《老兵不死》——麦克阿瑟的告别演讲
麦克阿瑟[老兵永远不会死亡,他们只会渐渐消逝]
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老兵永远不会死亡,他们只会渐渐消逝。
”“老兵永远不死,只会悄然隐去……”,这是一首美国独立战争期间的歌,而这首歌为我所熟悉却是因为那篇题为《责任-荣誉-国家》的著名演讲。
看了《百家讲坛》二战人物传记系列中的麦克阿瑟,我感受特别深。
一位美国五星上将的二战经历震撼了我。
他凭借自己优秀的军事才能,成了美军史上最年青的陆军少将。
道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟(Douglas·MacArthur),美国五星上将。
出身于军人世家。
1903年毕业于西点军校。
1906~1907年任总统随从副官。
第一次世界大战时任师参谋长、师长,在法国战场作战。
1919~1922年任西点军校校长。
1928年任驻菲律宾美军司令。
1930年任美国陆军参谋长。
1935年任菲律宾军事顾问。
1936年被菲律宾总统任命为菲律宾陆军元帅。
1941年7月任远东美军司令。
1942 年任西南太平洋盟军总司令。
同年秋季开始对日反攻。
1945 年9月2 日代表盟国接受日本投降。
后以盟军最高司令官名义,执行美国单独占领日本的任务。
朝鲜战争爆发后,任侵朝“联合国军”总司令,极力主张扩大侵朝战争、进攻中国。
因同H.S.杜鲁门政府的全球战略方针有分歧,1951年4月被撤职。
以前我对二战并不了解,更不用说对二战的任务,但通过老师上课给我们观看的影片,我渐渐认识了许多二战的人物,从他们身上了我看到了一位将军所应有的胆量,素质和领导才能,其中麦克阿瑟给我的印象也是最深的。
“我走了,但我还会回来”这是他的一句话,是他撤离菲律宾时说的一句话。
从这句话中我们看到了他,一位世界名将的个性,曾经罗斯福要他把那句话改成“我们将回来”,但他还是执意要用他以前的“我将会回来”,也只有他才能想出用五支钢笔和日本签字受降。
通过课堂上影片的介绍,我了解到的只是一点点,下课后我自己又看了他的相关介绍,比起麦克阿瑟在回忆录中的自我标榜,《麦克阿瑟传》相对客观和详尽的讲述了这位传奇将军的一生,他生前既有辉煌而不可一世的时候,也有狼狈逃窜如丧家之犬的时候,在马尼拉,在巴丹半岛,在“密苏里号”,在日本,在仁川……翻开书,那些半个世纪以前的峥嵘岁月,那些我们曾在历史课本中为之激动、为之愤怒、为之欣喜的诸多大事件,一一再现于我的眼前。
世界名人英语演讲词-麦克阿瑟将军
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世界名人英语演讲词:麦克阿瑟将军FarewellAddresstoCongress国会大厦告别演讲Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, and Distinguished Members of the Congress:I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride -- humility in the wake of those great American architects of our history who have stood here before me; pride in the reflection that this forum of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised. Here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race. I do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration. They must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected. I trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American.I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country. The issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole. While Asia is commonly referred to as the Gateway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is the Gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other. Thereare those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort. I can think of no greater expression of defeatism. If a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort.The Communist threat is a global one. Its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector.You can not appease or otherwise surrender to communism in Asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in Europe.Beyond pointing out these general truisms, I shall confine my discussion to the general areas of Asia. Before one may objectively assess the situation now existing there, he must comprehend something of Asia’s past and the revolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present. Long exploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of social justice, individual dignity, or a higher standard of life such as guided our own noble administration in the Philippines, the peoples of Asia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of colonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt dignity, and the self-respect of political freedom.Mustering half of the earth’s population, and 60 percent of its natural resources these peoples are rapidlyconsolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raise the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments. Whether one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of Asian progress and it may not be stopped. It is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started.In this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient its policies in consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the Asian peoples covet the right to shape their own free destiny. What they seek now is friendly guidance, understanding, and support -- not imperious direction -- the dignity of equality and not the shame of subjugation. Their pre-war standard of life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war’s wake. World ideologies play little part in Asian thinking and are little understood. What the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a little more food in their stomachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their heads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom. These political-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own national security, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism.Of more direct and immediately bearing upon our nationalsecurity are the changes wrought in the strategic potential of the Pacific Ocean in the course of the past war. Prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the United States lay on the littoral line of the Americas, with an exposed island salient extending out through Hawaii, Midway, and Guam to the Philippines. That salient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along which the enemy could and did attack.The Pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatory force intent upon striking at the bordering land areas. All this was changed by our Pacific victory. Our strategic frontier then shifted to embrace the entire Pacific Ocean, which became a vast moat to protect us as long as we held it. Indeed, it acts as a protective shield for all of the Americas and all free lands of the Pacific Ocean area. We control it to the shores of Asia by a chain of islands extending in an arc from the Aleutians to the Mariannas held by us and our free allies. From this island chain we can dominate with sea and air power every Asiatic port from Vladivostok to Singapore -- with sea and air power every port, as I said, from Vladivostok to Singapore -- and prevent any hostile movement into the Pacific.*Any predatory attack from Asia must be an amphibious effort.* No amphibious force can be successful without control of the sea lanes and the air over those lanes in its avenue of advance. With naval and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental Asia toward us or our friends in the Pacific would be doomedto failure.。
麦克阿瑟告别演讲“老兵不死”演讲全文
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麦克阿瑟告别演讲“老兵永不死”演讲全文总统先生,演讲者,议会杰出的成员们:我怀着深深的谦卑和无比的自豪感站在这演讲台上----谦卑是因为面对在我面前的那些伟大美国过去的建设者们;自豪是因为想到国内立法争论所设计的代表人类最纯洁的自由。
整个人类的希望、抱负、信念都集中于此。
我站在这里不为任何党派目的辩护,因为议题的根本性超出了党派所能考虑的区域。
如果能证明我们的路线稳妥且我们的前途有保障,那些问题就应被放在最高位来解决.因此,我相信,你们会公正地把我所表达的当作一个美国同胞的观点。
我演讲既不带人生暮年的怨恨也不带伤感之情,但心中只有一个目的:为我的祖国效劳。
虽然亚洲被认为是通往欧洲的大门,但说欧洲是通往亚洲的大门也没有错。
且一方的广泛影响不得不带动另一方。
一些人声称我们的力量不足以同时保护两条线路,我们不能分散精力。
我认为没有比这更能表现出失败主义的了。
如果潜在性的敌人能将他们的力量分为两条路线,那对我们来说就要对他们的力量予以反击。
共产主义者的威胁是一个全球性的问题。
他们在每个防区的成功进展直接预示着我们每隔一个防区将遭到破坏。
我们不会为让亚洲的共产主义投降而不能同时削弱我们的力量去遏止欧洲的发展而感到安慰。
说了太多的共知之理,我会简略我关于亚洲地区的讨论。
在某人能客观地对那里存在的形势作出评估之前,他必须了解一些关于亚洲的过去和他们沿着自己的路线发展至今的改革变化。
被所谓的殖民统治长期的剥削,便很难有机会建立社会的公正尺度,维护个人尊严,或者实现一个高水平的生活,就像保卫我们在菲律宾自己崇高的政府,亚洲的人民抓住了他们的时机在战争中摆脱了殖民统治的束缚并且看到了新时机的曙光,一种从未感受过的尊严和一个国家自由后的自尊感。
集合地球一半的人数,有60%的自然资源被这些人迅速地加强成为一种新的力量,精神上的和物质上的都被用来提升生活水平也是为适应对自己的不同文化环境的最新进展的谋划。
不管谁是否拘泥于殖民的概念,这是亚洲发展进步的方向且不会被终止。
麦克阿瑟告别演讲“老兵不死”演讲全文
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麦克阿瑟告别演讲“老兵永不死”演讲全文总统先生,演讲者,议会杰出的成员们:我怀着深深的谦卑和无比的自豪感站在这演讲台上----谦卑是因为面对在我面前的那些伟大美国过去的建设者们;自豪是因为想到国内立法争论所设计的代表人类最纯洁的自由。
整个人类的希望、抱负、信念都集中于此。
我站在这里不为任何党派目的辩护,因为议题的根本性超出了党派所能考虑的区域。
如果能证明我们的路线稳妥且我们的前途有保障,那些问题就应被放在最高位来解决.因此,我相信,你们会公正地把我所表达的当作一个美国同胞的观点。
我演讲既不带人生暮年的怨恨也不带伤感之情,但心中只有一个目的:为我的祖国效劳。
虽然亚洲被认为是通往欧洲的大门,但说欧洲是通往亚洲的大门也没有错。
且一方的广泛影响不得不带动另一方。
一些人声称我们的力量不足以同时保护两条线路,我们不能分散精力。
我认为没有比这更能表现出失败主义的了。
如果潜在性的敌人能将他们的力量分为两条路线,那对我们来说就要对他们的力量予以反击。
共产主义者的威胁是一个全球性的问题。
他们在每个防区的成功进展直接预示着我们每隔一个防区将遭到破坏。
我们不会为让亚洲的共产主义投降而不能同时削弱我们的力量去遏止欧洲的发展而感到安慰。
说了太多的共知之理,我会简略我关于亚洲地区的讨论。
在某人能客观地对那里存在的形势作出评估之前,他必须了解一些关于亚洲的过去和他们沿着自己的路线发展至今的改革变化。
被所谓的殖民统治长期的剥削,便很难有机会建立社会的公正尺度,维护个人尊严,或者实现一个高水平的生活,就像保卫我们在菲律宾自己崇高的政府,亚洲的人民抓住了他们的时机在战争中摆脱了殖民统治的束缚并且看到了新时机的曙光,一种从未感受过的尊严和一个国家自由后的自尊感。
集合地球一半的人数,有60%的自然资源被这些人迅速地加强成为一种新的力量,精神上的和物质上的都被用来提升生活水平也是为适应对自己的不同文化环境的最新进展的谋划。
不管谁是否拘泥于殖民的概念,这是亚洲发展进步的方向且不会被终止。
麦克阿瑟告别英语演讲稿:老兵永不死
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麦克阿瑟告别英语演讲稿:老兵永不死Dear friends, colleagues, and fellow citizens,It is with a heavy heart that I bid farewell to you all today. As I prepare to step down from my position as the Chief of Staff of the United States Army, I cannot help but reflect on the incredible journey that has led me to this moment.It has been my honor and privilege to serve this great nation for over four decades, and to stand shoulder to shoulder with some of the most courageous and dedicated soldiers our country has ever produced. From the battlefields of Vietnam, to the sands of Iraq and Afghanistan, I have witnessed firsthand the bravery, valor, and selflessness that define the American soldier.However, as I take my leave, I am left with one thought above all others: the legacy of our service. For the past seventy-five years, since the end of World War II, our soldiers have been engaged in conflicts around the world, fighting for freedom and democracy, and defending the values that make America truly great.And it is this legacy that I am most proud of. As I look back on my own career, I am humbled by the sacrifices made by those who came before me, and inspired by the dedication and determination of those who will continue to serve.For the soldier, the mission never ends. Whether in peacetime or in war, we are called upon to defend our country and our way of life. We do not seek conflict, but when it comes, we are ready to meet it head on.This is why I believe that the soldier never dies. Yes, we may leave the military, and we may even pass from this life, but the spirit of the soldier lives on. It is the courage, the honor, and the commitment that we embody that will endure, and inspire future generations of Americans to step forward and answer the call to serve.As I close, I want to thank each and every one of you for your support, your dedication, and your unwavering commitment to our cause. You are the backbone of our great nation, and it is through your strength and resilience that we will continue to thrive and prosper.So let us honor the legacy of those who have come before us, and pledge to carry the torch of freedom and democracy forward into the future. For the soldier never truly dies - we march on, guided by the principles of duty, honor, and country.Thank you, and God bless America.。
麦克阿瑟着名演讲—老兵不死(中英文)
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Old soldiers never die -----------Douglas MacArthurMr. President, Mr. Speaker, and Distinguished Members of the Congress:I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride -- humility in the weight of those great American architects of our history who h ave stood here before me; pride in the reflection that this home of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised. Here are ce ntered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race. I do no t stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundame ntal and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration. They must b e resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected. I trust, therefore, that you will do me the just ice of receiving that which I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American.I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of li fe, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country. The issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole. While Asia is commo nly referred to as the Gateway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is th e Gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have it s impact upon the other. There are those who claim our strength is inadequa te to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort. I can think of n o greater expression of defeatism. If a potential enemy can divide his strengt h on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort. The Communist threat is a global one. Its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector. You can not appease or otherwise surrender to communis m in Asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance i n Europe.Beyond pointing out these general truisms, I shall confine my discussion to the general areas of Asia. Before one may objectively assess the situation now existing there, he must comprehend something of Asia's past and the r evolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present. Long exploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve a ny degree of social justice, individual dignity, or a higher standard of life suc h as guided our own noble administration in the Philippines, the peoples of A sia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of c olonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt dign ity, and the self-respect of political freedom.Mustering half of the earth's population, and 60 percent of its natural res ources these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raise the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments. Whethe r one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of A sian progress and it may not be stopped. It is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started.In this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient its policies i n consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a cour se blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the Asian people s covet the right to shape their own free destiny. What they seek now is frie ndly guidance, understanding, and support -- not imperious direction -- the di gnity of equality and not the shame of subjugation. Their pre-war standard of life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war's wake. World ideologies play little part in Asian thinking and are little understood. What the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a little more food in their st omachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their he ads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom. T hese political-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own nati onal security, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism.Of more direct and immediately bearing upon our national security are th e changes wrought in the strategic potential of the Pacific Ocean in the cour se of the past war. Prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the United States lay on the literal line of the Americas, with an exposed island salient extending out through Hawaii, Midway, and Guam to the Philippines. That sal ient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along whi ch the enemy could and did attack.The Pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatory force inte nt upon striking at the bordering land areas. All this was changed by our Pa cific victory. Our strategic frontier then shifted to embrace the entire Pacific O cean, which became a vast moat to protect us as long as we held it. Indeed, it acts as a protective shield for all of the Americas and all free lands of th e Pacific Ocean area. We control it to the shores of Asia by a chain of islan ds extending in an arc from the Aleutians to the Mariannas held by us and our free allies. From this island chain we can dominate with sea and air pow er every Asiatic port from Vladivostok to Singapore -- with sea and air powerevery port, as I said, from Vladivostok to Singapore -- and prevent any host ile movement into the Pacific.Any predatory attack from Asia must be an amphibious effort.* No amphi bious force can be successful without control of the sea lanes and the air ov er those lanes in its avenue of advance. With naval and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental Asia toward us or our friends in the Pacific would be doomed to failure.Under such conditions, the Pacific no longer represents menacing avenue s of approach for a prospective invader. It assumes, instead, the friendly asp ect of a peaceful lake. Our line of defense is a natural one and can be mai ntained with a minimum of military effort and expense. It envisions no attack against anyone, nor does it provide the bastions essential for offensive operat ions, but properly maintained, would be an invincible defense against aggress ion. The holding of this literal defense line in the western Pacific is entirely d ependent upon holding all segments thereof; for any major breach of that line by an unfriendly power would render vulnerable to determined attack every other major segment.This is a military estimate as to which I have yet to find a military leade r who will take exception. For that reason, I have strongly recommended in t he past, as a matter of military urgency, that under no circumstances must F ormosa fall under Communist control. Such an eventuality would at once thre aten the freedom of the Philippines and the loss of Japan and might well for ce our western frontier back to the coast of California, Oregon and Washingt on.To understand the changes which now appear upon the Chinese mainlan d, one must understand the changes in Chinese character and culture over t he past 50 years. China, up to 50 years ago, was completely non-homogeno us, being compartmented into groups divided against each other. The war-ma king tendency was almost non-existent, as they still followed the tenets of the Confucian ideal of pacifist culture. At the turn of the century, under the regi me of Chang Tso Lin, efforts toward greater homogeneity produced the start of a nationalist urge. This was further and more successfully developed under the leadership of Chiang Kai-Shek, but has been brought to its greatest fruit ion under the present regime to the point that it has now taken on the chara cter of a united nationalism of increasingly dominant, aggressive tendencies.Through these past 50 years the Chinese people have thus become milit arized in their concepts and in their ideals. They now constitute excellent sol diers, with competent staffs and commanders. This has produced a new anddominant power in Asia, which, for its own purposes, is allied with Soviet Ru ssia but which in its own concepts and methods has become aggressively im perialistic, with a lust for expansion and increased power normal to this type of imperialism.There is little of the ideological concept either one way or another in the Chinese make-up. The standard of living is so low and the capital accumula tion has been so thoroughly dissipated by war that the masses are desperate and eager to follow any leadership which seems to promise the alleviation o f local stringencies.I have from the beginning believed that the Chinese Communists' support of the North Koreans was the dominant one. Their interests are, at present, parallel with those of the Soviet. But I believe that the aggressiveness recen tly displayed not only in Korea but also in Indo-China and Tibet and pointing potentially toward the South reflects predominantly the same lust for the exp ansion of power which has animated every would-be conqueror since the beg inning of time.The Japanese people, since the war, have undergone the greatest refor mation recorded in modern history. With a commendable will, eagerness to le arn, and marked capacity to understand, they have, from the ashes left in w ar's wake, erected in Japan an edifice dedicated to the supremacy of individu al liberty and personal dignity; and in the ensuing process there has been cr eated a truly representative government committed to the advance of political morality, freedom of economic enterprise, and social justice.Politically, economically, and socially Japan is now abreast of many free nations of the earth and will not again fail the universal trust. That it may be counted upon to wield a profoundly beneficial influence over the course of e vents in Asia is attested by the magnificent manner in which the Japanese p eople have met the recent challenge of war, unrest, and confusion surroundin g them from the outside and checked communism within their own frontiers without the slightest slackening in their forward progress. I sent all four of ou r occupation divisions to the Korean battlefront without the slightest qualms a s to the effect of the resulting power vacuum upon Japan. The results fully j ustified my faith. I know of no nation more serene, orderly, and industrious, n or in which higher hopes can be entertained for future constructive service in the advance of the human race.Of our former ward, the Philippines, we can look forward in confidence t hat the existing unrest will be corrected and a strong and healthy nation will grow in the longer aftermath of war's terrible destructiveness. We must be patient and understanding and never fail them -- as in our hour of need, they did not fail us. A Christian nation, the Philippines stand as a mighty bulwark of Christianity in the Far East, and its capacity for high moral leadership in A sia is unlimited.On Formosa, the government of the Republic of China has had the oppo rtunity to refute by action much of the malicious gossip which so undermined the strength of its leadership on the Chinese mainland. The Formosan peopl e are receiving a just and enlightened administration with majority representati on on the organs of government, and politically, economically, and socially th ey appear to be advancing along sound and constructive lines.With this brief insight into the surrounding areas, I now turn to the Korea n conflict. While I was not consulted prior to the President's decision to inter vene in support of the Republic of Korea, that decision from a military standp oint, proved a sound one, as we hurled back the invader and decimated his forces. Our victory was complete, and our objectives within reach, when Red China intervened with numerically superior ground forces.This created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situation not co ntemplated when our forces were committed against the North Korean invade rs; a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to per mit the realistic adjustment of military strategy.Such decisions have not been forthcoming.While no man in his right mind would advocate sending our ground force s into continental China, and such was never given a thought, the new situat ion did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had defeated the old.Apart from the military need, as I saw It, to neutralize the sanctuary prot ection given the enemy north of the Yalu, I felt that military necessity in the conduct of the war made necessary: first the intensification of our economic blockade against China; two the imposition of a naval blockade against the C hina coast; three removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance of China's coa stal areas and of Manchuria; four removal of restrictions on the forces of the Republic of China on Formosa, with logistical support to contribute to their e ffective operations against the common enemy.For entertaining these views, all professionally designed to support our fo rces committed to Korea and bring hostilities to an end with the least possibl e delay and at a saving of countless American and allied lives, I have been severely criticized in lay circles, principally abroad, despite my understanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in thepast by practically every military leader concerned with the Korean campaign, including our own Joint Chiefs of Staff.I called for reinforcements but was informed that reinforcements were not available. I made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-up b ases north of the Yalu, if not permitted to utilize the friendly Chinese Force o f some 600,000 men on Formosa, if not permitted to blockade the China coa st to prevent the Chinese Reds from getting succor from without, and if there were to be no hope of major reinforcements, the position of the command fr om the military standpoint forbade victory.We could hold in Korea by constant maneuver and in an approximate ar ea where our supply line advantages were in balance with the supply line dis advantages of the enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive c ampaign with its terrible and constant attrition upon our forces if the enemy u tilized its full military potential. I have constantly called for the new political d ecisions essential to a solution.Efforts have been made to distort my position. It has been said, in effect, that I was a warmonger. Nothing could be further from the truth. I know wa r as few other men now living know it, and nothing to me is more revolting.I have long advocated its complete abolition, as its very destructiveness on b oth friend and foe has rendered it useless as a means of settling internation al disputes. Indeed, on the second day of September, nineteen hundred and forty-five, just following the surrender of the Japanese nation on the Battleshi p Missouri, I formally cautioned as follows:"Men since the beginning of time havesought peace. Various methods through theages have been attempted to devise aninternational process to prevent or settledisputes between nations. From the verystart workable methods were found in sofar as individual citizens were concerned,but the mechanics of an instrumentality oflarger international scope have neverbeen successful. Military alliances,balances of power, Leagues of Nations,all in turn failed, leaving the only path tobe by way of the crucible of war. Theutter destructiveness of war now blocksout this alternative. We have had our lastchance. If we will not devise somegreater and more equitable system,Armageddon will be at our door. Theproblem basically is theological andinvolves a spiritual recrudescence andimprovement of human character that willsynchronize with our almost matchlessadvances in science, art, literature, and allmaterial and cultural developments ofthe past 2000 years. It must be of the spiritif we are to save the flesh."But once war is forced upon us, there is no other alternative than to ap ply every available means to bring it to a swift end.War's very object is victory, not prolonged indecision.In war there is no substitute for victory.There are some who, for varying reasons, would appease Red China. Th ey are blind to history's clear lesson, for history teaches with unmistakable e mphasis that appeasement but begets new and bloodier war. It points to no single instance where this end has justified that means, where appeasement has led to more than a sham peace. Like blackmail, it lays the basis for ne w and successively greater demands until, as in blackmail, violence becomes the only other alternative."Why," my soldiers asked of me, "surrender military advantages to an en emy in the field?" I could not answer.Some may say: to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-out war with C hina; others, to avoid Soviet intervention. Neither explanation seems valid, for China is already engaging with the maximum power it can commit, and the Soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our moves. Like a cobra, an y new enemy will more likely strike whenever it feels that the relativity in mili tary or other potential is in its favor on a world-wide basis.The tragedy of Korea is further heightened by the fact that its military ac tion is confined to its territorial limits. It condemns that nation, which it is our purpose to save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bomb ardment while the enemy's sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack a nd devastation.Of the nations of the world, Korea alone, up to now, is the sole one whi ch has risked its all against communism. The magnificence of the courage a nd fortitude of the Korean people defies description.They have chosen to risk death rather than slavery. Their last words to me were: "Don't scuttle the Pacific!"I have just left your fighting sons in Korea. They have met all tests ther e, and I can report to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way.It was my constant effort to preserve them and end this savage conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and a minimum sacrifice of life. Its growing bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and anxiety.Those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my prayers al ways.I am closing my 52 years of military service. When I joined the Army, ev en before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish ho pes and dreams. The world has turned over many times since I took the oat h on the plain at West Point, and the hopes and dreams have long since va nished, but I still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack b allads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that "old soldiers never die; they just fade away."And like the old soldier of that ballad, I now close my military career an d just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as God gave him t he light to see that duty.Good Bye.中文翻译:总统先生、议长先生和尊敬的国会议员们:我怀着十分谦卑而又骄傲的心情站在这演讲台上。
道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟在国会的告别演讲
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MacArthur: Farewell Address to CongressMr. President, Mr. Speaker, and Distinguished Members of the Congress:I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride -- humility in the weight of those great American architects of our history who have stood here before me; pride in the reflection that this home of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised. Here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race. I do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration. They must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected. I trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American.I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country. The issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole. While Asia is commonly referred to as the Gateway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is the Gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other. There are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort. I can think of no greater expression of defeatism. If a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort. The Communist threat is a global one. Its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector. You can not appease or otherwise surrender to communism in Asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in Europe.Beyond pointing out these general truisms, I shall confine my discussion to the general areas of Asia. Before one may objectively assess the situation now existing there, he must comprehend something of Asia's past and the revolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present. Long exploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of social justice, individual dignity, or a higher standard of life such as guided our own noble administration in the Philippines, the peoples of Asia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of colonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt dignity, and the self-respect of political freedom.Mustering half of the earth's population, and 60 percent of its natural resources these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raise the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments. Whether one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of Asian progress and it may not be stopped. It is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started.In this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient its policies in consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the Asian peoples covet the right to shape their own free destiny. What they seek now is friendly guidance, understanding, and support -- not imperious direction -- the dignity of equality and not the shame of subjugation. Their pre-war standard of life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war's wake. World ideologies play little part in Asian thinking and are little understood. What the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a little more food in their stomachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their heads, and therealization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom. These political-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own national security, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism.Of more direct and immediately bearing upon our national security are the changes wrought in the strategic potential of the Pacific Ocean in the course of the past war. Prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the United States lay on the literal line of the Americas, with an exposed island salient extending out through Hawaii, Midway, and Guam to the Philippines. That salient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along which the enemy could and did attack.The Pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatory force intent upon striking at the bordering land areas. All this was changed by our Pacific victory. Our strategic frontier then shifted to embrace the entire Pacific Ocean, which became a vast moat to protect us as long as we held it. Indeed, it acts as a protective shield for all of the Americas and all free lands of the Pacific Ocean area. We control it to the shores of Asia by a chain of islands extending in an arc from the Aleutians to the Mariannas held by us and our free allies. From this island chain we can dominate with sea and air power every Asiatic port from Vladivostok to Singapore -- with sea and air power every port, as I said, from Vladivostok to Singapore -- and prevent any hostile movement into the Pacific.Any predatory attack from Asia must be an amphibious effort.* No amphibious force can be successful without control of the sea lanes and the air over those lanes in its avenue of advance. With naval and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental Asia toward us or our friends in the Pacific would be doomed to failure.Under such conditions, the Pacific no longer represents menacing avenues of approach for a prospective invader. It assumes, instead, the friendly aspect of a peaceful lake. Our line of defense is a natural one and can be maintained with a minimum of military effort and expense. It envisions no attack against anyone, nor does it provide the bastions essential for offensive operations, but properly maintained, would be an invincible defense against aggression. The holding of this literal defense line in the western Pacific is entirely dependent upon holding all segments thereof; for any major breach of that line by an unfriendly power would render vulnerable to determined attack every other major segment.This is a military estimate as to which I have yet to find a military leader who will take exception. For that reason, I have strongly recommended in the past, as a matter of military urgency, that under no circumstances must Formosa fall under Communist control. Such an eventuality would at once threaten the freedom of the Philippines and the loss of Japan and might well force our western frontier back to the coast of California, Oregon and Washington.To understand the changes which now appear upon the Chinese mainland, one must understand the changes in Chinese character and culture over the past 50 years. China, up to 50 years ago, was completely non-homogenous, being compartmented into groups divided against each other. The war-making tendency was almost non-existent, as they still followed the tenets of the Confucian ideal of pacifist culture. At the turn of the century, under the regime of Chang Tso Lin, efforts toward greater homogeneity produced the start of a nationalist urge. This was further and more successfully developed under the leadership of Chiang Kai-Shek, but has been brought to its greatest fruition under the present regime to the point thatit has now taken on the character of a united nationalism of increasingly dominant, aggressive tendencies.Through these past 50 years the Chinese people have thus become militarized in their concepts and in their ideals. They now constitute excellent soldiers, with competent staffs and commanders. This has produced a new and dominant power in Asia, which, for its own purposes, is allied with Soviet Russia but which in its own concepts and methods has become aggressively imperialistic, with a lust for expansion and increased power normal to this type of imperialism.There is little of the ideological concept either one way or another in the Chinese make-up. The standard of living is so low and the capital accumulation has been so thoroughly dissipated by war that the masses are desperate and eager to follow any leadership which seems to promise the alleviation of local stringencies.I have from the beginning believed that the Chinese Communists' support of the North Koreans was the dominant one. Their interests are, at present, parallel with those of the Soviet. But I believe that the aggressiveness recently displayed not only in Korea but also in Indo-China and Tibet and pointing potentially toward the South reflects predominantly the same lust for the expansion of power which has animated every would-be conqueror since the beginning of time.The Japanese people, since the war, have undergone the greatest reformation recorded in modern history. With a commendable will, eagerness to learn, and marked capacity to understand, they have, from the ashes left in war's wake, erected in Japan an edifice dedicated to the supremacy of individual liberty and personal dignity; and in the ensuing process there hasbeen created a truly representative government committed to the advance of political morality, freedom of economic enterprise, and social justice.Politically, economically, and socially Japan is now abreast of many free nations of the earth and will not again fail the universal trust. That it may be counted upon to wield a profoundly beneficial influence over the course of events in Asia is attested by the magnificent manner in which the Japanese people have met the recent challenge of war, unrest, and confusion surrounding them from the outside and checked communism within their own frontiers without the slightest slackening in their forward progress. I sent all four of our occupation divisions to the Korean battlefront without the slightest qualms as to the effect of the resulting power vacuum upon Japan. The results fully justified my faith. I know of no nation more serene, orderly, and industrious, nor in which higher hopes can be entertained for future constructive service in the advance of the human race.Of our former ward, the Philippines, we can look forward in confidence that the existing unrest will be corrected and a strong and healthy nation will grow in the longer aftermath of war's terrible destructiveness. We must be patient and understanding and never fail them -- as in our hour of need, they did not fail us. A Christian nation, the Philippines stand as a mighty bulwark of Christianity in the Far East, and its capacity for high moral leadership in Asia is unlimited.On Formosa, the government of the Republic of China has had the opportunity to refute by action much of the malicious gossip which so undermined the strength of its leadership on the Chinese mainland. The Formosan people are receiving a just and enlightened administration with majority representation on the organs of government, and politically, economically, and socially they appear to be advancing along sound and constructive lines.With this brief insight into the surrounding areas, I now turn to the Korean conflict. While I was not consulted prior to the President's decision to intervene in support of the Republic of Korea, that decision from a military standpoint, proved a sound one, as we hurled back the invader and decimated his forces. Our victory was complete, and our objectives within reach, when Red China intervened with numerically superior ground forces.This created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situation not contemplated when our forces were committed against the North Korean invaders; a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of military strategy.Such decisions have not been forthcoming.While no man in his right mind would advocate sending our ground forces into continental China, and such was never given a thought, the new situation did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had defeated the old.Apart from the military need, as I saw It, to neutralize the sanctuary protection given the enemy north of the Yalu, I felt that military necessity in the conduct of the war made necessary: first the intensification of our economic blockade against China; two the imposition of a naval blockade against the China coast; three removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance of China's coastal areas and of Manchuria; four removal of restrictions on the forces of the Republic of China on Formosa, with logistical support to contribute to their effective operations against the common enemy.For entertaining these views, all professionally designed to support our forces committed to Korea and bring hostilities to an end with the least possible delay and at a saving of countless American and allied lives, I have been severely criticized in lay circles, principally abroad, despite myunderstanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in the past by practically every military leader concerned with the Korean campaign, including our own Joint Chiefs of Staff.I called for reinforcements but was informed that reinforcements were not available. I made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-up bases north of the Yalu, if not permitted to utilize the friendly Chinese Force of some 600,000 men on Formosa, if not permitted to blockade the China coast to prevent the Chinese Reds from getting succor from without, and if there were to be no hope of major reinforcements, the position of the command from the military standpoint forbade victory.We could hold in Korea by constant maneuver and in an approximate area where our supply line advantages were in balance with the supply line disadvantages of the enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive campaign with its terrible and constant attrition upon our forces if the enemy utilized its full military potential. I have constantly called for the new political decisions essential to a solution.Efforts have been made to distort my position. It has been said, in effect, that I was a warmonger. Nothing could be further from the truth. I know war as few other men now living know it, and nothing to me is more revolting. I have long advocated its complete abolition, as its very destructiveness on both friend and foe has rendered it useless as a means of settling international disputes. Indeed, on the second day of September, nineteen hundred and forty-five, just following the surrender of the Japanese nation on the Battleship Missouri, I formally cautioned as follows:"Men since the beginning of time have sought peace. Various methods through the ages have been attempted to devise an international process to prevent or settle disputes between nations. From the very startworkable methods were found in so far as individual citizens were concerned, but the mechanics of an instrumentality of larger international scope have never been successful. Military alliances, balances of power, Leagues of Nations, all in turn failed, leaving the only path to be by way of the crucible of war. The utter destructiveness of war now blocks out this alternative. We have had our last chance. If we will not devise some greater and more equitable system, Armageddon will be at our door. The problem basically is theological and involves a spiritual recrudescence and improvement of human character that will synchronize with our almost matchless advances in science, art, literature, and all material and cultural developments of the past 2000 years. It must be of the spirit if we are to save the flesh."But once war is forced upon us, there is no other alternative than to apply every available means to bring it to a swift end.War's very object is victory, not prolonged indecision.In war there is no substitute for victory.There are some who, for varying reasons, would appease Red China. They are blind to history's clear lesson, for history teaches with unmistakable emphasis that appeasement but begets new and bloodier war. It points to no single instance where this end has justified that means, where appeasement has led to more than a sham peace. Like blackmail, it lays the basis for new and successively greater demands until, as in blackmail, violence becomes the only other alternative."Why," my soldiers asked of me, "surrender military advantages to an enemy in the field?" I could not answer.Some may say: to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-out war with China; others, to avoid Soviet intervention. Neither explanation seems valid,for China is already engaging with the maximum power it can commit, and the Soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our moves. Like a cobra, any new enemy will more likely strike whenever it feels that the relativity in military or other potential is in its favor on a world-wide basis.The tragedy of Korea is further heightened by the fact that its military action is confined to its territorial limits. It condemns that nation, which it is our purpose to save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bombardment while the enemy's sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack and devastation.Of the nations of the world, Korea alone, up to now, is the sole one which has risked its all against communism. The magnificence of the courage and fortitude of the Korean people defies description.They have chosen to risk death rather than slavery. Their last words to me were: "Don't scuttle the Pacific!"I have just left your fighting sons in Korea. They have met all tests there, and I can report to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way.It was my constant effort to preserve them and end this savage conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and a minimum sacrifice of life. Its growing bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and anxiety.Those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my prayers always.I am closing my 52 years of military service. When I joined the Army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams. The world has turned over many times since I took the oath on the plain at West Point, and the hopes and dreams have long sincevanished, but I still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that "old soldiers never die; they just fade away."And like the old soldier of that ballad, I now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as God gave him the light to see that duty.Good Bye.总统先生,演讲者,议会杰出的成员们:我怀着深深的谦卑和无比的自豪感站在这演讲台上----谦卑是因为面对在我面前的那些伟大美国过去的建设者们;自豪是因为想到国内立法争论所设计的代表人类最纯洁的自由。
责任荣誉国家道格拉斯麦克阿瑟重归西点军校的演讲
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责任◆荣誉◆国家——道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟重归西点军校的演讲今天早晨,当我走出旅馆时,看门人问道:“将军,您上哪去?”一听说我要去西点,他说:“那是个好地方,您从前去过吗?”这样的荣誉是没有人不受感动的。
长期以来,我从事这个职业,又如此热爱这个民族,能获得这样的荣誉简直使我无法表达我的感情。
然而,这种奖赏主要并不意味着对个人的尊崇,而是象征一个伟大的道德准则——捍卫这块可爱土地上的文化与古老传统的那些人的行为与品质的准则。
这就是这个大奖章的意义。
无论现在还是将来,它都是美国军人道德标准的一种体现。
我一定要遵循这个标准,结合崇高的理想,唤起自豪感,同时始终保持谦虚。
责任—荣誉—国家,这三个神圣的名词庄严地提醒你:应该成为怎样的人,可能成为怎样的人,一定要成为怎样的人。
它们将使你精神振奋,在你似乎丧失勇气时鼓起勇气,似乎没有理由相信时重建信念,几乎绝望时产生希望。
遗憾的很,我既没有雄辩的词令,诗意的想象,也没有华丽的隐喻向你们说明它们的意义。
怀疑者一定要说它们只不过是几个名词,一句口号,一个空洞的短语。
每一个迂腐的学究,每一个蛊惑人心的政客,每一个玩世不恭的人,每一个伪君子,每一个惹是生非之徒,很遗憾,还有其他个性不甚正常的人,一定企图贬低它们,甚至对它们进行愚弄和嘲笑。
但这些名词确能做到:塑造你的基本特性,使你将来成为国防卫士;使你坚强起来,认清自己的懦弱,并勇敢地面对自己的胆怯。
它们教导你:在失败时要自尊,要不屈不挠;胜利时要谦和,不要以言语代替行动,不要贪图舒适;要面对重压和困难,勇敢地接受挑战;要学会巍然屹立于风浪之中,但对遇难者要寄予同情;要先律己而后律人;要有纯洁的心灵和崇高的目标;要学会笑,但不要忘记怎么哭;要向往未来,但不可忽略过去;要为人持重,但不可过于严肃;要谦虚,铭记真正伟大的纯朴,真正智慧的虚心,真正强大的温顺。
它们赋予你意志的韧性,想象的质量,感情的活力,从生命的深处焕发精神,以勇敢的姿态克服胆怯,甘于冒险而不贪图安逸。
道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟西点军校告别演说(双语对照)
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道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟西点军校告别演说(双语对照)General Douglas MacArthur 道格拉斯麦克阿瑟Sylvanus Thayer Award Acceptance Address'Duty, Honor, Country' 责任、荣誉、国家这是美国五星上将道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟82岁时的西点告别演说(翻译仅供参考)General Westmoreland ([注]Gen. Westmoreland 就是后来出任驻越南美军司令的魏摩兰将军), General Grove, distinguished guests, and gentlemen of the Corps!As I was leaving the hotel this morning, a doorman asked me, 'Where are you bound for, General?' And when I replied, 'West Point,' he remarked, 'Beautiful place. Have you ever been there before?'今天早晨,当我走出旅馆时,看门人问道:“将军,您上哪去?”一听说我要去西点,他说:“那是个好地方,您从前去过吗?”No human being could fail to be deeply moved by such a tribute as this [Thayer Award]. Coming from a profession I have served so long, and a people I have loved so well, it fills me with an emotion I cannot express. But this award is not intended primarily to honor a personality, but to symbolize a great moral code -- the code of conduct and chivalry of those who guard this beloved land of culture and ancient descent. That is the animation of this medallion. For all eyes and for all time, it is anexpression of the ethics of the American soldier. That I should be integrated in this way with so noble an ideal arouses a sense of pride and yet of humility which will be with me always.这样的荣誉是没有人不深受感动的。
麦克阿瑟将军国会大厦告别演讲 Farewell Address to Congress
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三一文库()/演讲致辞/英语演讲稿麦克阿瑟将军国会大厦告别演讲Farewell Address to Congressmr.president,mr.speaker,anddistinguishedmember softhecongress:istandonthisrostrumwithasenseofdeephumilityand greatpride--humilityinthewakeofthosegreatameri canarchitectsofourhistorywhohavestoodherebefor eme;prideinthereflectionthatthisforumoflegisla tivedebaterepresentshumanlibertyinthepurestfor myetdevised.herearecenteredthehopesandaspirati onsandfaithoftheentirehumanrace.idonotstandher easadvocateforanypartisancause,fortheissuesare fundamentalandreachquitebeyondtherealmofpartis anconsideration.theymustberesolvedonthehighest planeofnationalinterestifourcourseistoprovesoundandourfutureprotected.itrust,therefore,thaty ouwilldomethejusticeofreceivingthatwhichihavet osayassolelyexpressingtheconsideredviewpointof afellowamerican.iaddressyouwithneitherrancornorbitternessinthe fadingtwilightoflife,withbutonepurposeinmind:t oservemycountry.theissuesareglobalandsointerlo ckedthattoconsidertheproblemsofonesector,obliv ioustothoseofanother,isbuttocourtdisasterforth ewhole.whileasiaiscommonlyreferredtoasthegatew aytoeurope,itisnolesstruethateuropeisthegatewa ytoasia,andthebroadinfluenceoftheonecannotfail tohaveitsimpactupontheother.therearethosewhocl aimourstrengthisinadequatetoprotectonbothfront s,thatwecannotdivideoureffort.icanthinkofnogre aterexpressionofdefeatism.ifapotentialenemycan dividehisstrengthontwofronts,itisforustocounte rhiseffort.thecommunistthreatisaglobalone.itss uccessfuladvanceinonesectorthreatensthedestruc tionofeveryothersector.youcannotappeaseorother wisesurrendertocommunisminasiawithoutsimultaneouslyunderminingoureffortstohaltitsadvanceineu rope.beyondpointingoutthesegeneraltruisms,ishallcon finemydiscussiontothegeneralareasofasia.before onemayobjectivelyassessthesituationnowexisting there,hemustcomprehendsomethingofasiaspastandt herevolutionarychangeswhichhavemarkedhercourse uptothepresent.longexploitedbytheso-calledcolo nialpowers,withlittleopportunitytoachieveanyde greeofsocialjustice,individualdignity,orahighe rstandardoflifesuchasguidedourownnobleadminist rationinthephilippines,thepeoplesofasiafoundth eiropportunityinthewarjustpasttothrowoffthesha cklesofcolonialismandnowseethedawnofnewopportu nity,aheretoforeunfeltdignity,andtheself-respe ctofpoliticalfreedom.musteringhalfoftheearthspopulation,and60percen tofitsnaturalresourcesthesepeoplesarerapidlyco nsolidatinganewforce,bothmoralandmaterial,withwhichtoraisethelivingstandardanderectadaptatio nsofthedesignofmodernprogresstotheirowndistinc tculturalenvironments.whetheroneadherestotheco nceptofcolonizationornot,thisisthedirectionofa sianprogressanditmaynotbestopped.itisacorollar ytotheshiftoftheworldeconomicfrontiersasthewho leepicenterofworldaffairsrotatesbacktowardthea reawhenceitstarted.inthissituation,itbecomesvitalthatourowncountr yorientitspoliciesinconsonancewiththisbasicevo lutionaryconditionratherthanpursueacourseblind totherealitythatthecolonialeraisnowpastandthea sianpeoplescovettherighttoshapetheirownfreedes tiny.whattheyseeknowisfriendlyguidance,underst anding,andsupport--notimperiousdirection--thed ignityofequalityandnottheshameofsubjugation.th eirpre-warstandardoflife,pitifullylow,isinfini telylowernowinthedevastationleftinwarswake.wor ldideologiesplaylittlepartinasianthinkingandar elittleunderstood.whatthepeoplesstriveforisthe opportunityforalittlemorefoodintheirstomachs,alittlebetterclothingontheirbacks,alittlefirmer roofovertheirheads,andtherealizationofthenorma lnationalisturgeforpoliticalfreedom.thesepolit ical-socialconditionshavebutanindirectbearingu ponourownnationalsecurity,butdoformabackdropto contemporaryplanningwhichmustbethoughtfullycon sideredifwearetoavoidthepitfallsofunrealism.ofmoredirectandimmediatebearinguponournational securityarethechangeswroughtinthestrategicpote ntialofthepacificoceaninthecourseofthepastwar. priortheretothewesternstrategicfrontieroftheun itedstateslayonthelittorallineoftheamericas,wi thanexposedislandsalientextendingoutthroughhaw aii,midway,andguamtothephilippines.thatsalient provednotanoutpostofstrengthbutanavenueofweakn essalongwhichtheenemycouldanddidattack.thepacificwasapotentialareaofadvanceforanypred atoryforceintentuponstrikingattheborderingland areas.allthiswaschangedbyourpacificvictory.ourstrategicfrontierthenshiftedtoembracetheentire pacificocean,whichbecameavastmoattoprotectusas longasweheldit.indeed,itactsasaprotectiveshiel dforalloftheamericasandallfreelandsofthepacifi coceanarea.wecontrolittotheshoresofasiabyachai nofislandsextendinginanarcfromthealeutianstoth emariannasheldbyusandourfreeallies.fromthisisl andchainwecandominatewithseaandairpowereveryas iaticportfromvladivostoktosingapore--withseaan dairpowereveryport,asisaid,fromvladivostoktosi ngapore--andpreventanyhostilemovementintothepa cific.*anypredatoryattackfromasiamustbeanamphibiouse ffort.*noamphibiousforcecanbesuccessfulwithout controlofthesealanesandtheairoverthoselanesini tsavenueofadvance.withnavalandairsupremacyandm odestgroundelementstodefendbases,anymajorattac kfromcontinentalasiatowardusorourfriendsinthep acificwouldbedoomedtofailure.undersuchconditions,thepacificnolongerrepresen tsmenacingavenuesofapproachforaprospectiveinva der.itassumes,instead,thefriendlyaspectofapeac efullake.ourlineofdefenseisanaturaloneandcanbe maintainedwithaminimumofmilitaryeffortandexpen se.itenvisionsnoattackagainstanyone,nordoesitp rovidethebastionsessentialforoffensiveoperatio ns,butproperlymaintained,wouldbeaninvinciblede fenseagainstaggression.theholdingofthislittora ldefenselineinthewesternpacificisentirelydepen dentuponholdingallsegmentsthereof;foranymajorb reachofthatlinebyanunfriendlypowerwouldrenderv ulnerabletodeterminedattackeveryothermajorsegm ent.thisisamilitaryestimateastowhichihaveyettofind amilitaryleaderwhowilltakeexception.forthatrea son,ihavestronglyrecommendedinthepast,asamatte rofmilitaryurgency,thatundernocircumstancesmus tformosafallundercommunistcontrol.suchaneventu alitywouldatoncethreatenthefreedomofthephilippinesandthelossofjapanandmightwellforceourweste rnfrontierbacktothecoastofcalifornia,oregonand washington.tounderstandthechangeswhichnowappearuponthechi nesemainland,onemustunderstandthechangesinchin esecharacterandcultureoverthepast50years.china ,upto50yearsago,wascompletelynon-homogenous,be ingcompartmentedintogroupsdividedagainsteachot her.thewar-makingtendencywasalmostnon-existent ,astheystillfollowedthetenetsoftheconfucianide alofpacifistculture.attheturnofthecentury,unde rtheregimeofchangtsolin,effortstowardgreaterho mogeneityproducedthestartofanationalisturge.th iswasfurtherandmoresuccessfullydevelopedundert heleadershipofchiangkai-shek,buthasbeenbrought toitsgreatestfruitionunderthepresentregimetoth epointthatithasnowtakenonthecharacterofaunited nationalismofincreasinglydominant,aggressivete ndencies.throughthesepast50yearsthechinesepeoplehavethu sbecomemilitarizedintheirconceptsandintheiride als.theynowconstituteexcellentsoldiers,withcom petentstaffsandcommanders.thishasproducedanewa nddominantpowerinasia,which,foritsownpurposes, isalliedwithsovietrussiabutwhichinitsownconcep tsandmethodshasbecomeaggressivelyimperialistic ,withalustforexpansionandincreasedpowernormalt othistypeofimperialism.thereislittleoftheideologicalconcepteitheronew ayoranotherinthechinesemake-up.thestandardofli vingissolowandthecapitalaccumulationhasbeensot horoughlydissipatedbywarthatthemassesaredesper ateandeagertofollowanyleadershipwhichseemstopr omisethealleviationoflocalstringencies.ihavefromthebeginningbelievedthatthechinesecom munistssupportofthenorthkoreanswasthedominanto ne.theirinterestsare,atpresent,parallelwiththoseofthesoviet.butibelievethattheaggressiveness recentlydisplayednotonlyinkoreabutalsoinindo-c hinaandtibetandpointingpotentiallytowardthesou threflectspredominantlythesamelustfortheexpans ionofpowerwhichhasanimatedeverywould-beconquer orsincethebeginningoftime.thejapanesepeople,sincethewar,haveundergonethe greatestreformationrecordedinmodernhistory.wit hacommendablewill,eagernesstolearn,andmarkedca pacitytounderstand,theyhave,fromtheashesleftin warswake,erectedinjapananedificededicatedtothe supremacyofindividuallibertyandpersonaldignity ;andintheensuingprocesstherehasbeencreatedatru lyrepresentativegovernmentcommittedtotheadvanc eofpoliticalmorality,freedomofeconomicenterpri se,andsocialjustice.politically,economically,andsociallyjapanisnow abreastofmanyfreenationsoftheearthandwillnotag ainfailtheuniversaltrust.thatitmaybecountedupontowieldaprofoundlybeneficialinfluenceoverthec ourseofeventsinasiaisattestedbythemagnificentm annerinwhichthejapanesepeoplehavemettherecentc hallengeofwar,unrest,andconfusionsurroundingth emfromtheoutsideandcheckedcommunismwithintheir ownfrontierswithouttheslightestslackeninginthe irforwardprogress.isentallfourofouroccupationd ivisionstothekoreanbattlefrontwithouttheslight estqualmsastotheeffectoftheresultingpowervacuu muponjapan.theresultsfullyjustifiedmyfaith.ikn owofnonationmoreserene,orderly,andindustrious, norinwhichhigherhopescanbeentertainedforfuture constructiveserviceintheadvanceofthehumanrace.ofourformerward,thephilippines,wecanlookforwar dinconfidencethattheexistingunrestwillbecorrec tedandastrongandhealthynationwillgrowinthelong eraftermathofwarsterribledestructiveness.wemus tbepatientandunderstandingandneverfailthem--as inourhourofneed,theydidnotfailus.achristiannat ion,thephilippinesstandasamightybulwarkofchristianityinthefareast,anditscapacityforhighmoral leadershipinasiaisunlimited.onformosa,thegovernmentoftherepublicofchinahas hadtheopportunitytorefutebyactionmuchofthemali ciousgossipwhichsounderminedthestrengthofitsle adershiponthechinesemainland.theformosanpeople arereceivingajustandenlightenedadministrationw ithmajorityrepresentationontheorgansofgovernme nt,andpolitically,economically,andsociallythey appeartobeadvancingalongsoundandconstructiveli nes.withthisbriefinsightintothesurroundingareas,in owturntothekoreanconflict.whileiwasnotconsulte dpriortothepresidentsdecisiontointerveneinsupp ortoftherepublicofkorea,thatdecisionfromamilit arystandpoint,provedasoundone,aswe--asisaid,pr ovedasoundone,aswehurledbacktheinvaderanddecim atedhisforces.ourvictorywascomplete,andourobjectiveswithinreach,whenredchinaintervenedwithnu mericallysuperiorgroundforces.thiscreatedanewwarandanentirelynewsituation,as ituationnotcontemplatedwhenourforceswerecommit tedagainstthenorthkoreaninvaders;asituationwhi chcalledfornewdecisionsinthediplomaticsphereto permittherealisticadjustmentofmilitarystrategy .suchdecisionshavenotbeenforthcoming.whilenomaninhisrightmindwouldadvocatesendingou rgroundforcesintocontinentalchina,andsuchwasne vergivenathought,thenewsituationdidurgentlydem andadrasticrevisionofstrategicplanningifourpol iticalaimwastodefeatthisnewenemyaswehaddefeate dtheold.apartfromthemilitaryneed,asisawit,toneutralize thesanctuaryprotectiongiventheenemynorthofthey alu,ifeltthatmilitarynecessityintheconductofthewarmadenecessary:firsttheintensificationofour economicblockadeagainstchina;twotheimpositiono fanavalblockadeagainstthechinacoast;threeremov alofrestrictionsonairreconnaissanceofchinascoa stalareasandofmanchuria;fourremovalofrestricti onsontheforcesoftherepublicofchinaonformosa,wi thlogisticalsupporttocontributetotheireffectiv eoperationsagainstthecommonenemy.forentertainingtheseviews,allprofessionallydes ignedtosupportourforcescommittedtokoreaandbrin ghostilitiestoanendwiththeleastpossibledelayan datasavingofcountlessamericanandalliedlives,ih avebeenseverelycriticizedinlaycircles,principa llyabroad,despitemyunderstandingthatfromamilit arystandpointtheaboveviewshavebeenfullysharedi nthepastbypracticallyeverymilitaryleaderconcer nedwiththekoreancampaign,includingourownjointc hiefsofstaff.icalledforreinforcementsbutwasinformedthatreinforcementswerenotavailable.imadeclearthatifnot permittedtodestroytheenemybuilt-upbasesnorthof theyalu,ifnotpermittedtoutilizethefriendlychin eseforceofsome600,000menonformosa,ifnotpermitt edtoblockadethechinacoasttopreventthechinesere dsfromgettingsuccorfromwithout,andifthereweret obenohopeofmajorreinforcements,thepositionofth ecommandfromthemilitarystandpointforbadevictor y.wecouldholdinkoreabyconstantmaneuverandinanapp roximateareawhereoursupplylineadvantageswerein balancewiththesupplylinedisadvantagesoftheenem y,butwecouldhopeatbestforonlyanindecisivecampa ignwithitsterribleandconstantattritionuponourf orcesiftheenemyutilizeditsfullmilitarypotentia l.ihaveconstantlycalledforthenewpoliticaldecis ionsessentialtoasolution.effortshavebeenmadetodistortmyposition.ithasbe ensaid,ineffect,thatiwasawarmonger.nothingcouldbefurtherfromthetruth.iknowwarasfewothermenno wlivingknowit,andnothingtomeismorerevolting.ih avelongadvocateditscompleteabolition,asitsvery destructivenessonbothfriendandfoehasrenderedit uselessasameansofsettlinginternationaldisputes .indeed,ontheseconddayofseptember,nineteenhund redandforty-five,justfollowingthesurrenderofth ejapanesenationonthebattleshipmissouri,iformal lycautionedasfollows:mensincethebeginningoftimehavesoughtpeace.vari ousmethodsthroughtheageshavebeenattemptedtodev iseaninternationalprocesstopreventorsettledisp utesbetweennations.fromtheverystartworkablemet hodswerefoundinsofarasindividualcitizenswereco ncerned,butthemechanicsofaninstrumentalityofla rgerinternationalscopehaveneverbeensuccessful. militaryalliances,balancesofpower,leaguesofnat ions,allinturnfailed,leavingtheonlypathtobebyw ayofthecrucibleofwar.theutterdestructivenessof warnowblocksoutthisalternative.wehavehadourlas tchance.ifwewillnotdevisesomegreaterandmoreequitablesystem,armageddonwillbeatourdoor.theprob lembasicallyistheologicalandinvolvesaspiritual recrudescenceandimprovementofhumancharactertha twillsynchronizewithouralmostmatchlessadvances inscience,art,literature,andallmaterialandcult uraldevelopmentsofthepastXXyears.itmustbeofthe spiritifwearetosavetheflesh.butoncewarisforceduponus,thereisnootheralterna tivethantoapplyeveryavailablemeanstobringittoa swiftend.warsveryobjectisvictory,notprolongedindecision .inwarthereisnosubstituteforvictory.therearesomewho,forvaryingreasons,wouldappease redchina.theyareblindtohistorysclearlesson,for historyteacheswithunmistakableemphasisthatappe asementbutbegetsnewandbloodierwar.itpointstono singleinstancewherethisendhasjustifiedthatmeans,whereappeasementhasledtomorethanashampeace.l ikeblackmail,itlaysthebasisfornewandsuccessive lygreaterdemandsuntil,asinblackmail,violencebe comestheonlyotheralternative."why,"mysoldiersaskedofme,"surrendermilitaryad vantagestoanenemyinthefield?"icouldnotanswer.somemaysay:toavoidspreadoftheconflictintoanall -outwarwithchina;others,toavoidsovietintervent ion.neitherexplanationseemsvalid,forchinaisalr eadyengagingwiththemaximumpoweritcancommit,and thesovietwillnotnecessarilymeshitsactionswitho urmoves.likeacobra,anynewenemywillmorelikelyst rikewheneveritfeelsthattherelativityinmilitary orotherpotentialisinitsfavoronaworld-widebasis .thetragedyofkoreaisfurtherheightenedbythefactt hatitsmilitaryactionisconfinedtoitsterritorial limits.itcondemnsthatnation,whichitisourpurposetosave,tosufferthedevastatingimpactoffullnava landairbombardmentwhiletheenemyssanctuariesare fullyprotectedfromsuchattackanddevastation.ofthenationsoftheworld,koreaalone,uptonow,isth esoleonewhichhasriskeditsallagainstcommunism.t hemagnificenceofthecourageandfortitudeofthekor eanpeopledefiesdescription.theyhavechosentoriskdeathratherthanslavery.the irlastwordstomewere:"dontscuttlethepacific!"ihavejustleftyourfightingsonsinkorea.theyhavem etallteststhere,andicanreporttoyouwithoutreser vationthattheyaresplendidineveryway.itwasmyconstantefforttopreservethemandendthiss avageconflicthonorablyandwiththeleastlossoftim eandaminimumsacrificeoflife.itsgrowingbloodshe dhascausedmethedeepestanguishandanxiety.thosegallantmenwillremainofteninmythoughtsandi nmyprayersalways.iamclosingmy52yearsofmilitaryservice.whenijoin edthearmy,evenbeforetheturnofthecentury,itwast hefulfillmentofallofmyboyishhopesanddreams.the worldhasturnedovermanytimessinceitooktheoathon theplainatwestpoint,andthehopesanddreamshavelo ngsincevanished,butistillremembertherefrainofo neofthemostpopularbarrackballadsofthatdaywhich proclaimedmostproudlythat"oldsoldiersneverdie; theyjustfadeaway."andliketheoldsoldierofthatballad,inowclosemymi litarycareerandjustfadeaway,anoldsoldierwhotri edtodohisdutyasgodgavehimthelighttoseethatduty .goodbye.。
麦克阿瑟告别演讲“老兵永不死”中英文
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麦克阿瑟告别演讲“老兵永不死”中英文第一篇:麦克阿瑟告别演讲“老兵永不死”中英文英文全文如下: Old soldiers never die, they just fade awayMr.President, Mr.Speaker, and Distinguished Members of the Congress:I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride--humility in the weight of those great American architects of our history who have stood here before me;pride in the reflection that this home of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised.Here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race.I do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration.They must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected.I trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American.I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country.The issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole.While Asia is commonly referred to as the Gateway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is the Gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other.There are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort.I can think of no greater expression of defeatism.If a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter hiseffort.The Communist threat is a global one.Its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector.You can not appease or otherwise surrender to communism in Asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in Europe.Beyond pointing out these general truisms, I shall confine my discussion to the general areas of Asia.Before one may objectively assess the situation now existing there, he must comprehend something of Asia's past and the revolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present.Long exploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of social justice, individual dignity, or a higher standard of life such as guided our own noble administration in the Philippines, the peoples of Asia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of colonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt dignity, and the self-respect of political freedom.Mustering half of the earth's population, and 60 percent of its natural resources these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raise the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments.Whether one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of Asian progress and it may not be stopped.It is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started.In this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient its policies in consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the Asian peoples covet the right to shape their ownfree destiny.What they seek now is friendly guidance, understanding, and support--not imperious direction--the dignity of equality and not the shame of subjugation.Their pre-war standard of life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war's wake.World ideologies play little part in Asian thinking and are little understood.What the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a little more food in their stomachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their heads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom.These political-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own national security, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism.Of more direct and immediately bearing upon our national security are the changes wrought in the strategic potential of the Pacific Ocean in the course of the past war.Prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the United States lay on the literal line of the Americas, with an exposed island salient extending out through Hawaii, Midway, and Guam to the Philippines.That salient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along which the enemy could and did attack.The Pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatory force intent upon striking at the bordering land areas.All this was changed by our Pacific victory.Our strategic frontier then shifted to embrace the entire Pacific Ocean, which became a vast moat to protect us as long as we held it.Indeed, it acts as a protective shield for all of the Americas and all free lands of the Pacific Ocean area.We control it to the shores of Asia by a chain of islands extending in an arc from the Aleutians to the Mariannas held by us and our free allies.From this island chain we can dominate with sea and airpower every Asiatic port from Vladivostok to Singapore--with sea and air power every port, as I said, from Vladivostok to Singapore--and prevent any hostile movement into the Pacific.Any predatory attack from Asia must be an amphibious effort.* No amphibious force can be successful without control of the sea lanes and the air over those lanes in its avenue of advance.With naval and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental Asia toward us or our friends in the Pacific would be doomed to failure.Under such conditions, the Pacific no longer represents menacing avenues of approach for a prospective invader.It assumes, instead, the friendly aspect of a peaceful lake.Our line of defense is a natural one and can be maintained with a minimum of military effort and expense.It envisions no attack against anyone, nor does it provide the bastions essential for offensive operations, but properly maintained, would be an invincible defense against aggression.The holding of this literal defense line in the western Pacific is entirely dependent upon holding all segments thereof;for any major breach of that line by an unfriendly power would render vulnerable to determined attack every other major segment.This is a military estimate as to which I have yet to find a military leader who will take exception.For that reason, I have strongly recommended in the past, as a matter of military urgency, that under no circumstances must Formosa fall under Communist control.Such an eventuality would at once threaten the freedom of the Philippines and the loss of Japan and might well force our western frontier back to the coast of California, Oregon and Washington.T o understand the changes which now appear upon the Chinese mainland, one must understand the changes in Chinese character and cultureover the past 50 years.China, up to 50 years ago, was completely non-homogenous, being compartmented into groups divided against each other.The war-making tendency was almost non-existent, as they still followed the tenets of the Confucian ideal of pacifist culture.At the turn of the century, under the regime of Chang Tso Lin, efforts toward greater homogeneity produced the start of a nationalist urge.This was further and more successfully developed under the leadership of Chiang Kai-Shek, but has been brought to its greatest fruition under the present regime to the point that it has now taken on the character of a united nationalism of increasingly dominant, aggressive tendencies.Through these past 50 years the Chinese people have thus become militarized in their concepts and in their ideals.They now constitute excellent soldiers, with competent staffs and commanders.This has produced a new and dominant power in Asia, which, for its own purposes, is allied with Soviet Russia but which in its own concepts and methods has become aggressively imperialistic, with a lust for expansion and increased power normal to this type of imperialism.There is little of the ideological concept either one way or another in the Chinese make-up.The standard of living is so low and the capital accumulation has been so thoroughly dissipated by war that the masses are desperate and eager to follow any leadership which seems to promise the alleviation of local stringencies.I have from the beginning believed that the Chinese Communists' support of the North Koreans was the dominant one.Their interests are, at present, parallel with those of the Soviet.But I believe that the aggressiveness recently displayed not only in Korea but also in Indo-China and Tibet and pointing potentially toward the South reflects predominantly the same lust for the expansion of powerwhich has animated every would-be conqueror since the beginning of time.The Japanese people, since the war, have undergone the greatest reformation recorded in modern history.With a commendable will, eagerness to learn, and marked capacity to understand, they have, from the ashes left in war's wake, erected in Japan an edifice dedicated to the supremacy of individual liberty and personal dignity;and in the ensuing process there has been created a truly representative government committed to the advance of political morality, freedom of economic enterprise, and social justice.Politically, economically, and socially Japan is now abreast of many free nations of the earth and will not again fail the universal trust.That it may be counted upon to wield a profoundly beneficial influence over the course of events in Asia is attested by the magnificent manner in which the Japanese people have met the recent challenge of war, unrest, and confusion surrounding them from the outside and checked communism within their own frontiers without the slightest slackening in their forward progress.I sent all four of our occupation divisions to the Korean battlefront without the slightest qualms as to the effect of the resulting power vacuum upon Japan.The results fully justified my faith.I know of no nation more serene, orderly, and industrious, nor in which higher hopes can be entertained for future constructive service in the advance of the human race.Of our former ward, the Philippines, we can look forward in confidence that the existing unrest will be corrected and a strong and healthy nation will grow in the longer aftermath of war's terrible destructiveness.We must be patient and understanding and never fail them--as in our hour of need, they did not fail us.A Christian nation, the Philippines stand as a mighty bulwark of Christianity in the Far East, and its capacity forhigh moral leadership in Asia is unlimited.On Formosa, the government of the Republic of China has had the opportunity to refute by action much of the malicious gossip which so undermined the strength of its leadership on the Chinese mainland.The Formosan people are receiving a just and enlightened administration with majority representation on the organs of government, and politically, economically, and socially they appear to be advancing along sound and constructive lines.With this brief insight into the surrounding areas, I now turn to the Korean conflict.While I was not consulted prior to the President's decision to intervene in support of the Republic of Korea, that decision from a military standpoint, proved a sound one, as we hurled back the invader and decimated his forces.Our victory was complete, and our objectives within reach, when Red China intervened with numerically superior ground forces.This created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situation not contemplated when our forces were committed against the North Korean invaders;a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of military strategy.Such decisions have not been forthcoming.While no man in his right mind would advocate sending our ground forces into continental China, and such was never given a thought, the new situation did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had defeated the old.Apart from the military need, as I saw It, to neutralize the sanctuary protection given the enemy north of the Yalu, I felt that military necessity in the conduct of the war made necessary: first the intensification of our economic blockade against China;two the imposition of a naval blockade against the China coast;threeremoval of restrictions on air reconnaissance of China's coastal areas and of Manchuria;four removal of restrictions on the forces of the Republic of China on Formosa, with logistical support to contribute to their effective operations against the common enemy.For entertaining these views, all professionally designed to support our forces committed to Korea and bring hostilities to an end with the least possible delay and at a saving of countless American and allied lives, I have been severely criticized in lay circles, principally abroad, despite my understanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in the past by practically every military leader concerned with the Korean campaign, including our own Joint Chiefs of Staff.I called for reinforcements but was informed that reinforcements were not available.I made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-up bases north of the Yalu, if not permitted to utilize the friendly Chinese Force of some 600,000 men on Formosa, if not permitted to blockade the China coast to prevent the Chinese Reds from getting succor from without, and if there were to be no hope of major reinforcements, the position of the command from the military standpoint forbade victory.We could hold in Korea by constant maneuver and in an approximate area where our supply line advantages were in balance with the supply line disadvantages of the enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive campaign with its terrible and constant attrition upon our forces if the enemy utilized its full military potential.I have constantly called for the new political decisions essential to a solution.Efforts have been made to distort my position.It has been said, in effect, that I was a warmonger.Nothing could be further from the truth.I know war as few other men now living know it, and nothing to me is more revolting.I have longadvocated its complete abolition, as its very destructiveness on both friend and foe has rendered it useless as a means of settling international disputes.Indeed, on the second day of September, nineteen hundred and forty-five, just following the surrender of the Japanese nation on the Battleship Missouri, I formally cautioned as follows:“Men since the beginning of time have sought peace.Various methods through the ages have been attempted to devise an international process to prevent or settle disputes between nations.From the very start workable methods were found in so far as individual citizens were concerned, but the mechanics of an instrumentality of larger international scope have never been itary alliances, balances of power, Leagues of Nations, all in turn failed, leaving the only path to be by way of the crucible of war.The utter destructiveness of war now blocks out this alternative.We have had our last chance.If we will not devise some greater and more equitable system,Armageddon will be at our door.The problem basically is theological and involves a spiritual recrudescence and improvement of human character that will synchronize with our almost matchless advances in science, art, literature, and all material and cultural developments of the past 2000 years.It must be of the spirit if we are to save the flesh.”But once war is forced upon us, there is no other alternative than to apply every available means to bring it to a swift end.War's very object is victory, not prolonged indecision.In war there is no substitute for victory.There are some who, for varying reasons, would appease Red China.They are blind to history's clear lesson, for history teaches with unmistakable emphasis that appeasement but begets new and bloodier war.It points to nosingle instance where this end has justified that means, where appeasement has led to more than a sham peace.Like blackmail, it lays the basis for new and successively greater demands until, as in blackmail, violence becomes the only other alternative.“Why,” my soldiers asked of me, “surrender military advantages to an enemy in the field?” I could not answer.Some may say: to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-out war with China;others, to avoid Soviet intervention.Neither explanation seems valid, for China is already engaging with the maximum power it can commit, and the Soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our moves.Like a cobra, any new enemy will more likely strike whenever it feels that the relativity in military or other potential is in its favor on a world-wide basis.The tragedy of Korea is further heightened by the fact that its military action is confined to its territorial limits.It condemns that nation, which it is our purpose to save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bombardment while the enemy's sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack and devastation.Of the nations of the world, Korea alone, up to now, is the sole one which has risked its all against communism.The magnificence of the courage and fortitude of the Korean people defies description.They have chosen to risk death rather than slavery.Their last words to me were: “Don't scuttle the Pacific!”I have just left your fighting sons in Korea.They have met all tests there, and I can report to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way.It was my constant effort to preserve them and end this savage conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and a minimum sacrifice of life.Its growing bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and anxiety.Those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my prayersalways.I am closing my 52 years of military service.When I joined the Army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams.The world has turned over many times since I took the oath on the plain at West Point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but I still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that “old soldiers never die;they just fade away.”And like the old soldier of that ballad, I now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as God gave him the light to see that duty.Good Bye.麦克阿瑟告别演讲“老兵永不死”演讲全文总统先生,演讲者,议会杰出的成员们:我怀着深深的谦卑和无比的自豪感站在这演讲台上----谦卑是因为面对在我面前的那些伟大美国过去的建设者们;自豪是因为想到国内立法争论所设计的代表人类最纯洁的自由。
麦克阿瑟告别演讲译文
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麦克阿瑟告别演讲Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, and Distinguished Members of the Congress:I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride -- humility in the weight of those great American architects of our history who have stood here before me; pride in the reflection that this home of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised. Here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race. I do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration. They must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected. I trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American.总统先生,议长先生,尊敬的国会议员们:我站在主席台前,感到深深的惶恐和无比的骄傲。
老兵不死,不肯凋零
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老兵不死,不肯凋零不可一世的麦克阿瑟在仁川登陆成功后,更加盛气凌人,连总统也不放在眼里,结果被杜鲁门一纸命令发配回家。
在美国国会里,麦克阿瑟发表了著名的“老兵不死只是凋零”的演讲,成功地完结了他的政治演艺生涯。
在现实世界里,另一个老兵也拒绝凋零。
不同的是,这个老兵受到美国陆军高级将领的力挺,一时半会死不了。
士兵中则意见不一,没有上过战场的似乎对这个老兵崇敬有加,但战场上下来的似乎都有点心思活络,盼望新欢。
这个老兵就是M4短突击步枪。
阿玛莱特AR-15是M16和M4的前身M16是在越南出名的但M16有点太长,海豹还是使用短管的CAR15M4的前身是有名的M16突击步枪,5.56毫米口径的M16开创了小口径突击步枪的时代,这段历史已经耳熟能详了。
早在越南战争时代,M16就有了缩短的卡宾枪型,但美军只是试用,所以沿用民版代号CAR-15,AR是制造M16的阿玛莱特步枪(Armalite Rifle)的意思,C指卡宾枪(Carbine),AR-15是阿玛莱特对M16的公司代号,至今民用市场上依然使用AR-15的代号,不管是哪个公司的出品。
正式列装后,CAR-15正式命名为M4。
阿玛莱特后来把AR-15的版权出售给老牌枪械公司柯尔特,柯尔特长期为美国军方供应M16和M4。
2006年,柯尔特对M16和M4降价,美国国防部乘势取消了竞争投标的打算,柯尔特成为美国军方M16、M4的唯一供货商。
国防部审计处表示异议,但美国陆军为单一供应商的决定辩解:如果达到了最低价格的目的,维持单一供应商有利于保证质量、交货、价格和避免竟标的开销,实际上是降低成本的。
不过到2007年美国陆军再次向柯尔特订货价值3.75亿美元的M4和1.5亿美元的附件时,关于M4的争论再次爆发,至今余音未消。
多年来,美国陆军对于继续使用M16最大的辩解理由就是大规模换装没有足够的理由和资金,但用M4换装M16实际上已经是全面换装了,而且还是用15年前美国特种部队订购时制定的技术指标,不经竞争就直接采购。
《老兵不死》——麦克阿瑟的告别演讲
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《⽼兵不死》——麦克阿瑟的告别演讲道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟(Douglas MacArthur),美国陆军五星上将。
出⽣于阿肯⾊州⼩⽯城的军⼈世家。
1899年中学毕业后考⼊西点军校,1903年以名列第⼀的优异成绩毕业,到⼯程兵部队任职,并赴菲律宾执勤。
麦克阿瑟有过50年的军事实践经验,被美国国民称之为“⼀代⽼兵”,⽽其⾃⾝的⼜曾是“美国最年轻的准将、西点军校最年轻的校长、美国陆军历史上最年轻的陆军参谋长”,凭借精妙的军事谋略和敢战敢胜的胆略,麦克阿瑟堪称美国战争史上的奇才。
提起这句话:“⽼兵永远不死,只会慢慢凋零”(Old soldiers never die, they just fade away),就不由得想起那个叼着⽟⽶棒⼦烟⽃的麦克阿瑟,和他在1951年4⽉19⽇被解职后在国会⼤厦发表的题为《⽼兵不死》的著名演讲。
道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟《⽼兵不死》》——麦克阿瑟的告别演讲今天早晨,当我⾛出旅馆时,看门⼈问道:“将军,您上哪去?”⼀听说我要去西点,他说:“那是个好地⽅,您从前去过吗?”这样的荣誉是没有⼈不受感动的。
长期以来,我从事这个职业,⼜如此热爱这个民族,能获得这样的荣誉简直使我⽆法表达我的感情。
然⽽,这种奖赏主要并不意味着对个⼈的尊崇,⽽是象征⼀个伟⼤的道德准则——捍卫这块可爱⼟地上的⽂化与古⽼传统的那些⼈的⾏为与品质的准则。
这就是这个⼤奖章的意义。
⽆论现在还是将来,它都是美国军⼈道德标准的⼀种体现。
我⼀定要遵循这个标准,结合崇⾼的理想,唤起⾃豪感,同时始终保持谦虚……责任-荣誉-国家。
这三个神圣的名词庄严地提醒你应该成为怎样的⼈,可能成为怎样的⼈,⼀定要成为怎样的⼈。
它们将使你精神振奋,在你似乎丧失勇⽓时⿎起勇⽓,似乎没有理由相信时重建信念,⼏乎绝望时产⽣希望。
遗憾的很,我既没有雄辩的词令、诗意的想象,也没有华丽的隐喻向你们说明它们的意义。
怀疑者⼀定要说它们只不过是⼏个名词,⼀句⼝号,⼀个空洞的短语。
老兵永不死 只是渐凋零
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老兵永不死只是渐凋零老兵永不死,只是渐凋零。
"这是麦克阿瑟在被解职之后在国会大厦发表的演讲中最让人难忘的一句话。
麦克阿瑟有着50年的军事历程,被美国国民称之为"一代老兵",而其又曾是"美国最年轻的准将、西点军校最年轻的校长、美国陆军历史上最年轻的陆军参谋长",凭借精妙的军事谋略和敢战敢胜的胆略,麦克阿瑟堪称美国战争史上的奇才。
第二次世界大战时期曾任美国远东军司令,西南太平洋战区盟军司令,战后出任驻日盟军最高司令和"联合国军"总司令等职。
更因战功卓著而被授予"五星上将"军衔。
虽然之后他率领美军参加了朝鲜战争甚至主张对中国在东北的军事目标进行打击,但是他作为一名军人为祖国,为世界,为反法西斯战争最后的胜利都做出了巨大的贡献,是一名名符其实的五星上将。
道格拉斯.麦克阿瑟,他的一生有着太多的传奇,在日本,在韩国,在菲律宾,在这些他留下过足迹的地方,在这些记录着他的辉煌的地方。
即使时至今日,依然在传唱着他的事迹。
在第一次世界大战的时候,他所率领的部队"彩虹"攻无不克,战无不胜,是美军战斗力最高的部队。
他为了太平洋战争独自一人苦苦的奋斗了20年,多少污蔑,多少诋毁,但是没有人可以阻止他胜利的步伐。
反攻日本时,他的军队和日军在战争中战成三十比一,死一万多美军击毙四十多万日军,这样的成绩,在二战时没有任何一名将军能够同等并论!在战斗中他更是一次又一次第一个从战壕中跃出,冲向敌人。
他是将军,但与其他将军不同的是,他没有呆在指挥所,几乎是每战必参加。
就连有"血胆"之称的巴顿在一次和阿瑟将军一起上过次战场后,也对他佩服得五体投地。
他曾为了深爱的军人这一职业而与自己的夫人离婚,他曾为了自己的理念而公开反对美国总统。
虽然如此,但他对自己职业的忠诚,对自己祖国的忠诚,对自己理想信念的忠诚,都让我们深深地记住了这个嘴里总是叼着玉米芯烟斗的男人。
激动人心的演讲之《老兵永不死》
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激动人心的演讲之《老兵永不死》2012-06-17 13:52这篇演讲稿是道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟(Douglas MacArthur)在1951年4月19日被解职后在国会大厦发表的题为《老兵不死》的著名演讲。
提起这句话:“老兵永远不死,只会慢慢凋零”又译为:“老兵不会死,只是悄然隐去”老兵永不死,只是渐凋零。
(Old soldiers never die, they just fade away),就不由得想起那个叼着玉米斗的麦克阿瑟——美国陆军五星上将。
后来这句话被作曲家录制了5种唱片:“老兵不会死/不会死,不会死/他们只是悄然隐去。
”出生于阿肯色州小石城的军人世家。
1899年中学毕业后考入西点军校,1903年以名列第一的优异成绩毕业,到工程兵部队任职,并赴菲律宾执勤。
麦克阿瑟有过50年的军事实践经验,被美国国民称之为“一代老兵”,而其自身的又曾是“美国最年轻的准将、西点军校最年轻的校长、美国陆军历史上最年轻的陆军参谋长”,凭借精妙的军事谋略和敢战敢胜的胆略,麦克阿瑟堪称美国战争史上的奇才。
中文翻译:总统先生、议长先生和尊敬的国会议员们:我怀着十分谦卑而又骄傲的心情站在这演讲台上。
我谦卑,是因为在我之前,许多美国历史上伟大的建设者们都曾经在这里发过言;我骄傲,是因为今天我们的立法辩论代表了经深思的人类解放最纯粹形式。
这是整个人类进程中的希望、热情和信仰的集中体现。
我并不是作为任何一个党派的拥护者站在这里讲话的,因为这些问题太重要,以至都超越了党派的界线。
如果要证实我们的动机是是正确的,如果要保障我们的将来,制定关于国家利益的最高纲领时就必须考虑到它们。
我相信,当我说完我仅仅是为了陈述经深思熟虑而得出的一个普通美国公民的观点之后,你们会公平地接受它。
在我生命将逝之年做这个告别演说,无仇无怨。
在我心中只有一个目的:为我的祖国服务。
这些问题是全球性的,而且环环相扣,任何的顾此失彼做法都会使整体造成灾难。
老兵不死_650字
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老兵不死_650字当历史的车轮缓缓驶过,曾经的辉煌已悄然落幕。
每当提起这句:“老兵永远不死,只会慢慢凋零”(Old soldiers never die,they just fade away),脑海中总会想起叼着玉米棒子烟斗,顶着被汗浸得发白的陆军元帅帽的麦克阿瑟将军在历史前进道路上的孤独和落魄。
或许,麦将军不会知道,《老兵不死》虽然是他政治生涯的最后演说,虽然他的生命会在一个不久的将来终结,但他的老兵精神却会一直在历史的沉积下越发厚重!老兵精神更令人扼腕感慨,内心的激动和热血无法释怀,激励了多少的青春热血男儿!曾经的战场早已留在了历史长河之中,老兵也在时间与岁月中慢慢沧桑。
我静静地遥望着过去,咀嚼着昨日发生的一切,心中有淡淡的遗憾,但更多的是在心中对沉浸在历史中老兵的崇高敬仰!其实,在每个人奋斗的路上,每个的人生都是一个个战场,每个人都不知道自己征程的艰难,但是自己选择那条自己为之努力奋斗的道路时,心里都很清楚或许这是一条没有回头的路,唯有向前,不管最后能否到达自己梦的彼岸,但尽吾力,哪怕在半道上跌倒了,自己选择的路,爬也要爬到最后!人生不会同情弱者,人生的战场更不会有孬种,有的只是勇往无前的猛士,有的只是敢于亮剑的老兵!我是一个很平凡的人,在时间和宇宙中犹如沙滩上的一粒沙子,渺小而微不足道,最后只会静静地逝去。
可是我却相信,平凡之中也可以拥有伟大,一粒沙子在历经千淘万漉后也会成为一颗灿烂的珍珠。
我不会在困难与挫折面前低头,不会在战场上退缩,明知不敌也会敢于亮剑!在今天算起,距2012年的高考还有五百多天的时间了,一场没有硝烟的战斗在悄悄地酝酿,我是一名枕戈待旦即将进入战斗的士兵,在大战之前精心的准备。
鹿死谁手,谁能笑傲在战场,一切都在未知中等待战斗的揭晓。
麦克阿瑟告别演讲“老兵永不死”演讲中英文
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麦克阿瑟告别演讲“老兵永不死”演讲全文总统先生,演讲者,议会杰出的成员们:我怀着深深的谦卑和无比的自豪感站在这演讲台上----谦卑是因为面对在我面前的那些伟大美国过去的建设者们;自豪是因为想到国内立法争论所设计的代表人类最纯洁的自由。
整个人类的希望、抱负、信念都集中于此。
我站在这里不为任何党派目的辩护,因为议题的根本性超出了党派所能考虑的区域。
如果能证明我们的路线稳妥且我们的前途有保障,那些问题就应被放在最高位来解决.因此,我相信,你们会公正地把我所表达的当作一个美国同胞的观点。
我演讲既不带人生暮年的怨恨也不带伤感之情,但心中只有一个目的:为我的祖国效劳。
虽然亚洲被认为是通往欧洲的大门,但说欧洲是通往亚洲的大门也没有错。
且一方的广泛影响不得不带动另一方。
一些人声称我们的力量不足以同时保护两条线路,我们不能分散精力。
我认为没有比这更能表现出失败主义的了。
如果潜在性的敌人能将他们的力量分为两条路线,那对我们来说就要对他们的力量予以反击。
共产主义者的威胁是一个全球性的问题。
他们在每个防区的成功进展直接预示着我们每隔一个防区将遭到破坏。
我们不会为让亚洲的共产主义投降而不能同时削弱我们的力量去遏止欧洲的发展而感到安慰。
说了太多的共知之理,我会简略我关于亚洲地区的讨论。
在某人能客观地对那里存在的形势作出评估之前,他必须了解一些关于亚洲的过去和他们沿着自己的路线发展至今的改革变化。
被所谓的殖民统治长期的剥削,便很难有机会建立社会的公正尺度,维护个人尊严,或者实现一个高水平的生活,就像保卫我们在菲律宾自己崇高的政府,亚洲的人民抓住了他们的时机在战争中摆脱了殖民统治的束缚并且看到了新时机的曙光,一种从未感受过的尊严和一个国家自由后的自尊感。
集合地球一半的人数,有60%的自然资源被这些人迅速地加强成为一种新的力量,精神上的和物质上的都被用来提升生活水平也是为适应对自己的不同文化环境的最新进展的谋划。
不管谁是否拘泥于殖民的概念,这是亚洲发展进步的方向且不会被终止。
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《老兵不死》——麦克阿瑟的告别演讲麦克阿瑟简介:道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟(Douglas MacArthur),美国陆军五星上将。
出生于阿肯色州小石城的军人世家。
1899年中学毕业后考入西点军校,1903年以名列第一的优异成绩毕业,到工程兵部队任职,并赴菲律宾执勤。
麦克阿瑟有过50年的军事实践经验,被美国国民称之为“一代老兵”,而其自身的又曾是“美国最年轻的准将、西点军校最年轻的校长、美国陆军历史上最年轻的陆军参谋长”,凭借精妙的军事谋略和敢战敢胜的胆略,麦克阿瑟堪称美国战争史上的奇才。
提起这句话:“老兵永远不死,只会慢慢凋零”(Old soldiers never die, they just fade away),就不由得想起那个叼着玉米棒子烟斗的麦克阿瑟,和他在1951年4月19日被解职后在国会大厦发表的题为《老兵不死》的著名演讲。
演讲全文如下:Old soldiers never die, they just fade awayMr. President, Mr. Speaker, and Distinguished Members of the Congress: I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride -- humility in the weight of those great American architects of our history who have stood here before me; pride in the reflection that this home of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised. Here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race. I do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration. They must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected. I trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of afellow American.I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country. The issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole. While Asia is commonly referred to as the Gateway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is the Gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other. There are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort. I can think of no greater expression of defeatism. If a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort. The Communist threat is a global one. Its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector. You can not appease or otherwise surrender to communism in Asia withoutsimultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in Europe. Beyond pointing out these general truisms, I shall confine my discussion to thegeneral areas of Asia. Before one may objectively assess the situation now existing there, he must comprehend something of Asia's past and the revolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present. Long exploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of social justice, individual dignity, or a higher standard of life such as guided our own noble administration in the Philippines, the peoples of Asia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of colonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt dignity, and the self-respect of political freedom.Mustering half of the earth's population, and 60 percent of its natural resources these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raise the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments. Whether one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of Asian progress and it may not be stopped. It is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back towardthe area whence it started.In this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient its policies in consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the Asian peoples covet the right to shape their own free destiny. What they seek now is friendly guidance, understanding, and support -- not imperious direction -- the dignity of equality and not the shame of subjugation. Their pre-war standard of life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war's wake. World ideologies play little part in Asian thinking and are little understood. What the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a little more food in their stomachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their heads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom. These political-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own national security, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism.Of more direct and immediately bearing upon our national security are the changes wrought in the strategic potential of the Pacific Ocean in the course of the past war. Prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the United States lay on the literal line of the Americas, with an exposed island salient extending out through Hawaii, Midway, and Guam to the Philippines. That salient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along which the enemycould and did attack.The Pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatory force intent upon striking at the bordering land areas. All this was changed by our Pacific victory.Our strategic frontier then shifted to embrace the entire Pacific Ocean, which became a vast moat to protect us as long as we held it. Indeed, it acts as a protective shield for all of the Americas and all free lands of the Pacific Ocean area. We control it to the shores of Asia by a chain of islands extending in an arc from the Aleutians to the Mariannas held by us and our free allies. From this island chain we can dominate with sea and air power every Asiatic port from Vladivostok to Singapore -- with sea and air power every port, as I said, from Vladivostok to Singapore -- and prevent any hostile movement into thePacific.Any predatory attack from Asia must be an amphibious effort.* No amphibious force can be successful without control of the sea lanes and the air over those lanes in its avenue of advance. With naval and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental Asia toward us or our friends in the Pacific would be doomed to failure. Under such conditions, the Pacific no longer represents menacing avenues of approach for a prospective invader. It assumes, instead, the friendly aspect of a peaceful lake. Our line of defense is a natural one and can be maintained with a minimum of military effort and expense. It envisions no attack against anyone, nor does it provide the bastions essential for offensive operations, but properly maintained, would be an invincible defense against aggression. The holding of this literal defense line in the western Pacific is entirely dependent upon holding all segments thereof; for any major breach of that line by an unfriendly power would render vulnerable to determined attack every othermajor segment.This is a military estimate as to which I have yet to find a military leader who will take exception. For that reason, I have strongly recommended in the past, as a matter of military urgency, that under no circumstances must Formosa fall under Communist control. Such an eventuality would at once threaten the freedom of the Philippines and the loss of Japan and might well force our western frontier back to the coast of California, Oregon and Washington. To understand the changes which now appear upon the Chinese mainland, one must understand the changes in Chinese character and culture over the past 50 years. China, up to 50 years ago, was completely non-homogenous, being compartmented into groups divided against each other. The war-making tendency was almost non-existent, as they still followed the tenets of the Confucian ideal of pacifist culture. At the turn of the century, under the regime of Chang Tso Lin, efforts toward greater homogeneity produced the start of a nationalist urge. This was further and more successfully developed under the leadership of Chiang Kai-Shek, but has been brought to its greatest fruition under the present regime to the point that it has now taken on the character ofa united nationalism of increasingly dominant, aggressive tendencies. Through these past 50 years the Chinese people have thus become militarized in their concepts and in their ideals. They now constitute excellent soldiers, with competent staffs and commanders. This has produced a new and dominant power in Asia, which, for its own purposes, is allied with Soviet Russia but which in its own concepts and methods has become aggressively imperialistic, with a lust for expansion and increased power normal to this typeof imperialism.There is little of the ideological concept either one way or another in the Chinese make-up. The standard of living is so low and the capital accumulation has been so thoroughly dissipated by war that the masses are desperate and eager to follow any leadership which seems to promise thealleviation of local stringencies.I have from the beginning believed that the Chinese Communists' support ofthe North Koreans was the dominant one. Their interests are, at present, parallel with those of the Soviet. But I believe that the aggressiveness recently displayed not only in Korea but also in Indo-China and Tibet and pointing potentially toward the South reflects predominantly the same lust for the expansion of power which has animated every would-be conqueror since thebeginning of time.The Japanese people, since the war, have undergone the greatest reformation recorded in modern history. With a commendable will, eagerness to learn, and marked capacity to understand, they have, from the ashes left in war's wake, erected in Japan an edifice dedicated to the supremacy of individual liberty and personal dignity; and in the ensuing process there has been created a truly representative government committed to the advance of political morality, freedom of economic enterprise, and social justice.Politically, economically, and socially Japan is now abreast of many free nations of the earth and will not again fail the universal trust. That it may be counted upon to wield a profoundly beneficial influence over the course of events in Asia is attested by the magnificent manner in which the Japanese people have met the recent challenge of war, unrest, and confusion surrounding them from the outside and checked communism within their own frontiers without the slightest slackening in their forward progress. I sent all four of our occupation divisions to the Korean battlefront without the slightest qualms as to the effect of the resulting power vacuum upon Japan. The results fully justified my faith. I know of no nation more serene, orderly, andindustrious, nor in which higher hopes can be entertained for future constructive service in the advance of the human race.Of our former ward, the Philippines, we can look forward in confidence that the existing unrest will be corrected and a strong and healthy nation will grow in the longer aftermath of war's terrible destructiveness. We must be patient and understanding and never fail them -- as in our hour of need, they did not fail us.A Christian nation, the Philippines stand as a mighty bulwark of Christianity in the Far East, and its capacity for high moral leadership in Asia is unlimited.On Formosa, the government of the Republic of China has had the opportunity to refute by action much of the malicious gossip which so undermined the strength of its leadership on the Chinese mainland. The Formosan people are receiving a just and enlightened administration with majority representation on the organs of government, and politically, economically, and socially they appear to be advancing along sound and constructive lines.With this brief insight into the surrounding areas, I now turn to the Korean conflict. While I was not consulted prior to the President's decision to intervene in support of the Republic of Korea, that decision from a military standpoint, proved a sound one, as we hurled back the invader and decimated his forces. Our victory was complete, and our objectives within reach, when Red China intervened with numerically superior ground forces.This created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situation notcontemplated when our forces were committed against the North Korean invaders; a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of military strategy.Such decisions have not been forthcoming.While no man in his right mind would advocate sending our ground forces into continental China, and such was never given a thought, the new situation did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had defeated the old.Apart from the military need, as I saw It, to neutralize the sanctuary protection given the enemy north of the Yalu, I felt that military necessity in the conduct of the war made necessary: first the intensification of our economic blockade against China; two the imposition of a naval blockade against the China coast; three removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance of China's coastal areas and of Manchuria; four removal of restrictions on the forces of the Republic of China on Formosa, with logistical support to contribute to their effectiveoperations against the common enemy.For entertaining these views, all professionally designed to support our forcescommitted to Korea and bring hostilities to an end with the least possible delay and at a saving of countless American and allied lives, I have been severely criticized in lay circles, principally abroad, despite my understanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in the past bypractically every military leader concerned with the Korean campaign,including our own Joint Chiefs of Staff.I called for reinforcements but was informed that reinforcements were not available. I made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-up bases north of the Yalu, if not permitted to utilize the friendly Chinese Force of some 600,000 men on Formosa, if not permitted to blockade the China coast to prevent the Chinese Reds from getting succor from without, and if there were to be no hope of major reinforcements, the position of the command from themilitary standpoint forbade victory.We could hold in Korea by constant maneuver and in an approximate area where our supply line advantages were in balance with the supply line disadvantages of the enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive campaign with its terrible and constant attrition upon our forces if the enemy utilized its full military potential. I have constantly called for the new politicaldecisions essential to a solution.Efforts have been made to distort my position. It has been said, in effect, that I was a warmonger. Nothing could be further from the truth. I know war as few other men now living know it, and nothing to me is more revolting. I have long advocated its complete abolition, as its very destructiveness on both friend and foe has rendered it useless as a means of settling international disputes. Indeed, on the second day of September, nineteen hundred and forty-five, just following the surrender of the Japanese nation on the Battleship Missouri, Iformally cautioned as follows:"Men since the beginning of time havesought peace. Various methods through theages have been attempted to devise aninternational process to prevent or settledisputes between nations. From the verystart workable methods were found in sofar as individual citizens were concerned,but the mechanics of an instrumentality oflarger international scope have neverbeen successful. Military alliances,balances of power, Leagues of Nations,all in turn failed, leaving the only path tobe by way of the crucible of war. Theutter destructiveness of war now blocksout this alternative. We have had our lastchance. If we will not devise somegreater and more equitable system,Armageddon will be at our door. Theproblem basically is theological andinvolves a spiritual recrudescence andimprovement of human character that willsynchronize with our almost matchlessadvances in science, art, literature, and allmaterial and cultural developments ofthe past 2000 years. It must be of the spiritif we are to save the flesh."But once war is forced upon us, there is no other alternative than to apply every available means to bring it to a swift end.War's very object is victory, not prolonged indecision.In war there is no substitute for victory.There are some who, for varying reasons, would appease Red China. They are blind to history's clear lesson, for history teaches with unmistakable emphasis that appeasement but begets new and bloodier war. It points to no single instance where this end has justified that means, where appeasement has led to more than a sham peace. Like blackmail, it lays the basis for new and successively greater demands until, as in blackmail, violence becomes theonly other alternative."Why," my soldiers asked of me, "surrender military advantages to an enemyin the field?" I could not answer.Some may say: to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-out war with China; others, to avoid Soviet intervention. Neither explanation seems valid, for China is already engaging with the maximum power it can commit, and the Soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our moves. Like a cobra, any new enemy will more likely strike whenever it feels that the relativity in military or other potential is in its favor on a world-wide basis.The tragedy of Korea is further heightened by the fact that its military action is confined to its territorial limits. It condemns that nation, which it is our purpose to save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bombardment while the enemy's sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack anddevastation.Of the nations of the world, Korea alone, up to now, is the sole one which has risked its all against communism. The magnificence of the courage and fortitude of the Korean people defies description.They have chosen to risk death rather than slavery. Their last words to mewere: "Don't scuttle the Pacific!"I have just left your fighting sons in Korea. They have met all tests there, and Ican report to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way.It was my constant effort to preserve them and end this savage conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and a minimum sacrifice of life. Its growing bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and anxiety.Those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my prayers always.I am closing my 52 years of military service. When I joined the Army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams. The world has turned over many times since I took the oath on the plain at West Point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but I still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that "old soldiers never die; they justfade away."And like the old soldier of that ballad, I now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as God gave him the light tosee that duty.Good Bye.。