, I’m not exactly sure how you feel about that. You might not appreciate the President, but the Democrats certainly would appreciate the prayer.Actually, a number of people in Washington were surprised that I was invited to speak here -- and even more surprised when I accepted the invitation. They seem to think that it’s easier for a camel to pass through the eye of the needle than for a Kennedy to come to the campus of Liberty Baptist College. In honor of our meeting, I have asked Dr. Falwell, as your Chancellor, to permit all the students an extra hour next Saturday night before curfew. And in return, I have promised to watch the Old Time Gospel Hour next Sunday morning.I realize that my visit may be a little controversial. But as many of you have heard, Dr. Falwell recently sent me amembership in the Moral Majority -- and I didn't even apply for it. And I wonder if that means that I'm a member in good standing.[Falwell: Somewhat]Somewhat, he says.This is, of course, a nonpolitical speech which is probably best under the circumstances. Since I am not a candidate for President, it would certainly be inappropriate to ask for your support in this election and probably inaccurate to thank you for it in the last one.I have come here to discuss my beliefs about faith and country, tolerance and truth in America. I know we begin with certain disagreements; I strongly suspect that at the end of the evening some of our disagreements will remain. But I also hope that tonight and in the months and years ahead, we will always respect the right of others to differ, that we will never lose sight of our own fallibility, that we will view ourselves with a sense of perspective and a sense of humor. After all, in the New Testament, even the Disciples had to be taught to look first to the beam in their own eyes, and only then to the mote in their neighbor’s eyes.I am mindful of that counsel. I am an American and a Catholic;I love my country and treasure my faith. But I do not assumethat my conception of patriotism or policy is invariably correct, or that my convictions about religion should command any greater respect than any other faith in this pluralistic society. I believe there surely is such a thing as truth, but who among us can claim a monopoly on it?There are those who do, and their own words testify to their intolerance. For example, because the Moral Majority has worked with members of different denomination, one fundamentalist group has denounced Dr. [Jerry] Falwell for hastening the ecumenical church and for “yoking together with Roman Catholics, Mormons, and others.” I am relieved that Dr. Falwell does not regard that as a sin, and on this issue, he himself has become the target of narrow prejudice. When people agree on public policy, they ought to be able to work together, even while they worship in diverse ways. For truly we are all yoked together as Americans, and the yoke is the happy one of individual freedom and mutual respect.But in saying that, we cannot and should not turn aside from a deeper and more pressing question -- which is whether and how religion should influence government. A generation ago, a presidential candidate had to prove his independence of undue religious influence in public life, and he had to do so partlyat the insistence of evangelical Protestants. John Kennedy said at that time: “I believe in an America where there is no religious bloc voting of any kind.” Only twenty years later, another candidate was appealing to a[n] evangelical meeting as a religious bloc. Ronald Reagan said to 15 thousand evangelicals at the Roundtable in Dallas: “ I know that you can’t endorse me. I want you to know I endorse you and what you are doing.”To many Americans, that pledge was a sign and a symbol of a dangerous breakdown in the separation of church and state. Yet this principle, as vital as it is, is not a simplistic and rigid command. Separation of church and state cannot mean an absolute separation between moral principles and political power. The challenge today is to recall the origin of the principle, to define its purpose, and refine its application to the politics of the present.The founders of our nation had long and bitter experience with the state, as both the agent and the adversary of particular religious views. In colonial Maryland, Catholics paid a double land tax, and in Pennsylvania they had to list their names on a public roll -- an ominous precursor of the first Nazi laws against the Jews. And Jews in turn faceddiscrimination in all of the thirteen original Colonies. Massachusetts exiled Roger Williams and his congregation for contending that civil government had no right to enforce the Ten Commandments. Virginia harassed Baptist teachers, and also established a religious test for public service, writing into the law that no “popish followers” could hold any office.But during the Revolution, Catholics, Jews, and Non-Conformists all rallied to the cause and fought valiantly for the American commonwealth -- for John Winthrop’s “city upon a hill.” Afterwards, when the Constitution was ratified and then amended, the framers gave freedom for all religion, and from any established religion, the very first place in the Bill of Rights.Indeed the framers themselves professed very different faiths: Washington was an Episcopalian, Jefferson a deist, and Adams a Calvinist. And although he had earlier opposed toleration, John Adams later contributed to the building of Catholic churches, and so did George Washington. Thomas Jefferson said his proudest achievement was not the presidency, or the writing the Declaration of Independence, but drafting the Virginia Statute of Religious Freedom. He stated the vision of the first Americans and the First Amendment very clearly:“The God who gave us life gave us liberty at the same time.”The separation of church and state can sometimes be frustrating for women and men of religious faith. They may be tempted to misuse government in order to impose a value which they cannot persuade others to accept. But once we succumb to that temptation, we step onto a slippery slope where everyone’s freedom is at risk. Those who favor censorship should recall that one of the first books ever burned was the first English translation of the Bible. As President Eisenhower warned in 1953, “Don’t join the book burners...the right to say ideas, the right to record them, and the right to have them accessible to others is unquestioned -- or this isn’t America.” And if that right is denied, at some future day the torch can be turned against any other book or any other belief. Let us never forget: Today’s Moral Majority could become tomorrow’s persecuted minority.The danger is as great now as when the founders of the nation first saw it. In 1789, their fear was of factional strife among dozens of denominations. Today there are hundreds -- and perhaps even thousands of faiths -- and millions of Americans who are outside any fold. Pluralism obviously does not and cannot mean that all of them are right; but it does mean thatthere are areas where government cannot and should not decide what it is wrong to believe, to think, to read, and to do. As Professor Larry Tribe, one of the nation’s leading constitutional scholars has written, “Law in a non-theocratic state cannot measure religious truth, nor can the state impose it."The real transgression occurs when religion wants government to tell citizens how to live uniquely personal parts of their lives. The failure of Prohibition proves the futility of such an attempt when a majority or even a substantial minority happens to disagree. Some questions may be inherently individual ones, or people may be sharply divided about whether they are. In such cases, like Prohibition and abortion, the proper role of religion is to appeal to the conscience of the individual, not the coercive power of the state.But there are other questions which are inherently public in nature, which we must decide together as a nation, and where religion and religious values can and should speak to our common conscience. The issue of nuclear war is a compelling example. It is a moral issue; it will be decided by government, not by each individual; and to give any effect to the moral values of their creed, people of faith must speak directly about publicpolicy. The Catholic bishops and the Reverend Billy Graham have every right to stand for the nuclear freeze, and Dr. Falwell has every right to stand against it.There must be standards for the exercise of such leadership, so that the obligations of belief will not be debased into an opportunity for mere political advantage. But to take a stand at all when a question is both properly public and truly moral is to stand in a long and honored tradition. Many of the great evangelists of the 1800s were in the forefront of the abolitionist movement. In our own time, the Reverend William Sloane Coffin challenged the morality of the war in Vietnam. Pope John XXIII renewed the Gospel’s call to social justice. And Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. who was the greatest prophet of this century, awakened our nation and its conscience to the evil of racial segregation.Their words have blessed our world. And who now wishes they had been silent? Who would bid Pope John Paul [II] to quiet his voice against the oppression in Eastern Europe, the violence in Central America, or the crying needs of the landless, the hungry, and those who are tortured in so many of the dark political prisons of our time?President Kennedy, who said that “no religious body shouldseek to impose its will,” also urged religious leaders to state their views and give their commitment when the public debate involved ethical issues. In drawing the line between imposed will and essential witness, we keep church and state separate, and at the same time we recognize that the City of God should speak to the civic duties of men and women.There are four tests which draw that line and define the difference.First, we must respect the integrity of religion itself.People of conscience should be careful how they deal in the word of their Lord. In our own history, religion has been falsely invoked to sanction prejudice -- even slavery -- to condemn labor unions and public spending for the poor. I believe that the prophecy, ”The poor you have always with you” is an indictment, not a commandment. And I respectfully suggest that God has taken no position on the Department of Education -- and that a balanced budget constitutional amendment is a matter of economic analysis, and not heavenly appeals.Religious values cannot be excluded from every public issue; but not every public issue involves religious values. And how ironic it is when those very values are denied in the name of religion. For example, we are sometimes told that it is wrongto feed the hungry, but that mission is an explicit mandate given to us in the 25th chapter of Matthew.Second, we must respect the independent judgments of conscience.Those who proclaim moral and religious values can offer counsel, but they should not casually treat a position on a public issue as a test of fealty to faith. Just as I disagree with the Catholic bishops on tuition tax credits -- which I oppose -- so other Catholics can and do disagree with the hierarchy, on the basis of honest conviction, on the question of the nuclear freeze.Thus, the controversy about the Moral Majority arises not only from its views, but from its name -- which, in the minds of many, seems to imply that only one set of public policies is moral and only one majority can possibly be right. Similarly, people are and should be perplexed when the religious lobbying group Christian Voice publishes a morality index of congressional voting records, which judges the morality of senators by their attitude toward Zimbabwe and Taiwan.Let me offer another illustration. Dr. Falwell has written--and I quote: “To stand against Israel is to stand against God.” Now there is no one in the Senate who has stoodmore firmly for Israel than I have. Yet, I do not doubt the faith of those on the other side. Their error is not one of religion, but of policy. And I hope to be able to persuade them that they are wrong in terms of both America’s interest and the justice of Israel’s cause.Respect for conscience is most in jeopardy, and the harmony of our diverse society is most at risk, when we re-establish, directly or indirectly, a religious test for public office. That relic of the colonial era, which is specifically prohibited in the Constitution, has reappeared in recent years. After the last election, the Reverend James Robison warned President Reagan no to surround himself, as president before him had, “with the counsel of the ungodly.” I utterly reject any such standard for any position anywhere in public service. Two centuries ago, the victims were Catholics and Jews. In the 1980s the victims could be atheists; in some other day or decade, they could be the members of the Thomas Road Baptist Church. Indeed, in 1976 I regarded it as unworthy and un-American when some people said or hinted that Jimmy Carter should not be president because he was a born again Christian. We must never judge the fitness of individuals to govern on the bas[is] of where they worship, whether they follow Christ or Moses,whether they are called “born again” or “ungodly.” Where it is right to apply moral values to public life, let all of us avoid the temptation to be self-righteous and absolutely certain of ourselves. And if that temptation ever comes, let us recall Winston Churchill’s humbling description of an intolerant and inflexible colleague: “There but for the grace of God goes God.”Third, in applying religious values, we must respect the integrity of public debate.In that debate, faith is no substitute for facts. Critics may oppose the nuclear freeze for what they regard as moral reasons. They have every right to argue that any negotiation with the Soviets is wrong, or that any accommodation with them sanctions their crimes, or that no agreement can be good enough and therefore all agreements only increase the chance of war.I do not believe that, but it surely does not violate the standard of fair public debate to say it. What does violate that standard, what the opponents of the nuclear freeze have no right to do, is to assume that they are infallible, and so any argument against the freeze will do, whether it is false or true.The nuclear freeze proposal is not unilateral, but bilateral -- with equal restraints on the United States and theSoviet Union. The nuclear freeze does not require that we trust the Russians, but demands full and effective verification. The nuclear freeze does not concede a Soviet lead in nuclear weapons, but recognizes that human beings in each great power already have in their fallible hands the overwhelming capacity to remake into a pile of radioactive rubble the earth which God has made.There is no morality in the mushroom cloud. The black rain of nuclear ashes will fall alike on the just and the unjust. And then it will be too late to wish that we had done the real work of this atomic age -- which is to seek a world that is neither red nor dead.I am perfectly prepared to debate the nuclear freeze on policy grounds, or moral ones. But we should not be forced to discuss phantom issues or false charges. They only deflect us form the urgent task of deciding how best to prevent a planet divided from becoming a planet destroyed.And it does not advance the debate to contend that the arms race is more divine punishment than human problem, or that in any event, the final days are near. As Pope John said two decades ago, at the opening of the Second Vatican Council: “We must beware of those who burn with zeal, but are not endowed withmuch sense... we must disagree with the prophets of doom, who are always forecasting disasters, as though the end of the earth was at hand.” The message which echoes across the years is very clear: The earth is still here; and if we wish to keep it, a prophecy of doom is no alternative to a policy of arms control.Fourth, and finally, we must respect the motives of those who exercise their right to disagree.We sorely test our ability to live together if we readily question each other’s integrity. It may be harder to restrain our feelings when moral principles are at stake, for they go to the deepest wellsprings of our being. But the more our feelings diverge, the more deeply felt they are, the greater is our obligation to grant the sincerity and essential decency of our fellow citizens on the other side.Those who favor E.R.A [Equal Rights Amendment] are not “antifamily” or “blasphemers.” And their purpose is not “an attack on the Bible.” Rather, we believe this is the best way to fix in our national firmament the ideal that not only all men, but all people are created equal. Indeed, my mother, who strongly favors E.R.A., would be surprised to hear that she is anti-family. For my part, I think of the amendment’s opponents as wrong on the issue, but not as lacking in moral characterI could multiply the instances of name-calling, sometimes on both sides. Dr. Falwell is not a “warmonger.” And “liberal clergymen” are not, as the Moral Majority suggested in a recent letter, equivalent to “Soviet sympathizers.” The critics of official prayer in public schools are not “Pharisees”; many of them are both civil libertarians and believers, who think that families should pray more at home with their children, and attend church and synagogue more faithfully. And people are not sexist because they stand against abortion, and they are not murderers because they believe in free choice. Nor does it help anyone’s cause to shout such epithets, or to try and shout a speaker down -- which is what happened last April when Dr. Falwell was hissed and heckled at Harvard. So I am doubly grateful for your courtesy here this evening. That was not Harvard’s finest hour, but I am happy to say that the loudest applause from the Harvard audience came in defense of Dr. Falwell’s right to speak.In short, I hope for an America where neither "fundamentalist" nor "humanist" will be a dirty word, but a fair description of the different ways in which people of good will look at life and into their own souls.I hope for an America where no president, no public official,no individual will ever be deemed a greater or lesser American because of religious doubt -- or religious belief.I hope for an America where the power of faith will always burn brightly, but where no modern Inquisition of any kind will ever light the fires of fear, coercion, or angry division.I hope for an America where we can all contend freely and vigorously, but where we will treasure and guard those standards of civility which alone make this nation safe for both democracy and diversity.Twenty years ago this fall, in New York City, President Kennedy met for the last time with a Protestant assembly. The atmosphere had been transformed since his earlier address during the 1960 campaign to the Houston Ministerial Association. He had spoken there to allay suspicions about his Catholicism, and to answer those who claimed that on the day of his baptism, he was somehow disqualified from becoming President. His speech in Houston and then his election drove that prejudice from the center of our national life. Now, three years later, in November of 1963, he was appearing before the Protestant Council of New York City to reaffirm what he regarded as some fundamental truths. On that occasion, John Kennedy said: “The family of man is not limited to a single race or religion, to a singlecity, or country...the family of man is nearly 3 billion strong. Most of its members are not white and most of them are not Christian.” And as President Kennedy reflected on that reality, he restated an ideal for which he had lived his life -- that “the members of this family should be at peace with one another.”That ideal shines across all the generations of our history and all the ages of our faith, carrying with it the most ancient dream. For as the Apostle Paul wrote long ago in Romans: “If it be possible, as much as it lieth in you, live peaceable with all men.”I believe it is possible; the choice lies within us; as fellow citizens, let us live peaceable with each other; as fellow human beings, let us strive to live peaceably with men and women everywhere. Let that be our purpose and our prayer, yours and mine -- for ourselves, for our country, and for all the world.。

肯尼迪总统就职演说英文版

肯尼迪总统就职演说英文版friday, january 20, 1961vice president johnson, mr. speaker, mr. chief justice, president eisenhower, vice president nixon, president truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedomsymbolizing an end, as well as a beginningsignifying renewal, as well as change. for i have sworn i before you and almighty god the same solemn oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.the world is very different now. for man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. and yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globethe belief that the rights of man e not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of god.we dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of americansborn in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritageand unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been mitted, and to which we are mitted today at home and around the world.let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty. this much we pledgeand more.to those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. united, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. pided, there is little we can dofor we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.to those new states whom we wele to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. we shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. but we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedomand to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.to those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is requirednot because the munists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. if a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.to our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledgeto convert our good words into good deedsin a new alliance for progressto assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. but this peaceful revolution of hope cannot bee the prey of hostile powers. let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the americas. and let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.to that world assembly of sovereign states, the united nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of supportto prevent it from being merely a forum for invectiveto strengthen its shield of the new and the weakand to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by scienceengulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.we dare not tempt them with weakness. for only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.but neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take fort from our present courseboth sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind’s final war.so let us begin anewremembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. let us never negotiate out of fear. but let us never fear to negotiate.let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which pide us.let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of armsand bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations. let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and merce.let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the mand of isaiahto undo the heavy burdens and to let the oppressed go free.and if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.all this will not be finished in the first 100 days. nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. but let us begin.in your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. since this country was founded, each generation of americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. the graves of young americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.now the trumpet summons us againnot as a call to bear arms, though arms we need; not as a call to battle, though embattled we arebut a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulationa struggle against the mon enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, north and south, east and west, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? will you join in that historic effort?in the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. i do not shank from this responsibilityi wele it. i do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. the energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve itand the glow from that fire can truly light the world.and so, my fellow americans: ask not what your country can do for youask what you can do for your country.my fellow citizens of the world: ask not what america will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.finally, whether you are citizens of america or citizens of the world, ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. with a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking his blessing and his help, but knowing that here on ea rth god’s work musttruly be our own.。

肯尼迪总统演讲英语作文

肯尼迪总统演讲英语作文英文回答：An echo rings through the annals of history, reverberating with the eloquence and passion of a man who dared to dream. On a sweltering summer day in 1963, amidst the simmering heat and palpable anticipation, President John Fitzgerald Kennedy delivered a speech that would forever alter the course of American history. His words, as iconic as the man himself, painted a vivid tapestry of dreams, challenges, and an unwavering belief in the indomitable spirit of humanity.With a voice that resonated with sincerity and conviction, Kennedy commenced his oration with a stirring tribute to the "bonds of affection between nations," recognizing the interconnectedness of all people, regardless of creed or color. He acknowledged the formidable challenges confronting the nation, including the burgeoning civil rights movement and the looming threat ofnuclear war, yet he refused to succumb to despair.Kennedy's vision for the future was audacious, yet grounded in a profound faith in the potential of the American people. He called for a renewed commitment to space exploration, proposing a daring and unprecedented mission to land a man on the moon before the end of the decade. With these ambitious aspirations, he sought to inspire a nation to transcend its earthly limitations and embrace the boundless possibilities of the unknown.But Kennedy's speech was more than mere rhetoric. It was a clarion call to action, urging his fellow countrymen to confront the social and political injustices that plagued society. He denounced racial discrimination as a "moral crisis" and implored Americans to "meet the challenge of change." His words resonated deeply with the hearts and minds of a nation on the cusp of a transformative era.Kennedy's message transcended the boundaries of time and space, becoming an enduring symbol of hope and unity. Itignited a spirit of optimism and determination, fueling the civil rights movement and inspiring generations of Americans to strive for a more just and equitable society. His legacy continues to inspire and challenge us today, reminding us of the power of words to shape history and the indomitable spirit that resides within each of us.中文回答：历史的年轮上回荡着一段回响，它承载着一位敢于有梦之人的雄辩和激情。

奥巴马总统在纪念肯尼迪就任总统50周年活动上的讲话

Remarks at the 50th Anniversary of John F. Kennedy’s Inauguration在纪念约翰·肯尼迪就任总统50周年活动上的讲话Barack Obama, President of the United States美国总统巴拉克·奥巴马January 20, 20112011年1月20日The Kennedy Center, Washington, D.C.华盛顿特区肯尼迪中心Thank you so much, everybody. Thank you. Thank you. To Caroline and the Kennedy family, to all the members of Congress and distinguished guests here tonight, it is an extraordinary pleasure to join you to mark the 50th anniversary of John F. Kennedy’s inauguration. (Applause.) And I can’t think of a better place to do it than here, in a living memorial that reflects not only his love of the arts, but also his recognition of how the arts can help sustain our national strength. (Applause.)非常感谢，谢谢大家，谢谢。

卡罗琳和肯尼迪家族各位成员、今晚在场的各位国会议员和尊贵的客人们，十分高兴同你们一起纪念约翰∙肯尼迪就任总统50周年。

（掌声）在此举行这次活动是最恰当的，这个供人们日常使用的纪念场所不仅反映了他对艺术的热爱，而且反映了他对艺术在保持我国国力中所能发挥的作用的认识。

爱德华.肯尼迪《美国的真相与和解》英语演讲稿

爱德华.肯尼迪《美国的真相与和解》英语演讲稿Ladies and gentlemen,As the President of the United States of America, I stand before you today to discuss a topic that is central to the foundation and evolution of our great nation: the truth, and reconciliation.It is no secret that the United States has been marred by a deep and longstanding legacy of injustice and inequality. From the forced enslavement of millions of African Americans to the systematic oppression of minorities and marginalized communities, our country has a history that is built upon the backs of the oppressed.But to truly understand the root of these pervasive social problems, we must first start with the truth. We must acknowledge that the harms inflicted upon these communities were not accidental or incidental, but rather, they were ingrained in the very fabric of our society.To be clear, the truth is not an easy thing to confront. It requires us to face uncomfortable realities and uncomfortable truths about our own complicity in perpetuating injustice. But it is only through this uncomfortable process of recognition and acknowledgement that we can begin to move towards true reconciliation. Reconciliation is not simply about forgiving past wrongs and moving on, but rather, it is about actively working to repair the damage that has been done. It is about creating a new future for our country that is built upon the principles of justice, equality, and respect for all people.To achieve this vision for our nation, it is imperative that we acknowledge and rectify the complicity of our government and our institutions in perpetuating systemic injustices. We must work to create policies and initiatives that actively combat these injustices, and we must hold those in power accountable for their actions.But we cannot rely solely on our government and institutions to enact change. Real change must come from the grassroots level - from the average citizen who is committed to building a more just and equitable society.That is why I implore each and every one of you, today, to take an active role in the cause of truth and reconciliation. Whether it is through supporting local organizations that fight for social justice, engaging in difficult conversations with friends and family members, or simply practicing empathy and understanding towards those who have been historically marginalized, we all have a role to play in creating a better future for our country.In closing, I leave you with the words of Martin Luther King Jr., who said that "Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere." Let us all commit to the cause of truth and reconciliation, so that we may build a better, more just, and more equitable future for all people. Thank you.。

肯尼迪演讲稿英文

肯尼迪演讲稿英文Fellow Americans,We stand at a pivotal moment in history; a moment that will shape the course of our nation and the world. Today, I come before you to discuss the challenges and opportunities that lie before us, and to inspire a renewed sense of purpose and unity.Our nation has always been guided by the ideals of freedom, justice, and equality. These values are the foundation of our democracy and they have been tested and refined throughout our history. We have overcome great trials and tribulations, and each time we have emerged stronger, more resilient, and more united.But today, we face new challenges that threaten the fabric of our society. The forces of division and discord seek to tear us apart, to exploit our differences for their own gain. It is at times like these that we must remember the strength that comes from our diversity, the power that comes from our unity.We cannot allow ourselves to be defined by our differences. We must find common ground, build bridges of understanding, and worktogether to overcome the challenges that we face. It is through dialogue, compromise, and a shared commitment to the common good that we will be able to navigate the uncertain terrain that lies before us.In these uncertain times, it is more important than ever that we embrace the ideals and principles that have always defined us as a nation. We must reaffirm our commitment to upholding human rights, protecting the environment, and promoting social and economic justice. We must reject the voices of intolerance and hatred, and instead, embrace the principles of compassion, empathy, and respect.I have faith in the American people. I believe in our ability to rise above the challenges that we face and to build a brighter future for ourselves and for generations to come. We have done it before, and we will do it again.Let us stand together, shoulder to shoulder, as we face the challenges ahead. Let us remember the words of our founding fathers, who envisioned a nation that would be a beacon of hope and inspiration to the world. Let us remember the sacrifice of those who came before us and gave their lives for our freedom.It is up to us to write the next chapter of our nation's history. Let us not be defined by the challenges we face, but by our resilience and determination to overcome them. Together, we can build a future that is worthy of the sacrifices that have been made on our behalf.Thank you, and God bless America.。

肯尼迪总统演讲英语作文

肯尼迪总统演讲英语作文John F. Kennedy, the 35th President of the United States, delivered a famous speech on January 20, 1961,which has since been regarded as one of the greatest speeches in American history. In this speech, Kennedy addressed the challenges and responsibilities faced by the American people and emphasized the importance of unity, freedom, and global cooperation. This essay will provide an analysis and interpretation of Kennedy's speech,highlighting its historical significance and lasting impact.Kennedy's speech, commonly known as the Inaugural Address, was delivered during a time of great uncertainty and tension. The Cold War was at its peak, with the United States and the Soviet Union engaged in a fierce competition for global dominance. Kennedy recognized the need for a united front against the common threats of tyranny, poverty, disease, and war. He believed that the American people had the power to bring about positive change and shape a better future for themselves and the world.The speech began with a powerful and memorable opening line: "Ask not what your country can do for you, ask what you can do for your country." This call to action resonated with the American people, inspiring them to take an active role in the betterment of their nation. Kennedy emphasized the importance of individual and collective responsibility, urging citizens to contribute to the progress of their country and the well-being of their fellow citizens.Kennedy also touched upon the issue of freedom, highlighting its significance in both domestic and international contexts. He expressed his commitment to defending freedom and democracy, stating, "Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty." This statement demonstrated Kennedy's determination to protect the values that the United States held dear, while also signaling his willingness to engage in diplomatic efforts to promote freedom worldwide.Furthermore, Kennedy emphasized the importance of global cooperation, acknowledging that the challenges faced by the United States were not exclusive to its borders. He called upon the international community to join forces in addressing issues such as poverty, disease, and nuclear disarmament. Kennedy stated, "To those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace." This plea for peace and cooperation reflected Kennedy's belief in the power of diplomacy and negotiation to resolve conflicts and build a more stable world.Kennedy's Inaugural Address had a profound impact on the American people and the world at large. His words inspired a sense of unity and purpose among Americans, encouraging them to work together for the greater good. The speech also set the tone for Kennedy's presidency, as he went on to implement policies that reflected the ideals and aspirations expressed in his address.In conclusion, John F. Kennedy's Inaugural Address remains a powerful and influential speech in Americanhistory. Its message of unity, freedom, and global cooperation continues to resonate with people around the world. Kennedy's call to action and his commitment to defending freedom and promoting peace serve as a reminder of the enduring values that underpin the United States and its role in the international community.。

美国总统感恩节英语演讲稿：我们要珍惜和平的生活

美国总统感恩节英语演讲稿：我们要珍惜和平的生活Dear fellow Americans,As we gather together to celebrate this Thanksgiving, I want to take a moment to reflect on the many blessings we have been given as a nation. It is easy to take our lives for granted, but we must remember that the peace and prosperity we enjoy today did not come easily.Throughout our nation's history, men and women have dedicated their lives to defending our freedom and upholding the values that make America great. From the earliest days of our republic to the present day, our great country has been built upon the strength and sacrifice of our people.Today, we live in a time of great peace and prosperity. Yet even as we give thanks for these blessings, we must not forget the many challenges that confront us as a nation. From economic uncertainty to the ongoing threat of terrorism, we face many obstacles in the years ahead.But we must take heart, for we are a strong and resilient people. We have faced great trials before, and we haveemerged stronger each time. As we gather with our families and loved ones this Thanksgiving, let us renew our commitment to the values that have made America great.Let us remember that it is our shared love of freedom and democracy that has brought us to where we are today. Let us honor those who have sacrificed so much for our nation, and let us commit ourselves to ensuring that America remains a beacon of hope and opportunity for generations to come.May you all have a happy and blessed Thanksgiving. And may God continue to bless the United States of America.Sincerely,The President of the United States。

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美国总统悼念爱德华·肯尼迪英语演讲稿
One of the Most Accomplished Americans Ever to Serve our Democracy REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
ON THE PASSING OF SENATOR EDWARD M. KENNEDY
Blue Heron Farm
Chilmark, Massachusetts
9:57 A.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: I wanted to say a few words this morning about the passing of an extraordinary leader, Senator Edward Kennedy.
Over the past several years, I've had the honor to call Teddy a colleague, a counselor, and a friend. And even though we have known this day was coming for some time now, we awaited it with no small amount of dread.
Since Teddy's diagnosis last year, we've seen the courage with which he battled his illness. And while these months have no doubt been difficult for him, they've also let him hear from people in every corner of our nation and from around the world just how much he meant to all of us. His fight has given us the opportunity we were denied when his brothers John and Robert were taken from us: the blessing of time to say thank you -- and goodbye.
The outpouring of love, gratitude, and fond memories to which we've all borne witness is a testament to the way this singular figure in American history touched so many lives. His ideas and ideals are stamped on scores of laws and reflected in millions of lives -- in seniors who know new dignity, in families that know new opportunity, in children who know education's promise, and in all who can pursue their dream in an America that is more equal and more just -- including myself.
The Kennedy name is synonymous with the Democratic Party. And at times, Ted was the target of partisan campaign attacks. But in the United States Senate, I can think of no one who engendered greater respect or affection from members of both sides of the aisle. His seriousness of purpose was perpetually matched by humility, warmth, and good cheer. He could passionately battle others and do so peerlessly on the Senate floor for the causes that he held dear, and yet still maintain warm friendships across party lines.
And that's one reason he became not only one of the greatest senators of our time, but one of the most accomplished Americans ever to serve our democracy.
His extraordinary life on this earth has come to an end. And the extraordinary good that he did lives on. For his family, he was a guardian. For America, he was the defender of a dream.
I spoke earlier this morning to Senator Kennedy's beloved wife, Vicki, who was to the end such a wonderful source of encouragement and strength. Our thoughts and prayers are with her, his children Kara, Edward, and Patrick; his stepchildren Curran and Caroline; the entire Kennedy family; decades' worth of his staff; the people of Massachusetts; and all Americans who, like us, loved Ted Kennedy.
END
10:00 A.M. EDT。

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