美国总统演讲翻译_罗斯福_1936年民主党代表大会
美国总统罗斯福珍珠港演讲稿
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美国总统罗斯福珍珠港演讲稿(英文版)Mr. Vice President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives:Yesterday, December 7th, 1941 -- a date which will live in infamy -- the United States of America was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the Empire of Japan.The United States was at peace with that nation and, at the solicitation of Japan, was still in conversation with its government and its emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the Pacific.Indeed, one hour after Japanese air squadrons had commenced bombing in the American island of Oahu, the Japanese ambassador to the United States and his colleague delivered to our Secretary of State a formal reply to a recent American message. And while this reply stated that it seemed useless to continue the existing diplomatic negotiations, it contained no threat or hint of war or of armed attack.It will be recorded that the distance of Hawaii from Japan makes it obvious that the attack was deliberately planned many days or even weeks ago. During the intervening time, the Japanese government has deliberately sought to deceive the United States by false statements and expressions of hope for continued peace.The attack yesterday on the Hawaiian islands has caused severe damage to American naval and military forces. I regret to tell you that very many American lives have been lost. In addition, American ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between San Francisco and Honolulu.Yesterday, the Japanese government also launched an attack against Malaya.Last night, Japanese forces attacked Hong Kong.Last night, Japanese forces attacked Guam.Last night, Japanese forces attacked the Philippine Islands.Last night, the Japanese attacked Wake Island.And this morning, the Japanese attacked Midway Island.Japan has, therefore, undertaken a surprise offensive extending throughout the Pacific area. The facts of yesterday and today speak for themselves. The people of the United States have already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to thevery life and safety of our nation.fdrwarspeech.jpgAs commander in chief of the Army and Navy, I have directed that all measures be taken for our defense. But always will our whole nation remember the character of the onslaught against us.No matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion, the American people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory.I believe that I interpret the will of the Congress and of the people when I assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make it very certain that this form of treachery shall never again endanger us.Hostilities exist. There is no blinking at the fact that our people, our territory, and our interests are in grave danger.With confidence in our armed forces, with the unbounding determination of our people, we will gain the inevitable triumph -- so help us God.I ask that the Congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by Japan on Sunday, December 7th, 1941, a state of war has existed between the United States and the Japanese empire.美国总统罗斯福珍珠港演讲稿(中文版)副总统先生、议长先生、参众两院各位议员:昨天,1941年12月7日——必须永远记住这个耻辱的日子——美利坚合众国受到了日本帝国海空军突然的蓄意的进攻。
美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿
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美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿(英文,中文版)美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿(英文版)President Hoover, Mr. Chief Justice, my friends:This is a day of national consecration. And I am certain that on this day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency, I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels.This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure, as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself --nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and of vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunk to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; and the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone. More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.And yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply.Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and have abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.True, they have tried. But their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. The measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy, the moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.Recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, and on unselfish performance; without them it cannot live.Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This Nation is asking for action, and action now.Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing great -- greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.Hand in hand with that we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.Yes, the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products, and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by insistence that the Federal, the State, and the local governments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, unequal. It can be helped by national planning for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of communications and other utilities that have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by merely talking about it.We must act. We must act quickly.And finally, in our progress towards a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order. There must be a strict supervision of all banking and creditsand investments. There must be an end to speculation with other people's money. And there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special session detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 States.Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order and making income balance outgo. Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time, and necessity, secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy.I favor, as a practical policy, the putting of first things first. I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment; but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not nationally --narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements in and parts of the United States of America -- a recognition of the old and permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to recovery. It is the immediate way. It is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this Nation to the policy of the good neighbor: the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others; the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors.If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize, as we have never realized before, our interdependence on each other; that we can not merely take, but we must give as well; that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective.We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline, because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the larger good. This, I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes will bind upon us, bind upon us all as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.Action in this image, action to this end is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from our ancestors. Our Constitution is so simple, so practical that it is possible always to meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form. That is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen.It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations. And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority may be wholly equal, wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require. These measures, or such other measures as the Congress may build out of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.But, in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two courses, in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me. I shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis -- broad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.For the trust reposed in me, I will return the courage and the devotion that befit the time. I can do no less.We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values; with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike. We aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.We do not distrust the -- the future of essential democracy. The people of the United States have not failed. In their need they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline and direction under leadership. They have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift I take it.In this dedication -- In this dedication of a Nation, we humbly ask the blessing of God.May He protect each and every one of us.May He guide me in the days to come.美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿(中文版)胡佛总统,首席法官先生,朋友们:今天,对我们的国家来说,是一个神圣的日子。
美国总统罗斯福就职英语演讲稿
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美国总统罗斯福就职英语演讲稿Ladies and gentlemen,I stand before you today humbled and honored to take the sacred oath of office as the 32nd President of the United States of America. I am fully aware of the gravity of the responsibility that comes with this position, and I pledge to do my utmost to serve this great nation to the best of my ability.As we gather here today, we are faced with unprecedented challenges. We are in the depths of a profound economic crisis that has left millions of Americans unemployed and struggling to make ends meet. We are also confronting the growing threat of international conflicts that threaten the security and stability of our nation and the world.But in the face of these challenges, we must remain resolute and steadfast. We must draw upon the courage and determination of those who came before us to confront adversity and emerge stronger and more resilient than ever.It is my belief that the only way we can face these challenges is through a united and cooperative effort. We must reach across divides of race, religion, and political ideology to find common ground and work together towards a brighter future for all Americans.As I enter into this office, I am mindful of the great responsibility that comes with it. I am humbled by the trust that has been placed in me by the American people, and I vow to work tirelessly to earnand maintain that trust.In the days, weeks, and months ahead, I will work closely with my fellow Americans to help create jobs and secure our economic future. I will work tirelessly to ensure that every American has access to quality healthcare and education, and I will work to promote the values of democracy, freedom, and justice both at home and abroad.But I cannot do this alone. I call upon all Americans, regardless of political affiliation, to join me in this noble effort to build a better and more just society. Together, we can overcome the challenges that lie ahead and leave a brighter future for the generations to come.Thank you, and God Bless the United States of America.。
罗斯福就职演讲fear
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罗斯福就职演讲fe ar罗斯福就职演讲fear篇一: 33罗斯福就职演讲中英 Fi rst Inau gural Ad dress of Frankli n D. Roo sevelt S ATURDAY, MARCH 4,33 I am ertainthat m f ello Ame rians ex pet that on m in dution i nto thePresiden Iill a ddress t hem itha andorand a de ision hi h the pr esent si tuationof our N ation im pels. Th is is pr eeminent l the ti me to sp eak thetruth, t he holetruth, f rankl an d boldl.Nor nee d e shri nk fromhonestlfaing on ditionsin our o untr tod a. Thisgreat Na tion ill endureas it ha s endure d, ill r evive an d ill pr osper. S o, first of all,let meassert m firm be lief tha t the on l thinge have t o fear i s fear i tself--n ameless,ueasoni ng, unju stifiedterror h ih paral zes need ed effor ts to on vertret reat int o advane. In eve r dark h our of o ur natio nal life a leade rship of frankne ss and v igor has met ith thatun derstand ing andsupportof the p eople th emselves hih isessentia l to vit or. I am onvined that ou ill aga in givethat sup port toleadersh ip in th ese riti al das.In suh a spiriton m par t and on ours efae ourmon diff iulties.The one rn, than k God, o nl mater ial thin gs. Valu es haveshrunken to fant asti lev els; tax es haverisen; o ur abili t to pahas fall en;gove rnment o f all ki nds is f aed b se rious ur tailment of ine; the mea ns of ex hange ar e frozen in theurrentsof trade; the it hered le aves ofindustri al enter prise li e on eve r side;farmersfind nomarketsfor thei r produe; the sa vings of man ear s in tho usands o f famili es are g one. Mor e import ant, a h ost of u nemploed itizens fae the grim pr oblem of existen e, and a nequall great n umber to il ith l ittle re turn. On l a fool ish opti mist anden thedark rea lities o f the mo ment. Ye t ourdi stress e s from n o failur e of sub stane. W e are st riken bno plagu e of lou sts. Com pared it h the pe rils hih our for efathers onquere d beause the bel ieved an d ere no t afraid, e havestill m uh to be thankfu l for. N ature st ill offe rs her b ount and human e fforts h ave mult iplied i t. Plent is at o ur doors tep, but a gener ous useof it la nguishes in thever sigh t of the suppl.Primaril this is beausethe rule rs of th e exhang e ofman kind's goods have fa iled, th rough th eir on s tubbornn ess andtheir on inpeten e, haveadmitted their f ailure,andabdi ated. Pr aties of the uns rupulous mone ha ngers st and indi ted in t he ourtof publi opinion, rejete d b thehearts a nd minds of men. True th e have t ried, bu t theireffortshave bee n ast in the pat tern ofan outor n tradit ion. Fae d b fail ure of r edit the have pr oposed o nl the l ending o f more m one. Str ipped of the lur e of pro fit b hi h to ind ue our p eople to follo t heir fal se leade rship, t he haveresorted to exho rtations, pleadi ngtearf ull forrestored onfiden e. The k no onl t he rules of age neration of self-seekers. The ha ve no vi sion, an d hen th ere is n o vision the peo ple peri sh.The m one hang ers have fled fr om their high se ats in t he templ e of our iviliza tion. We mano r estore t hat temp le to th e anient truths.The mea sure ofthe rest orationlies inthe exte nt to hi h e appl soial v alues mo re noble than me re monet ar profi t.Happin ess lies not inthe mere possess ion of m one; itlies inthe jo o f ahieve ment, in the thr ill of r eative e ffort. T he jo an d moralstimulat ion of o rk no lo nger mus t be for gotten i n the ma d hase o f evanes ent prof its. The se darkdas illbe orthall theost us i f the te ah us th at our t rue dest in is no t to beminister ed untobut to m inisterto ourse lves and to ourfello me n.Reogni tion ofthe fals it ofma terial e alth asthe stan dard ofsuess go es handin handith theabandonm ent of t he false beliefthat pub li offie and hig h politi al posit ion areto be va lued onl b the s tandards of prid e of pla e and pe rsonal p rofit; a nd there must be an endto a ond ut in ba nking an d in bus iness hi h too of ten hasgiven to a sared trust t he liken ess of a llous an d selfis h rongdo ing. Sma ll onder that on fidene l anguishe s, for i t thrive s onl on honest,on hono r, on th e saredn ess of o bligatio ns, on f aithfulprotetio n, onun selfishperforma ne; itho ut themit annot live. R estorati on alls, hoever, not for hangesin ethis alone.This Nat ion asks for ati on, andation no. Our gr eatest p rimar ta sk is to put peo ple to o rk. This is no u nsolvabl e proble m if e f ae it is el and o urageous l. It an be apli shed inpart b d iret rer uiting b the Gov ernmentitself,treating the tas k as e o uld trea t the em ergen of a ar, b ut at th e same t ime, thr ough thi s emplom ent, apl ishing g reatl ne eded pro jets tostimulat e and re organize the use of ournaturalresoures. Hand i n hand i th thise must f rankl re ognize t he overb alane of populat ion in o ur indus trial en ters and, b enga ging ona nation al salein a red istribut ion, end eavor to provide a bette r use of the lan d for th ose best fittedfor theland. Th e task a n be hel ped b de finite e fforts t o raisethe valu es of ag riultura l produt s and it h this t he poerto purha se the o utput of our iti es. It a n be hel ped b pr eventingrealist iall the tragedof the g roing lo ss throu gh forel osure of our sma ll homes and our farms.It an be helpedb insist ene that the Fed eral, St ate, and loal go vernment s at for thith on the dem and that their o st be dr astiallredued.It an be helpedb the un ifing of reliefativitie s hih to da are o ftensat tered, u neonomia l, and u nequal.It an be helpedb nation al plann ing forand supe rvisionof all f orms oftranspor tation a nd of mu niations and oth er utili ties hih have adefinite l publiharater.There a re man a s in hih it an b e helped, but it an neve r be hel ped mere l b talk ing abou t it. We must at and atquikl. F inall, i n our pr ogress t oard a r esumptio n of ork e requi re to sa feguards against a retur n of the evils o f the ol d order; there m ust be a strit s upervisi on of al l bankin g and re dits and investm ents; th ere must be an e nd to sp eulation ith oth er peopl e'smone, an d theremust beprovisio n for an adequat e but so und urre n. There are the lines o f attak.I shall present l urge u pon a ne Congres s in spe ial sess ion deta iled mea sures fo r theirfulfillm ent, and I shall seek th e immedi ate assi stane of the sev eral Sta tes. Thr ough thi s progra m of ati on e add ress our selves t o puttin g our on national house i n orderand maki ng ine b alane ou tgo. Our interna tional t rade rel ations,though v astl imp ortant,are in p oint oftime and neessit seondar to theestablis hment of a sound nationa l eonom. I favor as a pr atial po li the p utting o f firstthings f irst. Ishall sp are no e ffort to restore orld tr ade b in ternatio nal eono mireadj ustment, but the emergen at home annot a it on th ataplis hment. T he basithoughtthat gui des thes e speifi means o f nation al reove r is not narrolnational isti. It is theinsisten e, as afirst on siderati on, upon the int erdepend ene of t he vario us eleme nts in a ll parts of theUnited S tates--a reognit ion of t he old a nd perma nentl im portantmanifest ation of the Ame rianspi rit of t he pione er. It i s the ato reove r. It is theimm ediate a. It isthe stro ngest as surane t hat thereover i ll endur e. In th e fieldof orldpoli I o uld dedi ate this Nationto the p oli of t he goodneighbor--the ne ighbor h o resolu tel resp ets hims elf and, beausehe doesso, resp ets therights o f others-- the n eighborho respe ts his o bligatio nsand r espets t he santi t of his agreeme nts in a nd ith a orld of neighbo rs. If I read th e temper of ourpeople o rretl, e noreal ize as e have ne ver real ized bef ore ourinterdep endene o n eah ot her; tha t e an n ot merel take bu t e must give as ell; th at if eare to g o forard, e must move as a train ed and l oal armilling t o sarifi e for th e good o f a mondisiplin e, beaus e ithout suh dis ipline n o progre ss is ma de, no l eadershi p bees e ffetive. We are,I kno,read and illingto submi t our li ves andpropertto suh d isipline, beause it make s possib le a lea dershiphih aims at a la rger goo d. ThisI propos e to off er, pled ging tha t the la rger pur poses il l bind u pon us a ll as asared ob ligation ith a u nit of d ut hithe rto evok ed onl i n time o f armedstrife.With thi s pledge taken,I assume unhesit atingl t he leade rship of this gr eat armof our p eople de diated t o a disi plined a ttak upo n our mo n proble ms. Atio n in thi s imageand to t his endis feasi ble unde r the fo rm of go vernment hih e h ave inhe rited fr omour a nestors. Our Con stitutio n is sosimple a nd prati al thatit is po ssible a las to m eet extr aordinar needs b hangesin empha sis andarrangem ent itho ut lossof essen tial for m. Thatis h our onstitu tional s stem has proveditself t he mostsuperblenduring politia l mehani sm the m odern or ld has p rodued.It has m et everstress o f vast e xpansion of terr itor, of foreign ars, of bitterinternal strife, of orld relatio ns.It is to be h oped tha t the no rmal bal ane of e xeutiveand legi slativeauthorit ma be h oll adeq uate tomeet the unpreed ented ta sk befor e us. Bu t it mabe thatan unpre edenteddemand a nd needfor unde laed ati on ma al l for te mporar d eparture from th at norma l balane of publ i proedu re.I amprepared under monstitu tional d ut to re mend the measure s that a striken nationin the m idst ofa strike n orld m a requir e. These measure s, or su h othermeasures as theCongress ma buil d out of itsexpe riene an d isdom, I shall seek, i thin m o nstituti onal aut horit, t o bringto speed adoptio n. But i n the ev ent that the Con gresssh all fail to take one ofthese to ourses, and inthe even t that t he natio nal emer gen is s till rit ial, I s hall not evade t he learourse of dut tha t ill th en onfro nt me. I shall a skthe C ongressfor theone rema ining in strument to meet theris is--broa d Exeuti ve poerto age a ar agai nst theemergen, as grea t as the poer th at ouldbe given to me i f e ereinfat i nvaded b a forei gn foe.For thetrust re posed in me I il l return the our age andthe devo tion tha t befitthe time. I an d o no les s. We fa e the ar duous da s that l ie befor e us inthe armourage o f the na tional u nit; ith the lea r onsiou sness of seeking old and preious moral v alues; i th the l ean sati sfationthat esfrom the stem pe rformane of dutb old an d oung a like. We aim atthe assu rane ofa rounde d and pe rmanentnational life. W e do not distrus t the fu ture ofessentia l demora. The pe ople ofthe Unit ed State s have n ot faile d. In th eir need the hav e regist ered a m andate t hat theant dire t, vigor ous atio n. The h ave aske d for di siplineand dire tion und er leade rship. T he havemade methe pres ent inst rument o f theirishes. I n the sp irit ofthe gift I takeit. In t his dedi ation of a Natio n e humb l ask th e blessi ng of Go d. Ma He proteteah andever one of us.Ma He gu ide me i n the da s to e.我们唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身富兰克林-罗斯福第一次就职演讲星期六,1933年3月4日我肯定,同胞们都期待我在就任总统时,会像我国目前形势所要求的那样,坦率而果断地向他们讲话。
富兰克林罗斯福就职演讲
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富兰克林罗斯福就职演讲篇一:罗斯福的首次就职演说美国总统罗斯福的首次就职演说1933年3月4日富兰克林罗斯福就任美国总统之时,美国正在遭受经济危机的沉重打击。
他在就职演说中呼吁美国人摆脱恐惧心理,迅速行动起来应付危机,并要求国会授予他广泛的行政权力。
值此我就职之际,同胞们肯定期望我以我国当前情势所要求的坦率和果断来发表演说。
现在确实尤其有必要坦白而果敢地谈一谈真情实况,全部的真情实况。
我们没有必要去躲闪,不去老老实实地面对我国今天的情况。
我们的国家过去经得起考验,今后还会经得起考验,复兴起来,繁荣下去。
因此,首先,允许我申明我的坚定信念:我们唯一值得恐惧的就是恐惧本身——会使我们由后退转而前进所需的努力陷于瘫痪的那种无名的、没有道理的、毫无根据的害怕。
在我们国家生活中每一个黑暗的时刻,直言不讳、坚强有力的领导都曾经得到人民的谅解和支持,从而保证了胜利。
我坚信,在当前的危机时期,你们也会再一次对领导表示支持。
我和你们都要以这样一种精神来面对共同的困难。
感谢上帝,这些困难都只是物质方面的。
价值贬缩到难以想象的程度;赋税增加了;我们纳税的能力则已降低;各级政府都遇到严重的收入减少;叹交换手段难逃贸易长流冰封,看工业企业尽成枯枝残叶;农场主的产品找不到市场;千万个家庭的多年积蓄毁于一旦。
更重要的是,大批的失业公民面临严峻的生存问题,而艰苦劳动却所得甚微的也不在少数。
只有愚蠢的乐天派才能否认眼前的暗淡现实。
但是,我们的困难并不是由于实质上的失败。
我们没有遭到什么蝗虫之害。
我们的祖先笃信上帝,无所畏惧,因而所向披靡,比起他们的艰险,我们还该说是万幸。
大自然的施惠不减,而人的努力更是使其倍增。
我们手头并不匮乏,然而丰足却激发不起来慷慨的用度。
这首先是因为掌握人类物品交换的统治者们的顽固和无能,他们承认失败而自动退位。
贪得无厌的钱商们在舆论的法庭上被宣告有罪,是为人类思想感情上所厌弃的。
他们也的确作了努力,但是他们的努力脱不开过时传统的巢臼。
1933年美国总统罗斯福就职演说_0
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1933年美国总统罗斯福就职演说篇一:1933年美国总统罗斯福就职演说11933年美国总统罗斯福就职演说FirstofFranklind.RooseveltSaTURdaY,maRcH4,1933 iamthatmyfellowamericansexpectthatonmyinductionintothePresidencyiwi llthemwithaandawhichthepresentsituationofournationimpels.Thisispreemi nentlythetimetospeakthetruth,thewholetruth,franklyandboldly.norneedwes hrinkfromhonestlyfacingconditionsinourcountrytoday.Thisgreatnationwill asithasendured,willandwill.So,firstofall,letmemyfirmbeliefthattheonlythin gwehavetofearisfearitself--nameless,ueasoning,whichparalyzesneededeffo rtstointoadvance.ineverydarkhourofournationallifealeadershipofandhasme twiththatunderstandingandsupportofthepeoplethemselveswhichistovictory .iamthatyouwillagaingivethatsupporttoleadershipinthesedays.insuchaspirit onmypartandonyourswefaceourcommondifficulties.They,thankGod,only materialthings.Valueshaveshrunkentolevels;taxeshaverisen;ourabilitytopa yhasfallen;governmentofallkindsisfacedbyseriouscurtailmentofincome;the meansofarefrozenintheoftrade;thewitheredleavesofindustriallieoneverysid e;farmersfindnomarketsfortheir;thesavingsofmanyyearsinthousandsoffami liesaregone.moreimportant,ahostofunemployedcitizensfacethegrimproblemofexistenc e,andanequallygreatnumberwithlittlereturn.onlyafoolishoptimistcanthedar krealitiesofthemoment. Yetourdistresscomesfromnofailureofsubstance.wearestrickenbynoplagueo paredwiththeperilswhichourforefathersconqueredbecausethe ybelievedandwerenotafraid,wehavestillmuchtobethankfulfor.naturestilloff ersherbountyandhumaneffortshavemultipliedit.Plentyisatourdoorstep,buta useofitlanguishesintheverysightofthe.Primarilythisisbecausetherulersofthe ofmankind'sgoodshavefailed,throughtheirownstubbornnessandtheir own,haveadmittedtheirfailure,andabdicated.Practicesofthemoneychangers standinthecourtofpublicopinion,rejectedbytheheartsandmindsofmen. Truetheyhavetried,buttheireffortshavebeencastinthepatternofanoutworntra dition.Facedbyfailureoftheyhaveproposedonlythelendingofmoremoney.oft helureofprofitbywhichtoourpeopletofollowtheirfalseleadership,theyhavere sortedtoexhortations,tearfullyfor.Theyknowonlytherulesofagenerationofse lf-seekers.Theyhavenovision,andwhenthereisnovisionthepeople. Themoneychangershavefledfromtheirhighseatsinthetempleofourcivilizatio n.wemaynowthattempletotheancienttruths.Theoftheliesinthetowhichweap plyvaluesmorenoblethanmereprofit. Happinessliesnotinthemereofmoney;itliesinthejoyof,inthethrillofeffort.Th ejoyandmoralofworknolongermustbeforgotteninthemadofprofits.Thesedar kdayswillbeworthalltheycostusiftheyteachusthatourtruedestinyisnottobeministereduntobuttoministertoourselvesandtoourfellowmen. ofthefalsityofmaterialwealthasthestandardofsuccessgoeshandinhandwithth eabandonmentofthefalsebeliefthatpublicofficeandhighpoliticalpositionaret obevaluedonlybythestandardsofofplaceandpersonalprofit;andtheremustbe anendtoainbankingandinbusinesswhichtoooftenhasgiventoatrusttheofands elfish.Smallwonderthatlanguishes,foritthrivesonlyon,onhonor,onthesacred nessofobligations,on,on;withoutthemitcannotlive.calls,however,notforchangesinalone.Thisnationasksforaction,andactionno w.ourgreatestprimarytaskistoputpeopletowork.Thisisnounsolvableproblemif wefaceitwiselyandcourageously.itcanbeinpartbydirectrecruitingbytheGov ernmentitself,treatingthetaskaswewouldtreattheemergencyofawar,butatthe sametime,throughthisemployment,accomplishinggreatlyneededprojectsto andreorganizetheuseofournaturalresources. Handinhandwiththiswemustfranklyrecognizetheoverbalanceofpopulationi nourindustrialcentersand,byonanationalina,endeavortoprovideabetteruseof thelandforthosebestfittedfortheland.Thetaskcanbehelpedbyeffortstoraiseth evaluesofagriculturalproductsandwiththisthepowertotheoutputofourcities.i tcanbehelpedbypreventingrealisticallythetragedyofthegrowinglossthrough ofoursmallhomesandourfarms.itcanbehelpedbythattheFederal,State,andlo calgovernmentsactforthwithonthethattheircostbedrasticallyreduced.itcanb ehelpedbytheunifyingofactivitieswhichtodayareoftenscattered,uneconomical,andunequal.itcanbehelpedbynationalplanningforandofallformsofandof communicationsandotherutilitieswhichhaveadefinitelypubliccharacter.The rearemanywaysinwhichitcanbehelped,butitcanneverbehelpedbytalkingabo utit.wemustactandactquickly.Finally,inourprogresstowardaresumptionofw orkwerequiretwosafeguardsagainstareturnoftheevilsoftheoldorder;therem ustbeaofallbankingandcreditsandinvestments;theremustbeanendtowithoth erpeople'smoney,andtheremustbeforanbutsoundcurrency. Therearethelinesofattack.ishallpresentlyuponanewcongressinspecialsessio nmeasuresfortheir,andishallseektheoftheseveralStates. Throughthisprogramofactionweourselvestoputtingourownnationalhousein orderandmakingincomebalanceoutgo.ourinternationaltraderelations,thoug hvastlyimportant,areinpointoftimeandsecondarytotheofasoundnationaleco nomy.ifavorasapracticalpolicytheputtingoffirstthingsfirst.ishallnoeffortto worldtradebyinternationaleconomicreadjustment,buttheemergencyathome cannotwaitonthat. Thebasicthoughtthatguidesthesespecificmeansofnationalrecoveryisnotnarr owlynationalistic.itisthe,asafirst,upontheofthevariouselementsinallpartsoft heUnitedStates--aoftheoldandimportantoftheamericanspiritofthepioneer.it isthewayto.itistheway.itisthestrongestthatthewill. inthefieldofworldpolicyiwouldthisnationtothepolicyofthegoodneighbor--t heneighborwhoresolutelyrespectshimselfand,becausehedoesso,respectsthe rightsofothers--theneighborwhorespectshisobligationsandrespectsthesanctityofhisagreementsinandwithaworldofneighbors. ifireadthetemperofourpeoplecorrectly,wenowrealizeaswehaveneverrealize dbeforeouroneachother;thatwecannottakebutwemustgiveaswell;thatifwear etogoforward,wemustmoveasatrainedandloyalarmytoforthegoodofacomm on,becausewithoutsuchdisciplinenoprogressismade,noleadershipbecomes. weare,iknow,readyandwillingtoourlivesandtosuchdiscipline,becauseitmak espossiblealeadershipwhichaimsatalargergood.Thisiproposetooffer,pledgi ngthatthelargerpurposeswillbinduponusallasawithaunityofdutyevokedonly intimeofarmedstrife.withthispledgetaken,iassumeunhesitatinglytheleaders hipofthisgreatarmyofourpeopletoaattackuponourcommonproblems. actioninthisimageandtothisendisfeasibleundertheformofgovernmentwhich wehaveinheritedfromourancestors.ourissosimpleandpracticalthatitispossib lealwaystomeetneedsbychangesinandwithoutlossofform.Thatiswhyoursys temhasproveditselfthemostpoliticalthemodernworldhasproduced.ithasmet everyofof,offoreignwars,ofbitterstrife,ofworldrelations. itistobehopedthatthenormalbalanceofexecutiveandlegislativeauthoritymay bewhollytomeetthetaskbeforeus.Butitmaybethatan unprecedentedandneedforundelayedactionmaycallforfromthatbalanceofpu blic.iampreparedundermyconstitutionaldutyto(:1933年美国总统罗斯福就职演说)recommendthemeasuresthatastrickennationinthemidstofastrickenworldmayrequire.Thesemeasures,orsuchothermeasuresasthecongressmaybuildo utofitsexperienceandwisdom,ishallseek,withinmyconstitutional,tobringtos peedyadoption. Butintheeventthatthecongressshallfailtotakeoneofthesetwocourses,andinth eeventthatthenationalemergencyisstill,ishallnottheclearcourseofdutythatw illthenme.ishallaskthecongressfortheoneremainingtomeetthecrisis--broadp owertowageawaragainsttheemergency,asgreatasthepowerthatwouldbegive ntomeifwewereinfactinvadedbyaforeignfoe. Forthetrustreposedinmeiwillreturnthecourageandthethatbefitthetime.icand onoless. wefacethedaysthatliebeforeusinthewarmcourageofthenationalunity;withth eclearofseekingoldandmoralvalues;withthecleanthatcomesfromtheofdutyb yoldandyoungalike.weaimattheofaroundedandnationallife. wedonotthefutureof.ThepeopleoftheUnitedStateshavenotfailed.intheirneedtheyhaveregisteredathattheywantdirect,action.T heyhaveaskedforanddirectionunderleadership.Theyhave mademethepresentoftheirwishes.inthespiritofthegiftitakeit. inthisofanationweasktheofGod.mayHeeachandeveryoneofus.mayHeguidemeinthedaystocome.我们唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身富兰克林-罗斯福第一次就职演讲星期六,1933年3月4日我肯定,同胞们都期待我在就任总统时,会像我国目前形势所要求的那样,坦率而果断地向他们讲话。
罗斯福的就职演讲
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first inaugural address of franklin d. rooseveltsaturday, march 4, 1933i am certain that my fellow americans expect that on my induction into thepresidency i will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situationof our nation impels. this is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the wholetruth, frankly and boldly. nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. this great nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. so, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we haveto fear is fear itself--nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzesneeded efforts to convert retreat into advance. in every dark hour of our nationallife a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. i am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.more important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.true they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. faced by failure of credit they have proposed only the lending of moremoney. stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow theirfalse leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. they know only the rules of a generation of self-seekers. they have novision, and when there is no vision the people perish.the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. wemay now restore that temple to the ancient truths. the measure of the restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetaryprofit.happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy ofachievement, in the thrill of creative effort. the joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. these dark dayswill be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to beministered unto but to minister to ourselves and to our fellow men.recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goeshand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and highpolitical position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place andpersonal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in businesswhich too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfishwrongdoing. small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, on unselfishperformance; without them it cannot live.restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. this nation asksfor action, and action now.hand in hand with this we must frankly recognize the overbalance of populationin our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution,endeavor toprovide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land. the taskcan be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products andwith this the power to purchase the output of our cities. it can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our small homesand our farms. it can be helped by insistence that the federal, state, and localgovernments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. itcan be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, and unequal. it can be helped by national planning for andfinally, in our progress toward a resumption of work we require two safeguardsagainst a return of the evils of the old order; there must be a strict supervisionof all banking and credits and investments; there must be an end to speculation withother peoples money, and there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency. there are the lines of attack. i shall presently urge upon a new congress inspecialsession detailed measures for their fulfillment, and i shall seek the immediate assistance of the several states.the basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is notnarrowly nationalistic. it is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon theinterdependence of the various elements in all parts of the united states--a recognition of the old and permanently important manifestation of the american spiritof the pioneer. it is the way to recovery. it is the immediate way. it is the strongest assurance that the recovery will endure.in the field of world policy i would dedicate this nation to the policy of thegoodneighbor--the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others-- the neighbor who r espects his obligations and respectsthe sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors.if i read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize as we have neverrealized before our interdependence on each other; that we can not merely take butwe must give as well; that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained andloyal army willing toaction in this image and to this end is feasible under the form of governmentwhich we have inherited from our ancestors. our constitution is so simple and practical that it is possible always to meet extraordinary needs by changes inemphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form. that is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has produced. it has met every stress of vast expansionof territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authoritymay be wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. but it may be thatanunprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.but in the event that the congress shall fail to take one of these two courses,and in the event that the national emergency is still critical, i shall not evadethe clear course of duty that will then confront me. i shall ask the congress forthe one remaining instrument to meet the crisis--broad executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we werein fact invaded by a foreign foe.for the trust reposed in me i will return the courage and the devotion that befit the time. i can do no less.we face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of the nationalunity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values; withthe cleanwe do not distrust the future of essential democracy. the people of the unitedstates have not failed. in their need they have registered a mandate that they wantdirect, vigorous action. they have asked for discipline and direction under leadership. they have made me the present instrument of their wishes. in the spiritof the gift i take it.译文:富兰克林-罗斯福第一次就职演讲星期六,1933年3月4日我肯定,同胞们都期待我在就任总统时,会像我国目前形势所要求的那样,坦率而果断地向他们讲话。
美国历代总统就职演说--杜鲁门总统,杰弗逊,林肯,罗斯福(中英对照)
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Inaugural Address of Harry S. TrumanTHURSDAY, JANUARY 20, 1949Mr. Vice President, Mr. Chief Justice, and fellow citizens, I acceptwith humility the honor which the American people have conferred uponme. I accept it with a deep resolve to do all that I can for thewelfare of this Nation and for the peace of the world.In performing the duties of my office, I need the help and prayers ofevery one of you. I ask for your encouragement and your support. Thetasks we face are difficult, and we can accomplish them only if we worktogether.Each period of our national history has had its special challenges.Those that confront us now are as momentous as any in the past. Todaymarks the beginning not only of a new administration, but of a periodthat will be eventful, perhaps decisive, for us and for the world.It may be our lot to experience, and in large measure to bring about,a major turning point in the long history of the human race. The firsthalf of this century has been marked by unprecedented and brutalattacks on the rights of man, and by the two most frightful wars inhistory. The supreme need of our time is for men to learn to livetogether in peace and harmony.The peoples of the earth face the future with grave uncertainty,composed almost equally of great hopes and great fears. In this time ofdoubt, they look to the United States as never before for good will,strength, and wise leadership.It is fitting, therefore, that we take this occasion to proclaim tothe world the essential principles of the faith by which we live, andto declare our aims to all peoples.The American people stand firm in the faith which has inspired thisNation from the beginning. We believe that all men have a right toequal justice under law and equal opportunity to share in the commongood. We believe that all men have the right to freedom of thought andexpression. We believe that all men are created equal because they arecreated in the image of God.From this faith we will not be moved.The American people desire, and are determined to work for, a worldin which all nations and all peoples are free to govern themselves asthey see fit, and to achieve a decent and satisfying life. Above allelse, our people desire, and are determined to work for, peace onearth--a just and lasting peace--based on genuine agreement freelyarrived at by equals.In the pursuit of these aims, the United States and other like-minded nations findthemselves directly opposed by a regime withcontrary aims and a totally different concept of life.That regime adheres to a false philosophy which purports to offerfreedom, security, and greater opportunity to mankind. Misled by thisphilosophy, many peoples have sacrificed their liberties only to learnto their sorrow that deceit and mockery, poverty and tyranny, are theirreward.That false philosophy is communism.Communism is based on the belief that man is so weak and inadequatethat he is unable to govern himself, and therefore requires the rule ofstrong masters.Democracy is based on the conviction that man has the moral andintellectual capacity, as well as the inalienable right, to governhimself with reason and justice.Communism subjects the individual to arrest without lawful cause,punishment without trial, and forced labor as the chattel of the state.It decrees what information he shall receive, what art he shallproduce, what leaders he shall follow, and what thoughts he shall think.Democracy maintains that government is established for the benefit ofthe individual, and is charged with the responsibility of protectingthe rights of the individual and his freedom in the exercise of hisabilities.Communism maintains that social wrongs can be corrected only by violence.Democracy has proved that social justice can be achieved through peaceful change.Communism holds that the world is so deeply divided into opposing classes that war is inevitable.Democracy holds that free nations can settle differences justly and maintain lasting peace.These differences between communism and democracy do not concern theUnited States alone. People everywhere are coming to realize that whatis involved is material well-being, human dignity, and the right tobelieve in and worship God.I state these differences, not to draw issues of belief as such, butbecause the actions resulting from the Communist philosophy are athreat to the efforts of free nations to bring about world recovery andlasting peace.Since the end of hostilities, the United States has invested itssubstance and its energy in a great constructive effort to restorepeace, stability, and freedom to the world.We have sought no territory and we have imposed our will on none. Wehave asked for no privileges we would not extend to others.We have constantly and vigorously supported the United Nations andrelated agencies as a means of applying democratic principles tointernational relations. We have consistently advocated and relied uponpeaceful settlement of disputes among nations.We have made every effort to secure agreement on effectiveinternational control of our most powerful weapon, and we have workedsteadily for the limitation and control of all armaments.We have encouraged, by precept and example, the expansion of world trade on a sound and fair basis.Almost a year ago, in company with 16 free nations of Europe, welaunched the greatest cooperative economic program in history. Thepurpose of that unprecedented effort is to invigorate and strengthendemocracy in Europe, so that the free people of that continent canresume their rightful place in the forefront of civilization and cancontribute once more to the security and welfare of the world.Our efforts have brought new hope to all mankind. We have beaten backdespair and defeatism. We have saved a number of countries from losingtheir liberty. Hundreds of millions of people all over the world nowagree with us, that we need not have war--that we can have peace.The initiative is ours.We are moving on with other nations to build an even strongerstructure of international order and justice. We shall have as ourpartners countries which, no longer solely concerned with the problemof national survival, are now working to improve the standards ofliving of all their people. We are ready to undertake new projects tostrengthen the free world.In the coming years, our program for peace and freedom will emphasize four major courses of action.First, we will continue to give unfaltering support to the UnitedNations and related agencies, and we will continue to search for waysto strengthen their authority and increase their effectiveness. Webelieve that the United Nations will be strengthened by the new nationswhich are being formed in lands now advancing toward self-governmentunder democratic principles.Second, we will continue our programs for world economic recovery.This means, first of all, that we must keep our full weight behindthe European recoveryprogram. We are confident of the success of thismajor venture in world recovery. We believe that our partners in thiseffort will achieve the status of self-supporting nations once again.In addition, we must carry out our plans for reducing the barriers toworld trade and increasing its volume. Economic recovery and peaceitself depend on increased world trade.Third, we will strengthen freedom-loving nations against the dangers of aggression.We are now working out with a number of countries a joint agreementdesigned to strengthen the security of the North Atlantic area. Such anagreement would take the form of a collective defense arrangementwithin the terms of the United Nations Charter.We have already established such a defense pact for the Western Hemisphere by the treaty of Rio de Janeiro.The primary purpose of these agreements is to provide unmistakableproof of the joint determination of the free countries to resist armedattack from any quarter. Each country participating in thesearrangements must contribute all it can to the common defense.If we can make it sufficiently clear, in advance, that any armedattack affecting our national security would be met with overwhelmingforce, the armed attack might never occur.I hope soon to send to the Senate a treaty respecting the North Atlantic security plan.In addition, we will provide military advice and equipment to freenations which will cooperate with us in the maintenance of peace andsecurity.Fourth, we must embark on a bold new program for making the benefitsof our scientific advances and industrial progress available for theimprovement and growth of underdeveloped areas.More than half the people of the world are living in conditionsapproaching misery. Their food is inadequate. They are victims ofdisease. Their economic life is primitive and stagnant. Their povertyis a handicap and a threat both to them and to more prosperous areas.For the first time in history, humanity possesses the knowledge and the skill to relieve the suffering of these people.The United States is pre-eminent among nations in the development ofindustrial and scientific techniques. The material resources which wecan afford to use for the assistance of other peoples are limited. Butour imponderable resources in technical knowledge are constantlygrowing and are inexhaustible.I believe that we should make available to peace-loving peoples thebenefits of our store oftechnical knowledge in order to help themrealize their aspirations for a better life. And, in cooperation withother nations, we should foster capital investment in areas needingdevelopment.Our aim should be to help the free peoples of the world, throughtheir own efforts, to produce more food, more clothing, more materialsfor housing, and more mechanical power to lighten their burdens.We invite other countries to pool their technological resources inthis undertaking. Their contributions will be warmly welcomed. Thisshould be a cooperative enterprise in which all nations work togetherthrough the United Nations and its specialized agencies whereverpracticable. It must be a worldwide effort for the achievement ofpeace, plenty, and freedom.With the cooperation of business, private capital, agriculture, andlabor in this country, this program can greatly increase the industrialactivity in other nations and can raise substantially their standardsof living.Such new economic developments must be devised and controlled tobenefit the peoples of the areas in which they are established.Guarantees to the investor must be balanced by guarantees in theinterest of the people whose resources and whose labor go into thesedevelopments.The old imperialism--exploitation for foreign profit--has no place inour plans. What we envisage is a program of development based on theconcepts of democratic fair-dealing.All countries, including our own, will greatly benefit from aconstructive program for the better use of the world's human andnatural resources. Experience shows that our commerce with othercountries expands as they progress industrially and economically.Greater production is the key to prosperity and peace. And the key togreater production is a wider and more vigorous application of modernscientific and technical knowledge.Only by helping the least fortunate of its members to help themselvescan the human family achieve the decent, satisfying life that is theright of all people.Democracy alone can supply the vitalizing force to stir the peoplesof the world into triumphant action, not only against their humanoppressors, but also against their ancient enemies-- hunger, misery,and despair.On the basis of these four major courses of action we hope to helpcreate the conditions that will lead eventually to personal freedom andhappiness for all mankind.If we are to be successful in carrying out these policies, it isclear that we must havecontinued prosperity in this country and wemust keep ourselves strong.Slowly but surely we are weaving a world fabric of international security and growing prosperity.We are aided by all who wish to live in freedom from fear--even by those who live today in fear under their own governments.We are aided by all who want relief from the lies of propaganda-- who desire truth and sincerity.We are aided by all who desire self-government and a voice in deciding their own affairs.We are aided by all who long for economic security--for the security and abundance that men in free societies can enjoy.We are aided by all who desire freedom of speech, freedom of religion, and freedom to live their own lives for useful ends.Our allies are the millions who hunger and thirst after righteousness.In due time, as our stability becomes manifest, as more and morenations come to know the benefits of democracy and to participate ingrowing abundance, I believe that those countries which now oppose uswill abandon their delusions and join with the free nations of theworld in a just settlement of international differences.Events have brought our American democracy to new influence and newresponsibilities. They will test our courage, our devotion to duty, andour concept of liberty.But I say to all men, what we have achieved in liberty, we will surpass in greater liberty.Steadfast in our faith in the Almighty, we will advance toward a world where man's freedom is secure.To that end we will devote our strength, our resources, and ourfirmness of resolve. With God's help, the future of mankind will beassured in a world of justice, harmony, and peace.【中文译文】:四项主要的行动方针哈里-杜鲁门就职演讲星期四,1949年1月20日我国历史上的各个时期都面临过特殊的挑战。
美国历史学习-罗斯福赢得1936年大选
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美国历史本人签名:靓女帅哥罗斯福赢得1936年大选1936年6月23日,在费城的民主党全国大会上,富兰克林.罗斯福总统接受下届总统提名1930年代,罗斯福的新政改变了美国政府的面貌。
新总统和国会通过了帮助农民、加强银行体系和为几百万工人提供工作岗位的立法。
罗斯福新政之一就是在美国组织起来的工会运动。
1920年代,工会领导者们在组织工人方面只取得一点点进步。
三位共和党总统和国家保守主义风暴阻止了他们发展更多的成员或者加强谈判能力。
1929年,在经济大萧条开始时期,组织起来的工会更是失败。
直到1933年,美国工会仅仅有不到3百万成员。
但是到了30年代末,超过1千5百万美国工人隶属于工会组织。
由罗斯福政府提议的新的法律为工会发展创造了条件。
1933年的国家产业复兴法给予工会领袖以组织和代表工人的权利。
最高法院裁定该法律违宪,但是另一项法律,1935年的华格纳工会关系法却帮助工会组织增强了他们的权利。
绝大多数美国传统工会组织领袖们理解其新的权利还不是很透彻。
他们都是保守之人。
他们仅仅代表某项技能的工人,比如木工和金属工。
他们很少组织其他行业技能的工人们。
但是一个新的工会组织领袖们利用新的法律组织起行业工会,而不是按技能。
他们相信,工人们为了取得共同要求而在同一工厂里与其他技能的工人联合起来就更加有力量。
这些工会领袖开始以汽车工业、钢铁工业和其他主要工业组织行业工会。
这一新运动的领导人就是煤矿工人的领袖约翰.刘易斯。
刘易斯是位身体强壮、思想坚强的有力领导者。
他12岁时就开始在煤矿工作。
刘易斯跃升为具有实权和成功的煤矿工人领袖。
但他也关注其他行业的工人们。
他相信,美国劳联的绝大多数领袖们却很少帮助这些工人们。
为此,刘易斯和几个工会组织的领导人组成了总工会,他们以产业而不是以技能来成立工会组织。
他们称呼其总工会名为美国产业工会联合会,简称CIO。
他们试图立即发展工会成员。
1937年前后纽约城的罢工者,由罗斯福政府所建议的一系列法律帮助鼓励劳工运动1935年,新泽西州的卡姆登市,失业的工会组织成员游行。
罗斯福对日宣战演讲中英文版
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罗斯福对日宣战演讲中英文版二战时,珍珠港战役世界瞩目,美国由此向日本宣战,当时的美国总统罗斯福是如何向日本宣战的呢?来看学习小编给大家整理的罗斯福对日宣战演讲,经典的中英文版:罗斯福对日宣战演讲英文版全文如下PEARL HARBOR SPEECHFranklin Delano RooseveltDecember 8, 1941To the Congress of the United States:Yesterday, Dec. 7, 1941 - a date which will live in infamy - the United States of America was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the Empire of Japan.The United States was at peace with that nation and, at the solicitation of Japan, was still in conversation with the government and its emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the Pacific.Indeed, one hour after Japanese air squadrons had commenced bombing in Oahu, the Japanese ambassador to the United States and his colleagues delivered to the Secretary of State a formal reply to a recent American message. While this reply stated that it seemed useless to continue the existing diplomatic negotiations, it contained no threat or hint of war or armed attack.It will be recorded that the distance of Hawaii from Japan makes it obvious that the attack was deliberately planned many days or even weeks ago. During the intervening time, the Japanese government has deliberately sought to deceive the United States by false statements and expressions of hope for continued peace.The attack yesterday on the Hawaiian islands has caused severe damage to American naval and military forces. Very many American lives have been lost. In addition, American ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between San Francisco and Honolulu.Yesterday, the Japanese government also launched an attack against Malaya.Last night, Japanese forces attacked Hong Kong.Last night, Japanese forces attacked Guam.Last night, Japanese forces attacked the Philippine Islands.Last night, the Japanese attacked Wake Island.This morning, the Japanese attacked Midway Island.Japan has, therefore, undertaken a surprise offensive extending throughout the Pacific area. The facts of yesterday speak for themselves. The people of the United States have already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.As commander in chief of the Army and Navy, I have directed that all measures be taken for our defense.Always will we remember the character of the onslaught against us.No matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion, the American people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory.I believe I interpret the will of the Congress and of the people when I assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make very certain that this form of treachery shall never endanger us again.Hostilities exist. There is no blinking at the fact that that our people, our territory and our interests are in grave danger.With confidence in our armed forces - with the unbounding determination of our people - we will gain the inevitable triumph - so help us God.I ask that the Congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by Japan on Sunday, Dec. 7, a state of war has existed between the United States and the Japanese empire. 罗斯福对日宣战演讲中文版副总统先生、议长先生、参众两院各位议员:昨天, 1941年12月7日——必须永远记住这个耻辱的日子——美利坚合众国受到了日本帝国海空军突然的蓄意的进攻。
罗斯福就职演说中文翻译
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富兰克林-罗斯福第一次就职演讲,星期六,1933年3月4日我肯定,同胞们都期待我在就任总统时,会像我国目前形势所要求的那样,坦率而果断地向他们讲话。
现在正是但白、勇敢地说出实话,说出全部实话的最好时刻,我们不必畏首畏尾,不着老实实面对我国今天的情况,这个伟大的国家会一如既住地坚持下去,它会复兴和繁荣起来。
因此,让我首先表明我的坚定信念:我们唯一下得不害怕的就是害怕本身——一种莫明其妙的、丧失理智的、毫无根据的恐惧,它会把转退为进所需的种种努力化为泡影。
凡在我国生活阴云密布的时刻,坦率而有活力的领导都得到过人民的理解和支持,从而为胜利准备了必不可少的条件。
我相信,在目前危急时刻,大家会再次给予同样的支持。
我和你们都要以这种槽神,来面对我们共同的困难。
感谢上帝,这些困难只是物质方面的。
价值难以想象地贬缩了;课税增加了,我们的支付能力下降了;各级政府面临着严重的收入短缺;交换手段在贸易过程中遭到了冻结;工业企业枯萎的落叶到处可见;农场主的产品找不到销路;千家万户多年的积蓄付之东流。
更重要的是,大批失业公民正面临严峻的生育问题,还有大批公民正以艰辛的劳动换取微薄的报酬。
只有愚蠢的乐天派会否认当前这些阴暗的现实。
但是,我们的苦恼决不是因为缺乏物资。
我们没有遭到什么蝗虫灾害。
我们的先辈曾以信念和无畏一次次转危为安,比起他们经历过的险阻,我们仍大可感到欣慰。
大自然仍在给予我们恩惠,人类的努力已使之倍增。
富足的憎景近在咫尺,但就在我们见到这种情景的时候,宽裕的生活却悄然离去。
这主要是因为主宰人类物资交换的统治者们失败了,他们固执己见而又无能为力,因而已经认定失败,并撒手不管了,贪得无厌的货币兑换商的种种行径,将受到舆论法庭的起诉,将受到人类心灵和理智的唾弃。
幸福并不在于单纯地占有主钱;幸福还在于取得成就后的喜悦,在于创造性努力时的激情。
务必不能再忘记劳动带来的喜悦和激励,而去疯狂地追逐那转瞬即逝的利润。
如果这些暗淡的时日能使我们认识到,我们真正的夭命不是要别人侍奉,而是为自己和同胞们服务,那么,我们付出的代价就完全是值得的。
美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿中英文
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美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿中英文富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福(Franklin D.Roosevelt,1882年1月30日-1945年4月12日),美国第32任总统,美国历史上唯一连任超过两届(连任四届,病逝于第四届任期中)的总统,美国迄今为止在任时间最长的总统。
罗斯福家族在美国大约有近320xx年的历史,美国第26任总统西奥多·罗斯福是富兰克林·罗斯福的堂叔。
以下是给大家分享了美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿中英文,希望大家有帮助。
美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿(中文版)胡佛总统,首席法官先生,朋友们:今天,对我们的国家来说,是一个神圣的日子。
我肯定,同胞们都期待我在就任总统时,会像我国目前形势所要求的那样,坦率而果断地向他们讲话。
现在正是坦白、勇敢地说出实话,说出全部实话的最好时刻。
我们不必畏首畏尾,不老老实实面对我国今天的情况。
这个伟大的国家会一如既往地坚持下去,它会复兴和繁荣起来。
因此,让我首先表明我的坚定信念:我们唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身--一种莫名其妙、丧失理智的、毫无根据的恐惧,它把人转退为进所需的种种努力化为泡影。
凡在我国生活阴云密布的时刻,坦率而有活力的领导都得到过人民的理解和支持,从而为胜利准备了必不可少的条件。
我相信,在目前危急时刻,大家会再次给予同样的支持。
我和你们都要以这种精神,来面对我们共同的困难。
感谢上帝,这些困难只是物质方面的。
价值难以想象地贬缩了;课税增加了;我们的支付能力下降了;各级政府面临着严重的收入短缺;交换手段在贸易过程中遭到了冻结;工业企业枯萎的落叶到处可见;农场主的产品找不到销路;千家万户多年的积蓄付之东流。
更重要的是,大批失业公民正面临严峻的生存问题,还有大批公民正以艰辛的劳动换取微薄的报酬。
只有愚蠢的乐天派会否认当前这些阴暗的现实。
但是,我们的苦恼决不是因为缺乏物资。
我们没有遭到什么蝗虫的灾害。
我们的先辈曾以信念和无畏一次次转危为安,比起他们经历过的险阻,我们仍大可感到欣慰。
美国总统就职演说汉译
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committed on it by time.
• (George Washington,
• The Experiment of the American People)
a
2
1) Analysis of the original:
•A) Grammatical analysis •B) Stylistic analysis •C) Background knowledge
第二章 美国总统就职演说汉译
第一节 第二节
a
1
Original 21:
Among the vicissitudes incident to life no event could
have filled me with greater anxieties than that of which
the notification was transmitted by your order, and
was rendered every day more necessary as well as more
dear to me by the addition of habit to inclination, and of
frequent interruption in my health to the gradual waste
and of frequent interruption in my health to the
a complex sentence, composed of a main clause and an attributive clause, with a parenthetic clause embedded in the predicate and another attributive clause embedded in the appositive nominal phrase at the end of the sentence.
美国总统(富兰克林-罗斯福)就职演说 First Inaugural Address
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美国总统(富兰克林-罗斯福)就职演说FirstInaugural Addressrtance and its usefulness,but also because of my love for it.when i learn english, i can feel a different way of thinking which gives me more room to touch the world.when i read english novels,i can feel the pleasure from the book which is different from reading the translation.when i speak english, i can feel the confident from my words.when i write english,i can see the beauty which is not the same as our chinese...i love english,it gives me a colorful dream.i hope i can travel around the world one day. with my good english, i can make friends with many people from different contries.i can see many places of great intrests.i dream that i can go to london,because it is the birth place of english.i also want to use my good english to introduce our great places to the english spoken people,i hope that they can love our country like us.i know, rome was not built in a day. i believe that after continuous hard study, one day i can speak english very well.if you want to be loved, you should learn to love and be lovable. so i believe as i love english everyday , it will love me too.i am sure that i will realize my dream one day!thank you!【高中英语演讲稿范文】hello, schoolmates and teachers.good afternoon, everybody!i'm pang qiyuan, from class 2, senior 3.today i'm very happy here to talk about my dream. i hope you can support me and do me a favor, ok?dream likes a beautiful flower. different people have different dreams.they make the earth colorful and wonderful. a dream is a target in life, in which it can give people power. it can show people the directions and final destinations.i have three dreams. my first dream is that i wish i could go to college some day, which is also the one of many other students' dreams. going to college for further education can not only enrich our knowledge, but also teach us how to behave better. i always imagine that the college life must be very interesting. this dream gives me energy to study harder and harder. now i'm trying my best to make it come true. sure, i have enough confidence to realize my dream.my second dream is becoming an excellent doctor. i always dream that i could turn a doctor like bai qiuen, so that i could cure a lot of patients, help them get rid of sick devil, let them lead a healthy and happy life, and finally i will feel happy, too.my third dream is that all the people together with the surroundings can live in perfect harmony. there are no quarrellings, no cheatings, and no wars in the world. we should be kind to each other, love each other and care each other. all the people in the world could get along as well as a big family with each other. i dream that we could enjoy absolute peace and freedom.these are my dreams. how i wish that they could come true soon!thank you.高中英语演讲稿范文3分钟高中英语演讲稿(2)i have a dream every one has his own dream.when i was a littlekid ,my dream was even to have a candy shop of my own .but now ,when i am 16 years old ,standing here ,my dreams have already changed a lot.i have got quite different experience from other girls.while they were playing toys at home,while they were dreaming to be the princesses in the story .i was running in the hard rain,jumping in the heavy snow,pitching in the strong wind.nothing could stop me ,because of a wonderful call from my heart -- to be an athlete.yeah ,of course ,i'm an athlete,i'm so proud of that all the time .when i was 10 years old ,i became a shot-put athlete.the training was really hard ,i couldn't bear the heavy shot in my hands .but i always believe that "god only help those who help themselves".during those hard days,i find i was growing more quickly than others of the same age.to be an athlete is my most correct choice.but,i quit my team after entering high school because of a silly excuse.i really didn't want to stop my sports career anyway.today i say to you my friends that even though i must face the difficulties of yesterday ,today and tomorrow .i still have a dream .it is a dream deeply rooted in my soul.i have a dream that one day ,i can run,jump and pitch just like i used to be.i have a dream that one day , i can go back to my dream sports and join the national team.i have a dream that one day ,i can stand on the highest place at the olympic games.with all the cameras pointing at me.i will tell everyone that i'm so proud to be a chinese athlete!this is my hope .this is the faith that i continue my steps with!!!with this faith ,i will live though the strong wind and heavy rain ,never give up !so let victory ring from my heart,from all of you.when we allow victory to ring .i must be the one!in my imagination,i'm a bird ,a magical bird.i carry my dreams all with me by my big wings. i fly though the mountains ,though the forests ,over the sea,to the sun ,the warmest place in the aerospace!every night ,i have a dream ,i see a girl ---smiling!英语演讲稿:高中英语演讲稿范文高中英语演讲稿(3)he values Americans live by may seem strange to you. As a result, you might find their actions confusing, even unbelievable. This is my opinion about American Value. Whether you agree with me or not - or is willing to accept as valid any generalizations about Americans - my observations are thought-provoking.Americans do not believe in the power of fate, and they look at people who do as being backward, primitive, or naive. In the American context, to be "fatalistic" is to be superstitious, lazy, or unwilling to take initiative. Everyone should have control over whatever in the environment might potentially affect him or her. The problems of one's life are not seen as having resulted from bad luck as much as having come from one's laziness and unwillingness to take responsibility in pursuing a better life.In the American mind, change is seen as indisputably good, leading to development, improvement, progress. Many older, moretraditional cultures consider change disruptive and destructive; they value stability, continuity, tradition, and ancient heritage - none of which are considered very important in the United States.Time is of utmost importance to most Americans. It is something to be on, kept, filled, saved, used, spent, wasted, lost, gained, planned, given, even killed. Americans are more concerned with getting things accomplished on time than they are with developing interpersonal relations. Their lives seem controlled by the little machines they wear on their wrists, cutting their discussions off abruptly to make their next appointment on time. This philosophy has enabled Americans to be extremely productive, and productivity Is highly valued In their country.Equality is so cherished in the U.S. that it is seen as having a religious basis. Americans believe that all people are created equal and that all should have an equal opportunity to succeed. This concept of equality is strange to seven-eighths of the world which views status and authority as desirable, even if they happen to be near the bottom of the social order. Since Americans like to treat foreigners "Just like anybody else", newcomers to the U.S. should realize that no insult or personal indignity is intended if they are treated in a less than-deferential manner by waiters in restaurants, clerks in stores and hotels, taxi drivers, and other service personnel.Americans view themselves as highly individualistic in their thoughts and actions. They resist being thought of asrepresentatives of any homogeneous group. When they do join groups, they believe they are special. Just a little different from other members of the same group. In the U.S. you will find people freely expressing a variety of opinions anywhere and anytime. Yet, in spite of this independence, almost all Americans end up voting for one of their two major political parties. Individualism leads to privacy, which Americans see as desirable. The word privacy does not exist in many non-Western languages. If It does, it is likely to have a negative connotation, suggesting loneliness or forced isolation. It is not uncommon for Americans to say, and almost to believe: "If I don't have half an hour a day to myself, I go stark-raving mad!"Americans take credit only for what they accomplish as individuals. They get no credit for having been born into a rich family but pride themselves in having climbed the ladder of success, to whatever level, all by themselves. In an English-language dictionary, there are more than 100 composite words that have the word "self" as a prefix: self-aware. self-confident,self-conscious, self-contented, self-control, self-criticism, self-deception, self-defeating, self-denial. The equivalent of these words cannot be found in most other languages. It is an indicator of how highly Americans regard the self-made man or woman.Many other countries have developed subtle, sometimes highly ritualistic, ways of informing others of unpleasant information. Americans prefer the direct approach. They are likely to be completely honest in delivering their negative evaluations, and to consider, anything other than the most direct and open approach to be "dishonest" and "insincere". Anyone in the U.S. who uses an intermediary to deliver the message will also be considered"manipulative" and "untrustworthy". If you come from a country where saving face is important, be assured that Americans are not trying to make you lose face with their directness.As a matter of fact, the major American Value is distinct from Chinese. We ought to accept it when we communicate with Americans. Thus, we need make ourselves think globally and act locally.高中英语演讲稿:坚持不懈到达胜利彼岸高中英语演讲稿(4)the prizes of life are at the end of each journey, not near the beginning; and it is not given to me to know how many steps are necessary in order to reach my goal. failure i may still encounter at the thousandth step, yet success hides behind the next bend in the road. never will i know how close it lies unless i turn the corner.always will i take another step. if that is of no avail i will take another, and yet another. in truth, one step at a time is not too difficult.henceforth, i will consider each day's effort as but one blow of my blade against a mighty oak. the first blow may cause not a tremor in the wood, nor the second, nor the third. each bolw, of itself, may be trifling, and seem of no consequence. yet from childish swipes the oak will eventually tumble. so it will be with my efforts of today.i will be liken to the rain drop which washes away the mountain; the ant who devours a tiger; the star which brightens the earth; the slave who builds a pyramid. i will build my castle one brickat a time for i know that small attempts, repeated, will complete any undertaking.。
富兰克林·罗斯福英语演讲稿_英语演讲稿_
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富兰克林·罗斯福英语演讲稿Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, members of the 77th Congress:I address you, the members of this new Congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. I use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.Since the permanent formation of our government under the Constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. And, fortunately, only one of these -- the four-year war between the States -- ever threatened our national unity. Today, thank God, 130,000,000 Americans in 48 States have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often has been disturbed by events in other continents. We have even engaged in two wars with European nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean and in the Pacific, for the maintenance of American rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. But in no case had a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a nation has at all times maintained opposition -- clear, definite opposition -- to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient Chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. Today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the Americas.That determination of ours, extending over all these years,was proved, for example, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the French Revolution. While the Napoleonic struggles did threaten interests of the United States because of the French foothold in the West Indies and in Louisiana, and while we engaged in the War of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither France nor Great Britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.And in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914 -- ninety-nine years -- no single war in Europe or in Asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other American nation.Except in the Maximilian interlude in Mexico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. And the strength of the British fleet in the Atlantic has been a friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.Even when the World War broke out in 1914, it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own American future. But as time went on, as we remember, the American people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.We need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of Versailles. We need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. We should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before Munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today. The American people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.I suppose that every realist knows that the democratic wayof life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world -- assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace. During 16 long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. And the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional duty to "give to the Congress information of the state of the union," I find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. If that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of Europe and Asia, and Africa and Austral-Asia will be dominated by conquerors. And let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly exceed the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the Western Hemisphere -- yes, many times over.In times like these it is immature -- and, incidentally, untrue -- for anybody to brag that an unprepared America, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.No realistic American can e xpect from a dictator’s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion -- or even good business. Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. Those who would give up essentialliberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.As a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. We must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the "ism" of appeasement. We must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the American eagle in order to feather their own nests.I have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually expect if the dictator nations win this war.There is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. Obviously, as long as the British Navy retains its power, no such danger exists. Even if there were no British Navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the United States from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.But we learn much from the lessons of the past years in Europe -- particularly the lesson of Norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years. The first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. The necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes -- and great numbers of them are already here and in Latin America. As long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.And that is why the future of all the American Republics is today in serious danger. That is why this annual message to theCongress is unique in our history. That is why every member of the executive branch of the government and every member of the Congress face great responsibility, great accountability. The need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily -- almost exclusively -- to meeting this foreign peril. For all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.Just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small. And the justice of morality must and will win in the end.Our national policy is this:First, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.Secondly, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. By this support we express our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.Third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principles of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. We know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people'sfreedom.In the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. No issue was fought out on this line before the American electorate. And today it is abundantly evident that American citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.Therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. Leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. Goals of speed have been set. In some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. In some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. And in some cases -- and, I am sorry to say, very important cases -- we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.The Army and Navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. Actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. And today's best is not good enough for tomorrow.I am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. The men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability, and in patriotism. They are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. None of us will be satisfied until the job is done.No matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.To give you two illustrations:We are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes. We are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.We are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we areworking to get even further ahead of that schedule.To change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. And the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.The Congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. However, there is certain information, as the Congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.New circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. I shall ask this Congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. Our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. They do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars’ worth of the weapons of defense.The time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. We cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.I do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons -- a loan to be repaid indollars. I recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the United States, fitting their orders into our own program. And nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.Taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.For what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need.Let us say to the democracies: "We Americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. We are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. We shall send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. That is our purpose and our pledge."In fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. Such aid -- Such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.And when the dictators -- if the dictators -- are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.They did not wait for Norway or Belgium or the Netherlands to commit an act of war. Their only interest is in a new one-wayinternational law, which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression. The happiness of future generations of Americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. No one can tell the exact character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. The nation's hands must not be tied when the nation's life is in danger.Yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency -- almost as serious as war itself -- demands. Whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations of any kind, must give way to the national need.A free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups. A free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor, and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own group.The best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.As men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. Those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. The mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.The nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people consciousof their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in America. Those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.Certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. They are:Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.Jobs for those who can work.Security for those who need it.The ending of special privilege for the few.The preservation of civil liberties for all.The enjoyment -- The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.These are the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world. The inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. As examples:We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.We should plan a better system by which persons deservingor needing gainful employment may obtain it.I have called for personal sacrifice, and I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond to that call. A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. In my budget message I will recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying for today. No person should try, or be allowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.If the Congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their applause.In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.The first is freedom of speech and expression -- everywhere in the world.The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way -- everywhere in the world.The third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants -- everywhere in the world.The fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor -- anywhere in the world.That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called “neworder” of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.To that new order we oppose the greater conception -- the moral order. A good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.Since the beginning of our American history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly, adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. The world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. Our strength is our unity of purpose.To that high concept there can be no end save victory.罗斯福:四大自由 (中文版)总统先生,议长先生,第七xx届国会的成员:我你的地址,这个新的国会议员,在联盟的历史上前所未有的时刻。
罗斯福演讲稿(共3篇)
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罗斯福演讲稿(共3篇)第1篇:罗斯福演讲稿篇一:罗斯福演讲稿 1 演讲全文:pearl harbor addre to the nation mr.vice president, mr.speaker, members of the senate, and of the house of representatives: yesterday, december 7th, 1941 -- a date which will live in infamy -- the united states of america was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the empire of japan. the united states was at peace with that nation and, at the solicitation of japan, was still in conversation with its government and its emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the pacific. it will be recorded that the distance of hawaii from japan makes it obvious that the attack was deliberately planned many days or evenweeks ago.during the intervening time, the japanese government has deliberately sought to deceive the united states by false statements and expreions of hope for continued peace. the attack yesterday on the hawaiian islands has caused severe damage to american naval and military forces.i regret to tell you that very many american lives have been lost.in addition, american ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between san francisco andhonolulu. yesterday, the japanese government also launched an attack against malaya. last night, japanese forces attacked hong st night, japanese forces attacked guam. last night, japanese forces attacked the philippine islands. last night, the japanese attacked wake island. and this morning, the japanese attacked midway island. japan has, therefore, undertaken a surprise offensive extending throughout the pacific area.the facts of yesterday and today speak for themselves.the people of the united states have already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.i believe that i interpret the will of the congre and of the people when i aert that wewill not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make it very certain that this form of treachery shall never again endanger us. hostilities exist.there is no blinking at the fact that our people, our territory, and our interests are in grave danger. with confidence in our armed forces, with the unbounding determination of our people, we will gain the inevitable triumph -- so help us god.i ask that the congre declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by japan on sunday, december 7th, 1941, a state of war has existed between the united states and the japanese empire.篇二:中文版罗斯福四大自由演讲稿富兰克林.罗斯福四大自由在一九四一年一月六日致国会的咨文中,富兰克林.罗斯福总统要求国会根据租借法案,把必要的武器装备提供给那些总统认为其防御对美国利益至关重要的国家。
美国总统罗斯福英语演讲稿_英语演讲稿_
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美国总统罗斯福英语演讲稿My friends:This is not a fireside chat on war. It is a talk on national security; because the nub of the whole purpose of your President is to keep you now, and your children later, and your grandchildren much later, out of a last-ditch war for the preservation of American independence, and all of the things that American independence means to you and to me and to ours.Tonight, in the presence of a world crisis, my mind goes back eight years to a night in the midst of a domestic crisis. It was a time when the wheels of American industry were grinding to a full stop, when the whole banking system of our country had ceased to function. I well remember that while I sat in my study in the White House, preparing to talk with the people of the United States, I had before my eyes the picture of all those Americans with whom I was talking. I saw the workmen in the mills, the mines, the factories, the girl behind the counter, the small shopkeeper, the farmer doing his spring plowing, the widows and the old men wondering about their life's savings. I tried to convey to the great mass of American people what the banking crisis meant to them in their daily lives.Tonight, I want to do the same thing, with the same people, in this new crisis which faces America. We met the issue of 1933 with courage and realism. We face this new crisis, this new threat to the security of our nation, with the same courage and realism. Never before since Jamestown and Plymouth Rock has our American civilization been in such danger as now. For on September 27th, 1940 -- this year -- by an agreement signed inBerlin, three powerful nations, two in Europe and one in Asia, joined themselves together in the threat that if the United States of America interfered with or blocked the expansion program of these three nations -- a program aimed at world control -- they would unite in ultimate action against the United States.The Nazi masters of Germany have made it clear that they intend not only to dominate all life and thought in their own country, but also to enslave the whole of Europe, and then to use the resources of Europe to dominate the rest of the world. It was only three weeks ago that their leader stated this: "There are two worlds that stand opposed to each other." And then in defiant reply to his opponents he said this: "Others are correct when they say: 'With this world we cannot ever reconcile ourselves.''' I can beat any other power in the world." So said the leader of the Nazis.In other words, the Axis not merely admits but the Axis proclaims that there can be no ultimate peace between their philosophy -- their philosophy of government -- and our philosophy of government. In view of the nature of this undeniable threat, it can be asserted, properly and categorically, that the United States has no right or reason to encourage talk of peace until the day shall come when there is a clear intention on the part of the aggressor nations to abandon all thought of dominating or conquering the world.At this moment the forces of the States that are leagued against all peoples who live in freedom are being held away from our shores. The Germans and the Italians are being blocked on the other side of the Atlantic by the British and by the Greeks, and by thousands of soldiers and sailors who were able to escape from subjugated countries. In Asia the Japanese are beingengaged by the Chinese nation in another great defense. In the Pacific Ocean is our fleet.Some of our people like to believe that wars in Europe and in Asia are of no concern to us. But it is a matter of most vital concern to us that European and Asiatic war-makers should not gain control of the oceans which lead to this hemisphere. One hundred and seventeen years ago the Monroe Doctrine was conceived by our government as a measure of defense in the face of a threat against this hemisphere by an alliance in Continental Europe. Thereafter, we stood guard in the Atlantic, with the British as neighbors. There was no treaty. There was no "unwritten agreement." And yet there was the feeling, proven correct by history, that we as neighbors could settle any disputes in peaceful fashion. And the fact is that during the whole of this time the Western Hemisphere has remained free from aggression from Europe or from Asia.Does anyone seriously believe that we need to fear attack anywhere in the Americas while a free Britain remains our most powerful naval neighbor in the Atlantic? And does anyone seriously believe, on the other hand, that we could rest easy if the Axis powers were our neighbors there? If Great Britain goes down, the Axis powers will control the Continents of Europe, Asia, Africa, Austral-Asia, and the high seas. And they will be in a position to bring enormous military and naval resources against this hemisphere. It is no exaggeration to say that all of us in all the Americas would be living at the point of a gun -- a gun loaded with explosive bullets, economic as well as military. We should enter upon a new and terrible era in which the whole world, our hemisphere included, would be run by threats of brute force. And to survive in such a world, we would have to convert ourselvespermanently into a militaristic power on the basis of war economy.Some of us like to believe that even if Britain falls, we are still safe, because of the broad expanse of the Atlantic and of the Pacific. But the width of those oceans is not what it was in the days of clipper ships. At one point between Africa and Brazil the distance is less than it is from Washington to Denver, Colorado, five hours for the latest type of bomber. And at the north end of the Pacific Ocean, America and Asia almost touch each other. Why, even today we have planes that could fly from the British Isles to New England and back again without refueling. And remember that the range of the modern bomber is ever being increased.During the past week many people in all parts of the nation have told me what they wanted me to say tonight. Almost all of them expressed a courageous desire to hear the plain truth about the gravity of the situation. One telegram, however, expressed the attitude of the small minority who want to see no evil and hear no evil, even though they know in their hearts that evil exists. That telegram begged me not to tell again of the ease with which our American cities could be bombed by any hostile power which had gained bases in this Western Hemisphere. The gist of that telegram was: "Please, Mr. President, don't frighten us by telling us the facts." Frankly and definitely there is danger ahead -- danger against which we must prepare. But we well know that we cannot escape danger, or the fear of danger, by crawling into bed and pulling the covers over our heads.Some nations of Europe were bound by solemn nonintervention pacts with Germany. Other nations were assured by Germany that they need never fear invasion. Noninterventionpact or not, the fact remains that they were attacked, overrun, thrown into modern slavery at an hour's notice -- or even without any notice at all. As an exiled leader of one of these nations said to me the other day, "The notice was a minus quantity. It was given to my government two hours after German troops had poured into my country in a hundred places." The fate of these nations tells us what it means to live at the point of a Nazi gun.The Nazis have justified such actions by various pious frauds. One of these frauds is the claim that they are occupying a nation for the purpose of "restoring order." Another is that they are occupying or controlling a nation on the excuse that they are "protecting it" against the aggression of somebody else. For example, Germany has said that she was occupying Belgium to save the Belgians from the British. Would she then hesitate to say to any South American country: "We are occupying you to protect you from aggression by the United States"? Belgium today is being used as an invasion base against Britain, now fighting for its life. And any South American country, in Nazi hands, would always constitute a jumping off place for German attack on any one of the other republics of this hemisphere.Analyze for yourselves the future of two other places even nearer to Germany if the Nazis won. Could Ireland hold out? Would Irish freedom be permitted as an amazing pet exception in an unfree world? Or the islands of the Azores, which still fly the flag of Portugal after five centuries? You and I think of Hawaii as an outpost of defense in the Pacific. And yet the Azores are closer to our shores in the Atlantic than Hawaii is on the other side.There are those who say that the Axis powers would never have any desire to attack the Western Hemisphere. That is the same dangerous form of wishful thinking which has destroyedthe powers of resistance of so many conquered peoples. The plain facts are that the Nazis have proclaimed, time and again, that all other races are their inferiors and therefore subject to their orders. And most important of all, the vast resources and wealth of this American hemisphere constitute the most tempting loot in all of the round world.Let us no longer blind ourselves to the undeniable fact that the evil forces which have crushed and undermined and corrupted so many others are already within our own gates. Your government knows much about them and every day is ferreting them out. Their secret emissaries are active in our own and in neighboring countries. They seek to stir up suspicion and dissension, to cause internal strife. They try to turn capital against labor, and vice versa. They try to reawaken long slumbering racial and religious enmities which should have no place in this country. They are active in every group that promotes intolerance. They exploit for their own ends our own natural abhorrence of war. These trouble-breeders have but one purpose. It is to divide our people, to divide them into hostile groups and to destroy our unity and shatter our will to defend ourselves.There are also American citizens, many of them in high places, who, unwittingly in most cases, are aiding and abetting the work of these agents. I do not charge these American citizens with being foreign agents. But I do charge them with doing exactly the kind of work that the dictators want done in the United States. These people not only believe that we can save our own skins by shutting our eyes to the fate of other nations. Some of them go much further than that. They say that we can and should become the friends and even the partners of the Axis powers. Some of them even suggest that we should imitate the methods of thedictatorships. But Americans never can and never will do that.The experience of the past two years has proven beyond doubt that no nation can appease the Nazis. No man can tame a tiger into a kitten by stroking it. There can be no appeasement with ruthlessness. There can be no reasoning with an incendiary bomb. We know now that a nation can have peace with the Nazis only at the price of total surrender. Even the people of Italy have been forced to become accomplices of the Nazis; but at this moment they do not know how soon they will be embraced to death by their allies.The American appeasers ignore the warning to be found in the fate of Austria, Czechoslovakia, Poland, Norway, Belgium, the Netherlands, Denmark, and France. They tell you that the Axis powers are going to win anyway; that all of this bloodshed in the world could be saved, that the United States might just as well throw its influence into the scale of a dictated peace and get the best out of it that we can. They call it a "negotiated peace." Nonsense! Is it a negotiated peace if a gang of outlaws surrounds your community and on threat of extermination makes you pay tribute to save your own skins? For such a dictated peace would be no peace at all. It would be only another armistice, leading to the most gigantic armament race and the most devastating trade wars in all history. And in these contests the Americas would offer the only real resistance to the Axis power. With all their vaunted efficiency, with all their parade of pious purpose in this war, there are still in their background the concentration camp and the servants of God in chains.The history of recent years proves that the shootings and the chains and the concentration camps are not simply the transient tools but the very altars of modern dictatorships. They may talkof a "new order" in the world, but what they have in mind is only a revival of the oldest and the worst tyranny. In that there is no liberty, no religion, no hope. The proposed "new order" is the very opposite of a United States of Europe or a United States of Asia. It is not a government based upon the consent of the governed. It is not a union of ordinary, self-respecting men and women to protect themselves and their freedom and their dignity from oppression. It is an unholy alliance of power and pelf to dominate and to enslave the human race.The British people and their allies today are conducting an active war against this unholy alliance. Our own future security is greatly dependent on the outcome of that fight. Our ability to "keep out of war" is going to be affected by that outcome. Thinking in terms of today and tomorrow, I make the direct statement to the American people that there is far less chance of the United States getting into war if we do all we can now to support the nations defending themselves against attack by the Axis than if we acquiesce in their defeat, submit tamely to an Axis victory, and wait our turn to be the object of attack in another war later on.If we are to be completely honest with ourselves, we must admit that there is risk in any course we may take. But I deeply believe that the great majority of our people agree that the course that I advocate involves the least risk now and the greatest hope for world peace in the future.The people of Europe who are defending themselves do not ask us to do their fighting. They ask us for the implements of war, the planes, the tanks, the guns, the freighters which will enable them to fight for their liberty and for our security. Emphatically, we must get these weapons to them, get them to them insufficient volume and quickly enough so that we and our children will be saved the agony and suffering of war which others have had to endure.Let not the defeatists tell us that it is too late. It will never be earlier. Tomorrow will be later than today.Certain facts are self-evident.In a military sense Great Britain and the British Empire are today the spearhead of resistance to world conquest. And they are putting up a fight which will live forever in the story of human gallantry. There is no demand for sending an American expeditionary force outside our own borders. There is no intention by any member of your government to send such a force. You can therefore, nail, nail any talk about sending armies to Europe as deliberate untruth. Our national policy is not directed toward war. Its sole purpose is to keep war away from our country and away from our people.Democracy's fight against world conquest is being greatly aided, and must be more greatly aided, by the rearmament of the United States and by sending every ounce and every ton of munitions and supplies that we can possibly spare to help the defenders who are in the front lines. And it is no more un-neutral for us to do that than it is for Sweden, Russia, and other nations near Germany to send steel and ore and oil and other war materials into Germany every day in the week.We are planning our own defense with the utmost urgency, and in its vast scale we must integrate the war needs of Britain and the other free nations which are resisting aggression. This is not a matter of sentiment or of controversial personal opinion. It is a matter of realistic, practical military policy, based on the advice of our military experts who are in close touch with existingwarfare. These military and naval experts and the members of the Congress and the Administration have a single-minded purpose: the defense of the United States.This nation is making a great effort to produce everything that is necessary in this emergency, and with all possible speed. And this great effort requires great sacrifice. I would ask no one to defend a democracy which in turn would not defend every one in the nation against want and privation. The strength of this nation shall not be diluted by the failure of the government to protect the economic well-being of its citizens. If our capacity to produce is limited by machines, it must ever be remembered that these machines are operated by the skill and the stamina of the workers.As the government is determined to protect the rights of the workers, so the nation has a right to expect that the men who man the machines will discharge their full responsibilities to the urgent needs of defense. The worker possesses the same human dignity and is entitled to the same security of position as the engineer or the manager or the owner. For the workers provide the human power that turns out the destroyers, and the planes, and the tanks. The nation expects our defense industries to continue operation without interruption by strikes or lockouts. It expects and insists that management and workers will reconcile their differences by voluntary or legal means, to continue to produce the supplies that are so sorely needed. And on the economic side of our great defense program, we are, as you know, bending every effort to maintain stability of prices and with that the stability of the cost of living.Nine days ago I announced the setting up of a more effective organization to direct our gigantic efforts to increase theproduction of munitions. The appropriation of vast sums of money and a well-coordinated executive direction of our defense efforts are not in themselves enough. Guns, planes, ships and many other things have to be built in the factories and the arsenals of America. They have to be produced by workers and managers and engineers with the aid of machines which in turn have to be built by hundreds of thousands of workers throughout the land. In this great work there has been splendid cooperation between the government and industry and labor. And I am very thankful.American industrial genius, unmatched throughout all the world in the solution of production problems, has been called upon to bring its resources and its talents into action. Manufacturers of watches, of farm implements, of Linotypes and cash registers and automobiles, and sewing machines and lawn mowers and locomotives, are now making fuses and bomb packing crates and telescope mounts and shells and pistols and tanks.But all of our present efforts are not enough. We must have more ships, more guns, more planes -- more of everything. And this can be accomplished only if we discard the notion of "business as usual." This job cannot be done merely by superimposing on the existing productive facilities the added requirements of the nation for defense. Our defense efforts must not be blocked by those who fear the future consequences of surplus plant capacity. The possible consequences of failure of our defense efforts now are much more to be feared. And after the present needs of our defense are past, a proper handling of the country's peacetime needs will require all of the new productive capacity, if not still more. No pessimistic policy aboutthe future of America shall delay the immediate expansion of those industries essential to defense. We need them.I want to make it clear that it is the purpose of the nation to build now with all possible speed every machine, every arsenal, every factory that we need to manufacture our defense material. We have the men, the skill, the wealth, and above all, the will. I am confident that if and when production of consumer or luxury goods in certain industries requires the use of machines and raw materials that are essential for defense purposes, then such production must yield, and will gladly yield, to our primary and compelling purpose.So I appeal to the owners of plants, to the managers, to the workers, to our own government employees to put every ounce of effort into producing these munitions swiftly and without stint. With this appeal I give you the pledge that all of us who are officers of your government will devote ourselves to the same whole-hearted extent to the great task that lies ahead.As planes and ships and guns and shells are produced, your government, with its defense experts, can then determine how best to use them to defend this hemisphere. The decision as to how much shall be sent abroad and how much shall remain at home must be made on the basis of our overall military necessities.We must be the great arsenal of democracy.For us this is an emergency as serious as war itself. We must apply ourselves to our task with the same resolution, the same sense of urgency, the same spirit of patriotism and sacrifice as we would show were we at war.We have furnished the British great material support and we will furnish far more in the future. There will be no "bottlenecks"in our determination to aid Great Britain. No dictator, no combination of dictators, will weaken that determination by threats of how they will construe that determination. The British have received invaluable military support from the heroic Greek Army and from the forces of all the governments in exile. Their strength is growing. It is the strength of men and women who value their freedom more highly than they value their lives.I believe that the Axis powers are not going to win this war. I base that belief on the latest and best of information.We have no excuse for defeatism. We have every good reason for hope -- hope for peace, yes, and hope for the defense of our civilization and for the building of a better civilization in the future. I have the profound conviction that the American people are now determined to put forth a mightier effort than they have ever yet made to increase our production of all the implements of defense, to meet the threat to our democratic faith.美国总统罗斯福:我的朋友们:这不是战争的炉边谈话。
1933年美国总统罗斯福就职演说(中文版)
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我们唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身富兰克林-罗斯福第一次就职演讲星期六,1933年3月4日我肯定,同胞们都期待我在就任总统时,会像我国目前形势所要求的那样,坦率而果断地向他们讲话。
现在正是但白、勇敢地说出实话,说出全部实话的最好时刻,我们不必畏首畏尾,不着老实实面对我国今天的情况,这个伟大的国家会一如既住地坚持下去,它会复兴和繁荣起来。
因此,让我首先表明我的坚定信念:我们唯一下得不害怕的就是害怕本身——一种莫明其妙的、丧失理智的、毫无根据的恐惧,它会把转退为进所需的种种努力化为泡影。
凡在我国生活阴云密布的时刻,坦率而有活力的领导都得到过人民的理解和支持,从而为胜利准备了必不可少的条件。
我相信,在目前危急时刻,大家会再次给予同样的支持。
我和你们都要以这种槽神,来面对我们共同的困难。
感谢上帝,这些困难只是物质方面的。
价值难以想象地贬缩了;课税增加了,我们的支付能力下降了;各级政府面临着严重的收入短缺;交换手段在贸易过程中遭到了冻结;工业企业枯萎的落叶到处可见;农场主的产品找不到销路;千家万户多年的积蓄付之东流。
更重要的是,大批失业公民正面临严峻的生育问题,还有大批公民正以艰辛的劳动换取微薄的报酬。
只有愚蠢的乐天派会否认当前这些阴暗的现实。
但是,我们的苦恼决不是因为缺乏物资。
我们没有遭到什么蝗虫灾害。
我们的先辈曾以信念和无畏一次次转危为安,比起他们经历过的险阻,我们仍大可感到欣慰。
大自然仍在给予我们恩惠,人类的努力已使之倍增。
富足的憎景近在咫尺,但就在我们见到这种情景的时候,宽裕的生活却悄然离去。
这主要是因为主宰人类物资交换的统治者们失败了,他们固执己见而又无能为力,因而已经认定失败,并撒手不管了,贪得无厌的货币兑换商的种种行径,将受到舆论法庭的起诉,将受到人类心灵和理智的唾弃。
幸福并不在于单纯地占有主钱;幸福还在于取得成就后的喜悦,在于创造性努力时的激情。
务必不能再忘记劳动带来的喜悦和激励,而去疯狂地追逐那转瞬即逝的利润。
富兰克林罗斯福 第四次就职演说翻译
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富兰克林·罗斯福(Franklin D.Roosevelt)第四次就职演说翻译首席大法官先生,副总统先生,我的朋友们:你们能够理解、并且我相信也会赞同我的愿望,把这次就职典礼办成一个简简单单的仪式,而我则只发表一个简短的演说。
我们今天的美国人和我们的盟友一道,正经历一个最为严峻的考验时期。
这是一次对我们的勇气、决心和智慧的考验,也是一次对我们根本性的民主制的考验。
我们若能成功而光荣地经受住这次考验,那我们就可以创造具有重要历史意义的业绩,受到人民世世代代的纪念。
今天,我伫立于此,在我国同胞的面前,在我们上帝的面前,进行了庄严的就职宣誓。
当此之际,我深知美国的目标要求我们决不能失败。
在未来的岁月里,我们要致力于建设一种公正而光荣的和平,建设一种持久的和平,就像我们今天正在为战争的彻底胜利而工作和战斗一样。
我们能够而且必将获得这样一种和平。
我们要为完美的局面而奋斗。
我们不会马上达到目标,但我们仍要为之奋斗。
我们也许会犯下错误,但我们决不能因为丧失意志和抛弃道义原则而犯错误。
我至今仍记得我的老校长皮博迪博士在那些对我们似乎是平安无事的年月说过的话:“生活当中的事情并不永远是平坦顺畅的。
有时我们眼看就要登上顶峰,可是情况似乎很快急转直下,又开始走下坡路了。
但我们要牢记一个重要事实:明本身的趋向永远是向上的,如果从数个世纪的高峰和低谷之间划出的中线来看,这条线一直都是呈上升趋势的。
”我们1787年的宪法并不是一份完美无缺的文献,而且它至今仍未尽善尽美。
但它却提供了一个坚实的基础,供不同种族、不同肤色、不同信仰的各式各样的人们来建立一个牢固的民主大厦。
因此,在今天,在1945年这个战争的年头,我们用可怕的代价换取了若干教训,我们会从中获益不浅。
我们懂得,单凭我们自己是无法生活在和平之中的,我们自己的富足有赖于相距遥远的其他国家的富足。
我们懂得,我们必须像人一样生活,不能像驼鸟,也不能像那些自己不吃也不让他人吃的狗。
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Democratic National Convention (June 27, 1936)美国民主党全国代表大会(1936年6月27号)Franklin Delano Roosevelt富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福Senator Robinson, Members of the Democratic Convention, my friends:罗宾逊议员先生,民主党大会成员们以及我的朋友们:Here, and in every community throughout the land, we are met at a time of great moment to the future of the Nation. It is an occasion to be dedicated to the simple and sincere expression of an attitude toward problems, the determination of which will profoundly affect America.在这里以及全国各地召开的代表大会,我们在一个决定国家未来的伟大历史时刻相聚。
在这个时刻,我们需要鼓起勇气真诚地直面困难,这个决定将能深远地影响美国。
I come not only as a leader of a party, not only as a candidate for high office, but as one upon whom many critical hours have imposed and still impose a grave responsibility.我不仅仅是一党之首,不仅仅是一个高位的参选人,更是一个在紧要关头挺身而出承担重大使命的人。
重大时刻已经赋予而且正在赋予重大责任的人。
For the sympathy, help and confidence with which Americans have sustained me in my task I am grateful. For their loyalty I salute the members of our great party, in and out of political life in every part of the Union. I salute those of other parties, especially those in the Congress of the United States who on so many occasions have put partisanship aside. I thank the Governors of the several States, their Legislatures, their State and local officials who participated unselfishly and regardless of party in our efforts to achieve recovery and destroy abuses. Above all I thank the millions of Americans who have borne disaster bravely and have dared to smile through the storm.美国人民给予对我的工作帮助、信任,赞同,我表示感激。
我向民主党成员致敬,他们忠于国家政治生活的里里外外。
我向其他党派的人士致敬,特别是向那些在很多场合把党派偏见置之度外的人致敬。
我感谢无私地,无政党偏见地参与到(经济)重建中,抵制滥用职权的各州州长,以及他们立法人员,州立官员和地方官员。
最重要的是,我感谢成千上万勇敢抵御灾难,笑对“金融风暴”的美国人。
America will not forget these recent years, will not forget that the rescue was not a mere party task. It was the concern of all of us. In our strength we rose together, rallied our energies together, applied the old rules of common sense, and together survived.美国不会忘记最近的这些年,不会忘记救助不仅仅是一个党派的任务,而是所有人的议题。
我们一起站立起来,聚集我们的能量,应用旧规则的常识,一起生存。
In those days we feared fear. That was why we fought fear. And today, my friends, we have won against the most dangerous of our foes. We have conquered fear.以前,我们畏惧恐惧,这也是我们为什么与恐惧作战。
我的朋友们,今天我们已经战胜了最危险的敌人,我们战胜了恐惧。
But I cannot, with candor, tell you that all is well with the world. Clouds of suspicion, tides of ill-will and intolerance gather darkly in many places. In our own land we enjoy indeed a fullness of life greater than that of most Nations. But the rush of modern civilization itself has raised for us new difficulties, new problems which must be solved if we are to preserve to the United States the political and economic freedom for which Washington and Jefferson planned and fought.然而,坦白地讲,我不能告诉你说,世界很健康。
在某些地方,猜疑的阴云,恶意的暗流以及偏狭正在悄悄聚集。
我们确实享有了比大多数国家更丰富的生活,但是,现代文明的冲击也给我们带来了新的问题,为了保存先辈华盛顿,杰佛逊曾计划并为之战斗过的政治,经济自由,我们必须解决这些问题。
Philadelphia is a good city in which to write American history. This is fitting ground on which to reaffirm the faith of our fathers; to pledge ourselves to restore to the people a wider freedom; to give to 1936 as the founders gave to 1776—an American way of life.费城是一座书写了美国历史的伟大城市。
这片土地适合我们重申先辈们的信仰,还给美国人更广阔的自由,把美国的生活方式赋予1936年将向我们的先辈在1776年所做的一样。
That very word freedom, in itself and of necessity, suggests freedom from some restraining power. In 1776 we sought freedom from the tyranny of a political autocracy—from the eighteenth century royalists who held special privileges from the crown. It was to perpetuate their privilege that they governed without the consent of the governed; that they denied the right of free assembly and free speech; that they restricted the worship of God; that they put the average man's property and the average man's life in pawn to the mercenaries of dynastic power; that they regimented the people.自由,本身意味着不受统治者的限制。
1776年,我们从享有王国特权的保皇党的独裁统治中获得自由。
为了保证他们的特权,保皇党的统治从不征求民众的同意,他们否定自由机会,演说;他们限制崇拜上帝;他们征兵,把平民的生命财产全部抵押给帝国的雇佣兵。
And so it was to win freedom from the tyranny of political autocracy that the American Revolution was fought. That victory gave the business of governing into the hands of the average man, who won the right with his neighbors to make and order his own destiny through his own Government. Political tyranny was wiped out at Philadelphia on July 4, 1776.为了从独裁者的统治中赢得自由,美国革命爆发了。
革命的胜利将管辖的权利赋予了平民,通过参与管辖,平民可以创造并操控自己的命运。
1776年七月四日,政治独裁在费城被彻底抹去。
Since that struggle, however, man's inventive genius released new forces in our land which reordered the lives of our people. The age of machinery, of railroads; of steam and electricity; the telegraph and the radio; mass production, mass distribution—all of these combined to bring forward a new civilization and with it a new problem for those who sought to remain free.从那一次努力开始,公民的创造天赋在我们的土地上激发了新的力量,这调整了民众的生活秩序。