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马丁路德金演讲 中文翻译

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i have a dream译文

i have a dream译文

"I Have a Dream"是马丁·路德·金在1963年8月28日在华盛顿林肯纪念堂演讲中的著名演讲。

这篇演讲是在"自由和平等"大游行中发表的，当时约有25万人前来参加。

这是一场历史性的演讲，演讲中提到的一些重要观点仍然给人们留下了深刻的印象。

以下是"我有一个梦想"的中文译文：一、演讲开场“我很高兴能够和大家在这里见面。

但是，一个世代前，一个伟大的美国人，在这个同样伟大的国家中宣布了解放黑人奴隶的法令。

这个法令在这个国家遭到了人的谴责。

这个宣言为了缔造美利坚合众国而写成。

然而，众人围绕在这个国家的宣言四周的，只有一个有色人种。

我们跪下来今天。

我希望这次行动会产生一个改变的内容。

”二、梦想的美好愿景“我有一个梦。

我有一天我的四个孩子将生活在一个没有种族歧视的国度。

他们将在一个人不以肤色而是以品格为准的国家而生活。

我有一个梦，他们有机会不以他们的肤色的标签而自称。

我有一个梦想能看他们在白人与黑人、男人和女人的肩旁并肩工作。

”三、梦想的实现途径“我们不能永远地满足。

我们不能永远地推测。

那是笼罩在黑人看门人Conway-Thallas的希望的执着不屈。

当被剥夺的地方像日光到达的主色时，尊严摆动并且又回到他们的宿营地，这是没有抓取的期望。

高涨潮水对于更高层次我们潜力的一个长期坚守为我们从一个炎热而滚动的异乎寻常的湖泊的海角。

”四、对未来的期待“这个梦想能够让我们去山间板岩上雕刻光秃的燕鸥的日头。

这个夏天我们得不到，不朽立方体将被成为这个国家的自由民主的商标。

这是我们大本营坟地灰烬的位置，请您关心我们埋葬修改而赦免这个国家，我们忠告在这个悼伤之时刻到达。

”在“自由和平等”大游行的重要性和这次历史性演讲的重要性上面，马丁·路德·金的"我有一个梦"演讲，成为了美国民权运动的象征，影响了整个世界。

Ihaveadream马丁路德金的演讲稿（中英文）

Ihaveadream马丁路德金的演讲稿（中英文）

I have a dream 马丁路德金的演讲稿（中英文）five score years ago, a great&n bsp;american, in whose symbolic sha dow we stand today, signed th e emancipation proclamation. this mo mentous decree came as a grea t beacon light of hope to&nbsp ;millions of negro slaves who  had been seared in the flames  of withering injustice. it came  as a joyous daybreak to&nbsp ;end the long night of bad&nbs p;captivity.but one hundred years later, t he negro still is not free.&nbsp ;one hundred years later, the lif e of the negro is still sad ly crippled by the manacles of  segregation and the chains of  discrimination. one hundred years&n bsp;later, the negro lives on a  lonely island of poverty in&n bsp;the midst of a vast ocean& nbsp;of material prosperity. one hund red years later, the negro is&n bsp;still languished in the corners&n bsp;of american society and finds&n bsp;himself an exile in his own  land. so we’ve come here today to dramati ze a shameful condition.i am not unmindful that som e of you have come here out of great trials and tribulati ons. some of you have come& nbsp;fresh from narrow jail cells.&nb sp;some of you have come fro m areas where your quest for& nbsp;freedom left you battered by&n bsp;the storms of persecution and&n bsp;staggered by the winds of  police brutality. you have been&nbsp ;the veterans of creative suffering.&n bsp;continue to work with the  faith that unearned suffering is&nbsp ;redemptive.go back to mississippi, go ba ck to alabama, go back to&nbs p;south carolina, go back to ge orgia, go back to louisiana, go  back to the slums and g hettos of our northern cities, k nowing that somehow this situation& nbsp;can and will be changed.  let us not wallow in the valley of despair.i say to you today, my&nbsp ;friends, so even though we fa ce the difficulties of today and  tomorrow, i still have a  dream. it is a dream deeply&n bsp;rooted in the american dream.i have a dream that one&nbs p;day this nation will rise up,& nbsp;live up to the true meanin g of its creed: “we hold  these truths to be self-evident;  that all men are created equal.”i have a dream that one&nbs p;day on the red hills of  georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former&nbs p;slave-owners will be able to  sit down together at the table& nbsp;of brotherhood.i have a dream that one&nbs p;day even the state of mississi ppi, a state sweltering with the  heat of injustice, sweltering w ith the heat of oppression, will  be transformed into an oasis& nbsp;of freedom and justice.i have a dream that my&nbs p;four children will one day liv e in a nation where they&nbsp ;will not be judged by the&nbs p;color if their skin but by&nb sp;the content of their character.i have a dream today.i have a dream that one&nbs p;day down in alabama with it s governor having his lips drip ping with the words of interpo sition and nullification, one day&nbs p;right down in alabama little  black boys and black girls will  be able to join hands wi th little white boys and white& nbsp;girls as sisters and brothers.i have a dream today.i have a dream that one&nbs p;day every valley shall be exa lted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough&n bsp;places will be made plain,  and the crooked places will be  made straight, and the glory& nbsp;of the lord shall be reveal ed, and all flesh shall see&nbs p;it together.this is our hope. this is&nbsp ;the faith that i go back t o the south with. with this&nb sp;faith we will be able to&nb sp;hew out of the mountain of  despair a stone of hope.&nbsp ;with this faith we will be&nbs p;able to transform the jangling&nbs p;discords of our nation into a  beautiful symphony of brotherhood.  with this faith we will b e able to work together, to&nb sp;pray together, to struggle together,  to go to jail together, to  stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be&nbs p;free one day.this will be the day when&n bsp;all of god’s children will be able to&nbs p;sing with new meaning. my country, ’ tis of thee, sweet land of liberty,of thee i sing:land where my fathers died,land of the pilgrims’ pride,from every mountainsidelet freedom ring.and if america is to be&nbsp ;a great nation this must beco me true. so let freedom ring&n bsp;from the prodigious hilltops of& nbsp;new hampshire.let freedom ring from the mi ghty mountains of new york!let freedom ring from the hei ghtening alleghenies of pennsylvania!let freedom ring from the sn owcapped rockies of colorado!let freedom ring from the cur vaceous slops of california!but not only that; let freedom  ring from stone mountain of& nbsp;georgia!let freedom ring from lookout&nbs p;mountain of tennessee!let freedom ring from every  hill and molehill of mississippi! from every mountainside, let freedo m ring!when we let freedom ring, w hen we let it ring from e very village and every hamlet,  from every state and every city , we will be able to speed up that day when all o f god’s children, black men and whit e men, jews and gentiles, prote stants and catholics, will be ab le to join hands and sing&nbsp ;in the words of the old  negro spiritual,&n bsp;“free at last! fr ee at last! thank god almighty,  we are free at last!”我有一个梦想一百年前，一位伟大的美国人签署了解放黑奴宣言，今天我们就是在他的雕像前集会。

I've been to the mountaintop 中英对照

I've been to the mountaintop 中英对照

I've been to the mountaintop这是马丁.路德.金博士的最后一次演讲，次日他被暗杀。

在他发表这篇著名的演讲的时候，他预感到了自己的命运，因为在他来孟菲斯之前已经收到了各种各样的死亡恐吓。

但是他用行动作出了回答。

他说不要问我帮了别人自己会有什么后果，而要问“如果我不帮助别人，别人会有什么后果”。

演讲的题目出自《圣经》以色列人出埃及的典故，摩西带领以色列人摆脱埃及法老的奴役，去往哪上帝应许的“流奶与蜜之地”–迦南。

摩西被上帝带到山顶上，看到了那“应许之地”（promise land），但他却被告知，他自己不能到达。

马丁.路德.金说“像其他人一样，我也想活的长一些。

但是现在我不在乎这一点，我只想尊从上帝的意愿，他已经允许我站在山顶，看到了那应许之地，我也许不能和你们一起到达那里，但是今晚我要告诉大家，人民一定会到哪里！”马丁.路德.金是一名伟大的基督徒，传道者。

他坚持“非暴力”斗争的原则，他用行动实践了耶稣基督“以善胜恶”的伟大真理。

金博士倒下了，爱–看起来是似乎是那么软弱，但是40年过去了，是爱，还是“子弹”（马尔科姆.X的著名演讲《子弹还是选票》）获得了胜利？这篇演讲中，金博士充满了实践神的国度的热情，他说“我现在什么也不怕，因为我的双眼已经见证了神的荣耀！”。

我想起了爱因斯坦读甘地传后的感慨：后代的子孙，很难想象，在我们这个时代，曾经走过这么一位血肉之躯。

Thank you very kindly,my friends.As I listened to Ralph Abernathy and his eloquent and generous introduction and then thought about myself,I wondered who he was talking about. It's always good to have your closest friend and associate to say something good about you. And Ralph Abernathy is the best friend that I have in the world.I'm delighted to see each of you here tonight in spite of a storm warning.You reveal that you are determined to go on anyhow.Something is happening in Memphis;something is happening in our world.And you know, if I were standing at the beginning of time,with the possibility of taking a kind of general and panoramic view of the whole of human history up to now,and the Almighty said to me,"Martin Luther King,which age would you like to live in?"I would take my mental flight by Egypt and I would watch God's children in their magnificent trek from the dark dungeons of Egypt through, or rather across the Red Sea,through the wilderness on toward the promised land.And in spite of its magnificence,I wouldn't stop there.I would move on by Greece and take my mind to Mount Olympus.And I would see Plato, Aristotle,Socrates,Euripides and Aristophanes assembled around the Parthenon.And I would watch them around the Parthenon as they discussed the great and eternal issues of reality.But I wouldn't stop there.I would go on,even to the great heyday of the Roman Empire.And I would see developments around there,through various emperors and leaders.But I wouldn't stop there.I would even come up to the day of the Renaissance,and get a quick picture of all that the Renaissance did for the cultural and aesthetic life of man.But I wouldn't stop there.I would even go by the way that the man for whom I am named had his habitat.And I would watch Martin Luther as he tacked his ninety-five theses on the door at the church of Wittenberg.But I wouldn't stop there.I would come on up even to1863,and watch a vacillating President by the name of Abraham Lincoln finally come to the conclusion that he had to sign the Emancipation Proclamation.But I wouldn't stop there.I would even come up to the early thirties,and see a man grappling with the problems ofthe bankruptcy of his nation.And come with an eloquent cry that we have nothing to fear but "fear itself."But I wouldn't stop there.Strangely enough,I would turn to the Almighty,and say,"If you allow me to live just a few years in the second half of the20th century,I will be happy."Now that's a strange statement to make,because the world is all messed up.The nation is sick.Trouble is in the land;confusion all around.That's a strange statement.But I know, somehow,that only when it is dark enough can you see the stars.And I see God working in this period of the twentieth century in a way that men,in some strange way,are responding. Something is happening in our world.The masses of people are rising up.And wherever they are assembled today,whether they are in Johannesburg,South Africa;Nairobi,Kenya;Accra, Ghana;New York City;Atlanta,Georgia;Jackson,Mississippi;or Memphis,Tennessee--the cry is always the same:"We want to be free."And another reason that I'm happy to live in this period is that we have been forced to a point where we are going to have to grapple with the problems that men have been trying to grapple with through history,but the demands didn't force them to do it.Survival demands that we grapple with them.Men,for years now,have been talking about war and peace.But now,no longer can they just talk about it.It is no longer a choice between violence and nonviolence in this world;it's nonviolence or nonexistence.That is where we are today.And also in the human rights revolution,if something isn't done,and done in a hurry,to bring the colored peoples of the world out of their long years of poverty,their long years of hurt and neglect,the whole world is doomed.Now,I'm just happy that God has allowed me to live in this period to see what is unfolding.And I'm happy that He's allowed me to be in Memphis.I can remember--I can remember when Negroes were just going around as Ralph has said, so often,scratching where they didn't itch,and laughing when they were not tickled.But that day is all over.We mean business now,and we are determined to gain our rightful place in God's world.And that's all this whole thing is about.We aren't engaged in any negative protest and in any negative arguments with anybody.We are saying that we are determined to be men.We are determined to be people.We are saying--We are saying that we are God's children.And that we are God's children,we don't have to live like we are forced to live.Now,what does all of this mean in this great period of history?It means that we've got to stay together.We've got to stay together and maintain unity.You know,whenever Pharaoh wanted to prolong the period of slavery in Egypt,he had a favorite,favorite formula for doing it.What was that?He kept the slaves fighting among themselves.But whenever the slaves get together,something happens in Pharaoh's court,and he cannot hold the slaves in slavery. When the slaves get together,that's the beginning of getting out of slavery.Now let us maintain unity.Secondly,let us keep the issues where they are.The issue is injustice.The issue is the refusal of Memphis to be fair and honest in its dealings with its public servants,who happen to be sanitation workers.Now,we've got to keep attention on that.That's always the problem with a little violence.You know what happened the other day,and the press dealt only with the window-breaking.I read the articles.They very seldom got around to mentioning the fact that one thousand,three hundred sanitation workers are on strike,and that Memphis is not being fair to them,and that Mayor Loeb is in dire need of a doctor.They didn't get around to that.Now we're going to march again,and we've got to march again,in order to put the issuewhere it is supposed to be--and force everybody to see that there are thirteen hundred of God's children here suffering,sometimes going hungry,going through dark and dreary nights wondering how this thing is going to come out.That's the issue.And we've got to say to the nation:We know how it's coming out.For when people get caught up with that which is right and they are willing to sacrifice for it,there is no stopping point short of victory.We aren't going to let any mace stop us.We are masters in our nonviolent movement in disarming police forces;they don't know what to do.I've seen them so often.I remember in Birmingham,Alabama,when we were in that majestic struggle there,we would move out of the16th Street Baptist Church day after day;by the hundreds we would move out.And Bull Connor would tell them to send the dogs forth,and they did come;but we just went before the dogs singing,"Ain't gonna let nobody turn me around."Bull Connor next would say,"Turn the fire hoses on."And as I said to you the other night,Bull Connor didn't know history.He knew a kind of physics that somehow didn't relate to the transphysics that we knew about.And that was the fact that there was a certain kind of fire that no water could put out.And we went before the fire hoses;we had known water.If we were Baptist or some other denominations,we had been immersed.If we were Methodist, and some others,we had been sprinkled,but we knew water.That couldn't stop us.And we just went on before the dogs and we would look at them;and we'd go on before the water hoses and we would look at it,and we'd just go on singing"Over my head I see freedom in the air."And then we would be thrown in the paddy wagons,and sometimes we were stacked in there like sardines in a can.And they would throw us in,and old Bull would say,"Take'em off,"and they did;and we would just go in the paddy wagon singing,"We Shall Overcome."And every now and then we'd get in jail,and we'd see the jailers looking through the windows being moved by our prayers,and being moved by our words and our songs.And there was a power there which Bull Connor couldn't adjust to;and so we ended up transforming Bull into a steer,and we won our struggle in Birmingham.Now we've got to go on in Memphis just like that.I call upon you to be with us when we go out Monday.Now about injunctions:We have an injunction and we're going into court tomorrow morning to fight this illegal,unconstitutional injunction.All we say to America is,"Be true to what you said on paper."If I lived in China or even Russia,or any totalitarian country,maybe I could understand some of these illegal injunctions.Maybe I could understand the denial of certain basic First Amendment privileges,because they hadn't committed themselves to that over there.But somewhere I read of the freedom of assembly.Somewhere I read of the freedom of speech.Somewhere I read of the freedom of press.Somewhere I read that the greatness of America is the right to protest for right.And so just as I say,we aren't going to let dogs or water hoses turn us around,we aren't going to let any injunction turn us around.We are going on.We need all of you.And you know what's beautiful to me is to see all of these ministers of the Gospel.It's a marvelous picture.Who is it that is supposed to articulate the longings and aspirations of the people more than the preacher?Somehow the preacher must have a kind of fire shut up in his bones.And whenever injustice is around he tell it.Somehow the preacher must be an Amos,and saith,"When God speaks who can but prophesy?"Again with Amos,"Let justice roll down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream." Somehow the preacher must say with Jesus,"The Spirit of the Lord is upon me,because he hath anointed me,"and he's anointed me to deal with the problems of the poor."And I want to commend the preachers,under the leadership of these noble men:James Lawson,one who has been in this struggle for many years;he's been to jail for struggling;he's been kicked out of Vanderbilt University for this struggle,but he's still going on,fighting for the rights of his people.Reverend Ralph Jackson,Billy Kiles;I could just go right on down the list,but time will not permit.But I want to thank all of them.And I want you to thank them, because so often,preachers aren't concerned about anything but themselves.And I'm always happy to see a relevant ministry.It's all right to talk about"long white robes over yonder,"in all of its symbolism.But ultimately people want some suits and dresses and shoes to wear down here!It's all right to talk about"streets flowing with milk and honey,"but God has commanded us to be concerned about the slums down here,and his children who can't eat three square meals a day.It's all right to talk about the new Jerusalem,but one day,God's preacher must talk about the new New York,the new Atlanta,the new Philadelphia,the new Los Angeles,the new Memphis, Tennessee.This is what we have to do.Now the other thing we'll have to do is this:Always anchor our external direct action with the power of economic withdrawal.Now,we are poor people.Individually,we are poor when you compare us with white society in America.We are poor.Never stop and forget that collectively--that means all of us together--collectively we are richer than all the nations in the world,with the exception of nine.Did you ever think about that?After you leave the United States,Soviet Russia,Great Britain,West Germany,France,and I could name the others,the American Negro collectively is richer than most nations of the world.We have an annual income of more than thirty billion dollars a year,which is more than all of the exportsof the United States,and more than the national budget of Canada.Did you know that?That's power right there,if we know how to pool it.We don't have to argue with anybody.We don't have to curse and go around acting bad with our words.We don't need any bricks and bottles.We don't need any Molotov cocktails. We just need to go around to these stores,and to these massive industries in our country, and say,"God sent us by here,to say to you that you're not treating his children right.Andwe've come by here to ask you to make the first item on your agenda fair treatment,where God's children are concerned.Now,if you are not prepared to do that,we do have an agenda that we must follow.And our agenda calls for withdrawing economic support from you."And so,as a result of this,we are asking you tonight,to go out and tell your neighbors not to buy Coca-Cola in Memphis.Go by and tell them not to buy Sealtest milk.Tell them not to buy--what is the other bread?--Wonder Bread.And what is the other bread company,Jesse? Tell them not to buy Hart's bread.As Jesse Jackson has said,up to now,only the garbage men have been feeling pain;now we must kind of redistribute the pain.We are choosing these companies because they haven't been fair in their hiring policies;and we are choosing them because they can begin the process of saying they are going to support the needs and the rights of these men who are on strike.And then they can move on town--downtown and tell Mayor Loeb to do what is right.But not only that,we've got to strengthen black institutions.I call upon you to take your money out of the banks downtown and deposit your money in Tri-State Bank.We want a "bank-in"movement in Memphis.Go by the savings and loan association.I'm not asking you something that we don't do ourselves at SCLC.Judge Hooks and others will tell you that we have an account here in the savings and loan association from the Southern Christian Leadership Conference.We are telling you to follow what we are doing.Put your money there.You have six or seven black insurance companies here in the city of Memphis.Takeout your insurance there.We want to have an"insurance-in."Now these are some practical things that we can do.We begin the process of building agreater economic base.And at the same time,we are putting pressure where it really hurts.I ask you to follow through here.Now,let me say as I move to my conclusion that we've got to give ourselves to this struggle until the end.Nothing would be more tragic than to stop at this point in Memphis.We've got to see it through.And when we have our march,you need to be there.If it means leaving work, if it means leaving school--be there.Be concerned about your brother.You may not be on strike.But either we go up together,or we go down together.Let us develop a kind of dangerous unselfishness.One day a man came to Jesus,and he wanted to raise some questions about some vital matters of life.At points he wanted to trick Jesus,and show him that he knew a little more than Jesus knew and throw him off base.... Now that question could have easily ended up in a philosophical and theological debate.But Jesus immediately pulled that question from mid-air,and placed it on a dangerous curve between Jerusalem and Jericho.And he talked about a certain man,who fell among thieves. You remember that a Levite and a priest passed by on the other side.They didn't stop to help him.And finally a man of another race came by.He got down from his beast,decided not to be compassionate by proxy.But he got down with him,administered first aid,and helped the man in need.Jesus ended up saying,this was the good man,this was the great man, because he had the capacity to project the"I"into the"thou,"and to be concerned about his brother.Now you know,we use our imagination a great deal to try to determine why the priest and the Levite didn't stop.At times we say they were busy going to a church meeting,an ecclesiastical gathering,and they had to get on down to Jerusalem so they wouldn't be late for their meeting.At other times we would speculate that there was a religious law that"One who was engaged in religious ceremonials was not to touch a human body twenty-four hours before the ceremony."And every now and then we begin to wonder whether maybe they were not going down to Jerusalem--or down to Jericho,rather to organize a"Jericho Road Improvement Association."That's a possibility.Maybe they felt that it was better to deal with the problem from the causal root,rather than to get bogged down with an individual effect. But I'm going to tell you what my imagination tells me.It's possible that those men were afraid. You see,the Jericho road is a dangerous road.I remember when Mrs.King and I were first in Jerusalem.We rented a car and drove from Jerusalem down to Jericho.And as soon as we got on that road,I said to my wife,"I can see why Jesus used this as the setting for his parable."It's a winding,meandering road.It's really conducive for ambushing.You start out in Jerusalem,which is about1200miles--or rather1200feet above sea level.And by the time you get down to Jericho,fifteen or twenty minutes later,you're about2200feet below sea level.That's a dangerous road.In the days of Jesus it came to be known as the"Bloody Pass."And you know,it's possible that the priest and the Levite looked over that man on the ground and wondered if the robbers were still around.Or it's possible that they felt that the man on the ground was merely faking.And he was acting like he had been robbed and hurt, in order to seize them over there,lure them there for quick and easy seizure.And so the first question that the priest asked--the first question that the Levite asked was,"If I stop to help this man,what will happen to me?"But then the Good Samaritan came by.And he reversed the question:"If I do not stop to help this man,what will happen to him?"That's the question before you tonight.Not,"If I stop to help the sanitation workers,what will happen to my job.Not,"If I stop to help the sanitation workers what will happen to all of the hours that I usually spend in my office every day and every week as a pastor?"The question is not,"If I stop to help this man in need,what will happen to me?"The question is,"If I do notstop to help the sanitation workers,what will happen to them?"That's the question.Let us rise up tonight with a greater readiness.Let us stand with a greater determination. And let us move on in these powerful days,these days of challenge to make America what it ought to be.We have an opportunity to make America a better nation.And I want to thank God,once more,for allowing me to be here with you.You know,several years ago,I was in New York City autographing the first book that I had written.And while sitting there autographing books,a demented black woman came up.The only question I heard from her was,"Are you Martin Luther King?"And I was looking down writing,and I said,"Yes."And the next minute I felt something beating on my chest.Before I knew it I had been stabbed by this demented woman.I was rushed to Harlem Hospital.It was a dark Saturday afternoon.And that blade had gone through,and the X-rays revealed that the tip of the blade was on the edge of my aorta,the main artery.And once that's punctured, your drowned in your own blood--that's the end of you.It came out in the New York Times the next morning,that if I had merely sneezed,I would have died.Well,about four days later,they allowed me,after the operation,after my chest had been opened,and the blade had been taken out,to move around in the wheel chair in the hospital.They allowed me to read some of the mail that came in,and from all over the states and the world,kind letters came in.I read a few,but one of them I will never forget.I had received one from the President and the Vice-President.I've forgotten what those telegrams said.I'd received a visit and a letter from the Governor of New York,but I've forgotten what that letter said.But there was another letter that came from a little girl,a young girl who was a student at the White Plains High School.And I looked at that letter,and I'll never forget it.It said simply,Dear Dr.King,I am a ninth-grade student at the White Plains High School."And she said,While it should not matter,I would like to mention that I'm a white girl.I read in the paper of your misfortune,and of your suffering.And I read that if you had sneezed,you would have died.And I'm simply writing you to say that I'm so happy that you didn't sneeze.And I want to say tonight--I want to say tonight that I too am happy that I didn't sneeze. Because if I had sneezed,I wouldn't have been around here in1960,when students all over the South started sitting-in at lunch counters.And I knew that as they were sitting in,they were really standing up for the best in the American dream,and taking the whole nation back to those great wells of democracy which were dug deep by the Founding Fathers in the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution.If I had sneezed,I wouldn't have been around here in1961,when we decided to take a ride for freedom and ended segregation in inter-state travel.If I had sneezed,I wouldn't have been around here in1962,when Negroes in Albany, Georgia,decided to straighten their backs up.And whenever men and women straighten their backs up,they are going somewhere,because a man can't ride your back unless it is bent.If I had sneezed--If I had sneezed I wouldn't have been here in1963,when the black people of Birmingham,Alabama,aroused the conscience of this nation,and brought into being the Civil Rights Bill.If I had sneezed,I wouldn't have had a chance later that year,in August,to try to tell America about a dream that I had had.If I had sneezed,I wouldn't have been down in Selma,Alabama,to see the greatMovement there.If I had sneezed,I wouldn't have been in Memphis to see a community rally around those brothers and sisters who are suffering.I'm so happy that I didn't sneeze.And they were telling me--.Now,it doesn't matter,now.It really doesn't matter what happens now.I left Atlanta this morning,and as we got started on the plane,there were six of us.The pilot said over the public address system,"We are sorry for the delay,but we have Dr. Martin Luther King on the plane.And to be sure that all of the bags were checked,and to be sure that nothing would be wrong with on the plane,we had to check out everything carefully. And we've had the plane protected and guarded all night."And then I got into Memphis.And some began to say the threats,or talk about the threats that were out.What would happen to me from some of our sick white brothers?Well,I don't know what will happen now.We've got some difficult days ahead.But it really doesn't matter with me now,because I've been to the mountaintop.And I don't mind.Like anybody,I would like to live a long life.Longevity has its place.But I'm not concerned about that now.I just want to do God's will.And He's allowed me to go up to the mountain.And I've looked over.And I've seen the Promised Land.I may not get there with you.But I want you to know tonight,that we,as a people,will get to the promised land!And so I'm happy,tonight.I'm not worried about anything.I'm not fearing any man!Mine eyes have seen the glory of the coming of the Lord!!中文翻译：真的很感谢你们，我的朋友们。

马丁路德金演讲稿中文

马丁路德金演讲稿中文

马丁路德金演讲稿中文马丁·路德·金，这位美国民权运动的领袖，以其激情澎湃、感人至深的演讲，为平等和正义发声，激励了无数人的心灵。

他最为著名的演讲当属《我有一个梦想》。

在这篇演讲中，他用真挚而强烈的语言，描绘了一个没有种族歧视、人人平等的美好愿景。

“一百年前，一位伟大的美国人签署了《解放黑奴宣言》，今天我们就是在他的雕像前集会。

这一庄严宣言犹如灯塔的光芒，给千百万在那摧残生命的不义之火中受煎熬的黑奴带来了希望。

它之到来犹如欢乐的黎明，结束了束缚黑人的漫漫长夜。

” 他以这样的开篇，将历史的厚重与当下的使命紧密相连，让人们深刻意识到，为了平等的斗争已经历经漫长岁月，而此刻正是关键时刻。

“然而一百年后的今天，我们必须正视黑人还没有得到自由这一悲惨的事实。

一百年后的今天，在种族隔离的镣铐和种族歧视的枷锁下，黑人的生活备受压榨。

一百年后的今天，黑人仍生活在物质充裕的海洋中一个穷困的孤岛上。

一百年后的今天，黑人仍然萎缩在美国社会的角落里，并且意识到自己是故土家园中的流亡者。

” 这一连串的排比，如重锤一般敲打着人们的心灵，让人们清楚地看到黑人所遭受的不公正待遇。

“现在是实现民主的诺言的时候。

现在是从种族隔离的荒凉阴暗的深谷攀登种族平等的光明大道的时候。

现在是向上帝所有的儿女开放机会之门的时候。

现在是把我们的国家从种族不平等的流沙中拯救出来，置于兄弟情谊的磐石上的时候。

” 他以坚定的口吻，呼吁人们行动起来，改变这不平等的现状。

“我梦想有一天，这个国家会站立起来，真正实现其信条的真谛：‘我们认为这些真理是不言而喻的，人人生而平等。

’ 我梦想有一天，在佐治亚的红山上，昔日奴隶的儿子将能够和昔日奴隶主的儿子坐在一起，共叙兄弟情谊。

我梦想有一天，甚至连密西西比州这个正义匿迹，压迫成风，如同沙漠般的地方，也将变成自由和正义的绿洲。

我梦想有一天，我的四个孩子将在一个不是以他们的肤色，而是以他们的品格优劣来评价他们的国度里生活。

马丁路德金我的理想演讲稿中文

马丁路德金我的理想演讲稿中文

马丁路德金我的理想演讲稿中文马丁路德金我的理想演讲稿
尊敬的各位领导、老师和同学们：
大家好！我今天很荣幸能够在这里发表我的演讲，我想与大家分享一位伟大领袖——马丁路德金，并阐述我的理想。

马丁路德金是美国历史上最杰出的领袖之一，他为平等和公正而奋斗，为黑人争取权利和尊严。

他的激情、勇气和智慧深深地感染着我。

我的理想是建立一个没有歧视和偏见的社会。

我希望每个人都能够享有平等的机会，不论种族、性别、宗教或背景。

我相信每个人都应该被尊重和接纳，不受任何形式的歧视。

要实现这个理想，我们需要团结一致，共同努力。

我鼓励每个人积极参与社会活动，发挥自己的力量，传播友爱和宽容的理念。

通过教育和宣传，我们可以帮助更多的人认识到平等的重要性，并
推动社会变革。

马丁路德金曾经说过：“我有一个梦想，那就是一个日益实现
的梦想，一个希望看到美国变成真正自由的梦想。

”我相信这个梦
想不仅属于美国，而且属于全世界。

我们每个人都应该肩负起责任，为实现这个梦想而努力。

最后，让我们牢记马丁路德金的话语：“我们必须接受失望，
因为它是有限而且短暂的。

但我们千万不可失去希望，因为它是终
极的，它是塑造未来的力量。

”让我们永远保持希望，坚定地追求
平等和正义的理想。

谢谢大家！
---
*以上为800字的马丁路德金我的理想演讲稿中文。

*。

马丁·路德·金英语演讲稿：我已达至峰顶_英语演讲稿_

马丁·路德·金英语演讲稿：我已达至峰顶_英语演讲稿_

马丁·路德·金英语演讲稿：我已达至峰顶I've Been to the MountaintopThank you very kindly, my friends. As I listened to Ralph Abernathy and his eloquent and generous introduction and then thought about myself, I wondered who he was talking about. It's always good to have your closest friend and associate to say something good about you. And Ralph Abernathy is the best friend that I have in the world. I'm delighted to see each of you here tonight in spite of a storm warning. You reveal that you are determined to go on anyhow.Something is happening in Memphis; something is happening in our world. And you know, if I were standing at the beginning of time, with the possibility of taking a kind of general and panoramic view of the whole of human history up to now, and the Almighty said to me, "Martin Luther King, which age would you like to live in?" I would take my mental flight by Egypt and I would watch God's children in their magnificent trek from the dark dungeons of Egypt through, or rather across the Red Sea, through the wilderness on toward the promised land. And in spite of its magnificence, I wouldn't stop there.I would move on by Greece and take my mind to Mount Olympus. And I would see Plato, Aristotle, Socrates, Euripides and Aristophanes assembled around the Parthenon. And I would watch them around the Parthenon as they discussed the great and eternal issues of reality. But I wouldn't stop there.I would go on, even to the great heyday of the Roman Empire. And I would see developments around there, through various emperors and leaders. But I wouldn't stop there.I would even come up to the day of the Renaissance, and geta quick picture of all that the Renaissance did for the cultural and aesthetic life of man. But I wouldn't stop there.I would even go by the way that the man for whom I am named had his habitat. And I would watch Martin Luther as he tacked his ninety-five theses on the door at the church of Wittenberg. But I wouldn't stop there.I would come on up even to 1863, and watch a vacillating President by the name of Abraham Lincoln finally come to the conclusion that he had to sign the Emancipation Proclamation. But I wouldn't stop there.I would even come up to the early thirties, and see a man grappling with the problems of the bankruptcy of his nation. And come with an eloquent cry that we have nothing to fear but "fear itself." But I wouldn't stop there.Strangely enough, I would turn to the Almighty, and say, "If you allow me to live just a few years in the second half of the 20th century, I will be happy."Now that's a strange statement to make, because the world is all messed up. The nation is sick. Trouble is in the land; confusion all around. That's a strange statement. But I know, somehow, that only when it is dark enough can you see the stars. And I see God working in this period of the twentieth century in a way that men, in some strange way, are responding.Something is happening in our world. The masses of people are rising up. And wherever they are assembled today, whether they are in Johannesburg, South Africa; Nairobi, Kenya; Accra, Ghana; New York City; Atlanta, Georgia; Jackson, Mississippi; or Memphis, Tennessee -- the cry is always the same: "We want to be free."And another reason that I'm happy to live in this period isthat we have been forced to a point where we are going to have to grapple with the problems that men have been trying to grapple with through history, but the demands didn't force them to do it. Survival demands that we grapple with them. Men, for years now, have been talking about war and peace. But now, no longer can they just talk about it. It is no longer a choice between violence and nonviolence in this world; it's nonviolence or nonexistence. That is where we are today.And also in the human rights revolution, if something isn't done, and done in a hurry, to bring the colored peoples of the world out of their long years of poverty, their long years of hurt and neglect, the whole world is doomed. Now, I'm just happy that God has allowed me to live in this period to see what is unfolding. And I'm happy that He's allowed me to be in Memphis.I can remember -- I can remember when Negroes were just going around as Ralph has said, so often, scratching where they didn't itch, and laughing when they were not tickled. But that day is all over. We mean business now, and we are determined to gain our rightful place in God's world.And that's all this whole thing is about. We aren't engaged in any negative protest and in any negative arguments with anybody. We are saying that we are determined to be men. We are determined to be people. We are saying -- We are saying that we are God's children. And that we are God's children, we don't have to live like we are forced to live.Now, what does all of this mean in this great period of history? It means that we've got to stay together. We've got to stay together and maintain unity. You know, whenever Pharaoh wanted to prolong the period of slavery in Egypt, he had a favorite, favorite formula for doing it. What was that? He kept theslaves fighting among themselves. But whenever the slaves get together, something happens in Pharaoh's court, and he cannot hold the slaves in slavery. When the slaves get together, that's the beginning of getting out of slavery. Now let us maintain unity.Secondly, let us keep the issues where they are. The issue is injustice. The issue is the refusal of Memphis to be fair and honest in its dealings with its public servants, who happen to be sanitation workers. Now, we've got to keep attention on that. That's always the problem with a little violence. You know what happened the other day, and the press dealt only with the window-breaking. I read the articles. They very seldom got around to mentioning the fact that one thousand, three hundred sanitation workers are on strike, and that Memphis is not being fair to them, and that Mayor Loeb is in dire need of a doctor. They didn't get around to that.Now we're going to march again, and we've got to march again, in order to put the issue where it is supposed to be -- and force everybody to see that there are thirteen hundred of God's children here suffering, sometimes going hungry, going through dark and dreary nights wondering how this thing is going to come out. That's the issue. And we've got to say to the nation: We know how it's coming out. For when people get caught up with that which is right and they are willing to sacrifice for it, there is no stopping point short of victory.We aren't going to let any mace stop us. We are masters in our nonviolent movement in disarming police forces; they don't know what to do. I've seen them so often. I remember in Birmingham, Alabama, when we were in that majestic struggle there, we would move out of the 16th Street Baptist Church day after day; by the hundreds we would move out. And Bull Connorwould tell them to send the dogs forth, and they did come; but we just went before the dogs singing, "Ain't gonna let nobody turn me around."Bull Connor next would say, "Turn the fire hoses on." And as I said to you the other night, Bull Connor didn't know history. He knew a kind of physics that somehow didn't relate to the transphysics that we knew about. And that was the fact that there was a certain kind of fire that no water could put out. And we went before the fire hoses; we had known water. If we were Baptist or some other denominations, we had been immersed. If we were Methodist, and some others, we had been sprinkled, but we knew water. That couldn't stop us.And we just went on before the dogs and we would look at them; and we'd go on before the water hoses and we would look at it, and we'd just go on singing "Over my head I see freedom in the air." And then we would be thrown in the paddy wagons, and sometimes we were stacked in there like sardines in a can. And they would throw us in, and old Bull would say, "Take 'em off," and they did; and we would just go in the paddy wagon singing, "We Shall Overcome." And every now and then we'd get in jail, and we'd see the jailers looking through the windows being moved by our prayers, and being moved by our words and our songs. And there was a power there which Bull Connor couldn't adjust to; and so we ended up transforming Bull into a steer, and we won our struggle in Birmingham. Now we've got to go on in Memphis just like that. I call upon you to be with us when we go out Monday.Now about injunctions: We have an injunction and we're going into court tomorrow morning to fight this illegal, unconstitutional injunction. All we say to America is, "Be true towhat you said on paper." If I lived in China or even Russia, or any totalitarian country, maybe I could understand some of these illegal injunctions. Maybe I could understand the denial of certain basic First Amendment privileges, because they hadn't committed themselves to that over there. But somewhere I read of the freedom of assembly. Somewhere I read of the freedom of speech. Somewhere I read of the freedom of press. Somewhere I read that the greatness of America is the right to protest for right. And so just as I say, we aren't going to let dogs or water hoses turn us around, we aren't going to let any injunction turn us around. We are going on.We need all of you. And you know what's beautiful to me is to see all of these ministers of the Gospel. It's a marvelous picture. Who is it that is supposed to articulate the longings and aspirations of the people more than the preacher? Somehow the preacher must have a kind of fire shut up in his bones. And whenever injustice is around he tell it. Somehow the preacher must be an Amos, and saith, "When God speaks who can but prophesy?" Again with Amos, "Let justice roll down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream." Somehow the preacher must say with Jesus, "The Spirit of the Lord is upon me, because he hath anointed me," and he's anointed me to deal with the problems of the poor."And I want to commend the preachers, under the leadership of these noble men: James Lawson, one who has been in this struggle for many years; he's been to jail for struggling; he's been kicked out of Vanderbilt University for this struggle, but he's still going on, fighting for the rights of his people. Reverend Ralph Jackson, Billy Kiles; I could just go right on down the list, but time will not permit. But I want to thank all of them. And I want you tothank them, because so often, preachers aren't concerned about anything but themselves. And I'm always happy to see a relevant ministry.It's all right to talk about "long white robes over yonder," in all of its symbolism. But ultimately people want some suits and dresses and shoes to wear down here! It's all right to talk about "streets flowing with milk and honey," but God has commanded us to be concerned about the slums down here, and his children who can't eat three square meals a day. It's all right to talk about the new Jerusalem, but one day, God's preacher must talk about the new New York, the new Atlanta, the new Philadelphia, the new Los Angeles, the new Memphis, Tennessee. This is what we have to do.Now the other thing we'll have to do is this: Always anchor our external direct action with the power of economic withdrawal. Now, we are poor people. Individually, we are poor when you compare us with white society in America. We are poor. Never stop and forget that collectively -- that means all of us together -- collectively we are richer than all the nations in the world, with the exception of nine. Did you ever think about that? After you leave the United States, Soviet Russia, Great Britain, West Germany, France, and I could name the others, the American Negro collectively is richer than most nations of the world. We have an annual income of more than thirty billion dollars a year, which is more than all of the exports of the United States, and more than the national budget of Canada. Did you know that? That's power right there, if we know how to pool it.We don't have to argue with anybody. We don't have to curse and go around acting bad with our words. We don't need any bricks and bottles. We don't need any Molotov cocktails. We justneed to go around to these stores, and to these massive industries in our country, and say, "God sent us by here, to say to you that you're not treating his children right. And we've come by here to ask you to make the first item on your agenda fair treatment, where God's children are concerned. Now, if you are not prepared to do that, we do have an agenda that we must follow. And our agenda calls for withdrawing economic support from you."And so, as a result of this, we are asking you tonight, to go out and tell your neighbors not to buy Coca-Cola in Memphis. Go by and tell them not to buy Sealtest milk. Tell them not to buy -- what is the other bread? -- Wonder Bread. And what is the other bread company, Jesse? T ell them not to buy Hart's bread. As Jesse Jackson has said, up to now, only the garbage men have been feeling pain; now we must kind of redistribute the pain. We are choosing these companies because they haven't been fair in their hiring policies; and we are choosing them because they can begin the process of saying they are going to support the needs and the rights of these men who are on strike. And then they can move on town -- downtown and tell Mayor Loeb to do what is right.But not only that, we've got to strengthen black institutions.I call upon you to take your money out of the banks downtown and deposit your money in Tri-State Bank. We want a "bank-in" movement in Memphis. Go by the savings and loan association. I'm not asking you something that we don't do ourselves at SCLC. Judge Hooks and others will tell you that we have an account here in the savings and loan association from the Southern Christian Leadership Conference. We are telling you to follow what we are doing. Put your money there. You have six or sevenblack insurance companies here in the city of Memphis. Take out your insurance there. We want to have an "insurance-in."Now these are some practical things that we can do. We begin the process of building a greater economic base. And at the same time, we are putting pressure where it really hurts. I ask you to follow through here.Now, let me say as I move to my conclusion that we've got to give ourselves to this struggle until the end. Nothing would be more tragic than to stop at this point in Memphis. We've got to see it through. And when we have our march, you need to be there. If it means leaving work, if it means leaving school -- be there. Be concerned about your brother. You may not be on strike. But either we go up together, or we go down together.Let us develop a kind of dangerous unselfishness. One day a man came to Jesus, and he wanted to raise some questions about some vital matters of life. At points he wanted to trick Jesus, and show him that he knew a little more than Jesus knew and throw him off base....Now that question could have easily ended up in a philosophical and theological debate. But Jesus immediately pulled that question from mid-air, and placed it on a dangerous curve between Jerusalem and Jericho. And he talked about a certain man, who fell among thieves. You remember that a Levite and a priest passed by on the other side. They didn't stop to help him. And finally a man of another race came by. He got down from his beast, decided not to be compassionate by proxy. But he got down with him, administered first aid, and helped the man in need. Jesus ended up saying, this was the good man, this was the great man, because he had the capacity to project the "I" into the "thou," and to be concerned about his brother.Now you know, we use our imagination a great deal to try to determine why the priest and the Levite didn't stop. At times we say they were busy going to a church meeting, an ecclesiastical gathering, and they had to get on down to Jerusalem so they wouldn't be late for their meeting. At other times we would speculate that there was a religious law that "One who was engaged in religious ceremonials was not to touch a human body twenty-four hours before the ceremony." And every now and then we begin to wonder whether maybe they were not going down to Jerusalem -- or down to Jericho, rather to organize a "Jericho Road Improvement Association." That's a possibility. Maybe they felt that it was better to deal with the problem from the causal root, rather than to get bogged down with an individual effect.But I'm going to tell you what my imagination tells me. It's possible that those men were afraid. You see, the Jericho road is a dangerous road. I remember when Mrs. King and I were first in Jerusalem. We rented a car and drove from Jerusalem down to Jericho. And as soon as we got on that road, I said to my wife, "I can see why Jesus used this as the setting for his parable." It's a winding, meandering road. It's really conducive for ambushing. You start out in Jerusalem, which is about 1200 miles -- or rather 1200 feet above sea level. And by the time you get down to Jericho, fifteen or twenty minutes later, you're about 2200 feet below sea level. That's a dangerous road. In the days of Jesus it came to be known as the "Bloody Pass." And you know, it's possible that the priest and the Levite looked over that man on the ground and wondered if the robbers were still around. Or it's possible that they felt that the man on the ground was merely faking. And he was acting like he had been robbed and hurt, inorder to seize them over there, lure them there for quick and easy seizure. And so the first question that the priest asked -- the first question that the Levite asked was, "If I stop to help this man, what will happen to me?" But then the Good Samaritan came by. And he reversed the question: "If I do not stop to help this man, what will happen to him?"That's the question before you tonight. Not, "If I stop to help the sanitation workers, what will happen to my job. Not, "If I stop to help the sanitation workers what will happen to all of the hours that I usually spend in my office every day and every week as a pastor?" The question is not, "If I stop to help this man in need, what will happen to me?" The question is, "If I do not stop to help the sanitation workers, what will happen to them?" That's the question.Let us rise up tonight with a greater readiness. Let us stand with a greater determination. And let us move on in these powerful days, these days of challenge to make America what it ought to be. We have an opportunity to make America a better nation. And I want to thank God, once more, for allowing me to be here with you.You know, several years ago, I was in New York City autographing the first book that I had written. And while sitting there autographing books, a demented black woman came up. The only question I heard from her was, "Are you Martin Luther King?" And I was looking down writing, and I said, "Yes." And the next minute I felt something beating on my chest. Before I knew it I had been stabbed by this demented woman. I was rushed to Harlem Hospital. It was a dark Saturday afternoon. And that blade had gone through, and the X-rays revealed that the tip of the blade was on the edge of my aorta, the main artery. And oncethat's punctured, your drowned in your own blood -- that's the end of you.It came out in the New York Times the next morning, that if I had merely sneezed, I would have died. Well, about four days later, they allowed me, after the operation, after my chest had been opened, and the blade had been taken out, to move around in the wheel chair in the hospital. They allowed me to read some of the mail that came in, and from all over the states and the world, kind letters came in. I read a few, but one of them I will never forget. I had received one from the President and the Vice-President. I've forgotten what those telegrams said. I'd received a visit and a letter from the Governor of New York, but I've forgotten what that letter said. But there was another letter that came from a little girl, a young girl who was a student at the White Plains High School. And I looked at that letter, and I'll never forget it. It said simply,Dear Dr. King,I am a ninth-grade student at the White Plains High School."And she said,While it should not matter, I would like to mention that I'm a white girl. I read in the paper of your misfortune, and of your suffering. And I read that if you had sneezed, you would have died. And I'm simply writing you to say that I'm so happy that you didn't sneeze.And I want to say tonight -- I want to say tonight that I too am happy that I didn't sneeze. Because if I had sneezed, I wouldn't have been around here in 1960, when students all over the South started sitting-in at lunch counters. And I knew that as they were sitting in, they were really standing up for the best in the American dream, and taking the whole nation back to thosegreat wells of democracy which were dug deep by the Founding Fathers in the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution.If I had sneezed, I wouldn't have been around here in 1961, when we decided to take a ride for freedom and ended segregation in inter-state travel.If I had sneezed, I wouldn't have been around here in 1962, when Negroes in Albany, Georgia, decided to straighten their backs up. And whenever men and women straighten their backs up, they are going somewhere, because a man can't ride your back unless it is bent.If I had sneezed -- If I had sneezed I wouldn't have been here in 1963, when the black people of Birmingham, Alabama, aroused the conscience of this nation, and brought into being the Civil Rights Bill.If I had sneezed, I wouldn't have had a chance later that year, in August, to try to tell America about a dream that I had had.If I had sneezed, I wouldn't have been down in Selma, Alabama, to see the great Movement there.If I had sneezed, I wouldn't have been in Memphis to see a community rally around those brothers and sisters who are suffering.I'm so happy that I didn't sneeze.And they were telling me --. Now, it doesn't matter, now. It really doesn't matter what happens now. I left Atlanta this morning, and as we got started on the plane, there were six of us. The pilot said over the public address system, "We are sorry for the delay, but we have Dr. Martin Luther King on the plane. And to be sure that all of the bags were checked, and to be sure that nothing would be wrong with on the plane, we had to check out everything carefully. And we've had the plane protected andguarded all night."And then I got into Memphis. And some began to say the threats, or talk about the threats that were out. What would happen to me from some of our sick white brothers?Well, I don't know what will happen now. We've got some difficult days ahead. But it really doesn't matter with me now, because I've been to the mountaintop.And I don't mind.Like anybody, I would like to live a long life. Longevity has its place. But I'm not concerned about that now. I just want to do God's will. And He's allowed me to go up to the mountain. And I've looked over. And I've seen the Promised Land. I may not get there with you. But I want you to know tonight, that we, as a people, will get to the promised land!mlkmountaintop3.JPGAnd so I'm happy, tonight.I'm not worried about anything.I'm not fearing any man!Mine eyes have seen the glory of the coming of the Lord!!马丁·路德·金：我已达至峰顶(中文翻译)但是我要告诉你们我的想象力给我的启示。

马丁.路德.金《i have a dream》演讲稿全文,中文版本

马丁.路德.金《i have a dream》演讲稿全文,中文版本

《我有一个梦想》马丁·路德·金今天，我很高兴站在这里，能和你们一起，参加这将在我国历史上留下最伟大自由示威纪录的集会。

100年前，一位伟大的美国人签署了解放黑奴宣言，今天我们就是在他的雕像前集会。

这项重要法令的颁布，给千百万在那摧残生命的不义之火中受煎熬的黑奴带来了希望。

它之到来犹如欢乐的黎明，结束了束缚黑人的漫漫长夜。

然而100年后的今天，我们必须正视黑人还没有得到自由这一悲惨的事实。

100年后的今天，在种族隔离的镣铐和种族歧视的枷锁下，黑人的生活备受奴役。

100年后的今天，黑人仍生活在物质充裕的海洋中一个穷困的孤岛上。

100年后的今天，黑人仍然萎缩在美国社会的角落里，并且意识到自己是故土家园中的流亡者。

今天我们在这里集会，就是要把这种骇人听闻的情况公诸于世。

就某种意义而言，今天我们是为了要求兑现诺言而汇集到我们国家的首都来的。

我们共和国的缔造者草拟宪法和独立宣言的气壮山河的词句时，曾向每一个美国人许下了诺言，他们承诺给予所有的人以生存、自由和追求幸福的不可剥夺的权利。

就有色公民而论，美国显然没有实践她的诺言。

美国没有履行这项神圣的义务，只是给黑人开了一张空头支票，支票上盖着“资金不足”的戳子后便退了回来。

但是我们不相信正义的银行已经破产，我们不相信，在这个国家巨大的机会之库里已没有足够的储备。

因此今天我们要求将支票兑现——这张支票将给予我们宝贵的自由和正义。

我们来到这个圣地也是为了提醒美国，现在是非常急迫的时刻。

现在决非侈谈冷静下来或服用渐进主义的镇静剂的时候。

现在是实现民主的诺言时候。

现在是从种族隔离的荒凉阴暗的深谷攀登种族平等的光明大道的时候，现在是向上帝所有的儿女开放机会之门的时候，现在是把我们的国家从种族不平等的流沙中拯救出来，置于兄弟情谊的磐石上的时候。

如果美国忽视时间的迫切性和低估黑人的决心，那么，这对美国来说，将是致命伤。

自由和平等的爽朗秋天如不到来，黑人义愤填膺的酷暑就不会过去。

马丁路德金中英文经典演讲稿范文

马丁路德金中英文经典演讲稿范文

【导语】马丁·路德·⾦，⾮裔美国⼈，出⽣于美国佐治亚州亚特兰⼤，美国牧师、社会活动家、民权主义者，美国民权运动领袖。

为⼤家整理的《马丁路德⾦中英⽂经典演讲稿范⽂》，希望对⼤家有所帮助！篇⼀ ⼀百年前，⼀位伟⼤的美国⼈签署了解放⿊奴宣⾔，今天我们就是在他的雕像前集会。

这⼀庄严宣⾔犹如灯塔的光芒，给千百万在那摧残⽣命的不义之⽕中受煎熬的⿊奴带来了希望。

它的到来犹如欢乐的黎明，结束了束缚⿊⼈的漫漫长夜。

然⽽⼀百年后的今天，⿊⼈还没有得到⾃由，⼀百年后的今天，在种族隔离的镣铐和种族歧视的枷锁下，⿊⼈的⽣活备受压榨。

⼀百年后的今天，⿊⼈仍⽣活在物质充裕的海洋中⼀个贫困的孤岛上。

⼀百年后的今天，⿊⼈仍然萎缩在美国社会的⾓落⾥，并且意识到⾃⼰是故⼟家园中的流亡者。

今天我们在这⾥集会，就是要把这种骇⼈听闻的情况公诸于众。

我并⾮没有注意到，参加今天集会的⼈中，有些受尽苦难和折磨，有些刚刚⾛出窄⼩的牢房，有些由于寻求⾃由，曾早居住地惨遭疯狂迫害的打击，并在警察暴⾏的旋风中摇摇欲坠。

你们是⼈为痛苦的长期受难者。

坚持下去吧，要坚决相信，忍受不应得的痛苦是⼀种赎罪。

让我们回到密西西⽐去，回到阿拉巴马去，回到南卡罗莱纳去，回到佐治亚去，回到路易斯安那去，回到我们北⽅城市中的贫民区和少数民族居住区去，要⼼中有数，这种状况是能够也必将改变的。

我们不要陷⼊绝望⽽不能⾃拔。

朋友们，今天我对你们说，在此时此刻，我们虽然遭受种种困难和挫折，我仍然有⼀个梦想。

这个梦是深深扎根于美国的梦想中的。

我梦想有⼀天，这个国家会站⽴起来，真正实现其信条的真谛：“我们认为这些真理是不⾔⽽喻的；⼈⼈⽣⽽平等。

” 我梦想有⼀天，在佐治亚的红⼭上，昔⽇奴⾪的⼉⼦将能够和昔⽇奴⾪主的⼉⼦坐在⼀起，共叙兄弟情谊。

我梦想有⼀天，甚⾄连密西西⽐州这个正义匿迹，压迫成风，如同沙漠般的地⽅，也将变成⾃由和正义的绿洲。

我梦想有⼀天，我的四个孩⼦将在⼀个不是以他们的肤⾊，⽽是以他们的品格优劣来评判他们的国度⾥⽣活。

I have a dream 中英文对照版

I have a dream 中英文对照版

马丁﹒路德﹒金的演讲《I have a dream》中文：马丁·路德·金《我有一个梦想》100年前，一位伟大的美国人——今天我们就站在他象征性的身影下——签署了《解放宣言》。

这项重要法令的颁布，对于千百万灼烤于非正义残焰中的黑奴，犹如带来希望之光的硕大灯塔，恰似结束漫漫长夜禁锢的欢畅黎明。

然而，100年后，黑人依然没有获得自由。

100年后，黑人依然悲惨地蹒跚于种族隔离和种族歧视的枷锁之下。

100年后，黑人依然生活在物质繁荣翰海的贫困孤岛上。

100年后，黑人依然在美国社会中向隅而泣，依然感到自己在国土家园中流离漂泊。

所以，我们今天来到这里，要把这骇人听闻的情况公诸于众。

从某种意义上说，我们来到国家的首都是为了兑现一张支票。

我们共和国的缔造者在拟写宪法和独立宣言的辉煌篇章时，就签署了一张每一个美国人都能继承的期票。

这张期票向所有人承诺——不论白人还是黑人——都享有不可让渡的生存权、自由权和追求幸福权。

然而，今天美国显然对她的有色公民拖欠着这张期票。

美国没有承兑这笔神圣的债务，而是开始给黑人一张空头支票——一张盖着“资金不足”的印戳被退回的支票。

但是，我们决不相信正义的银行会破产。

我们决不相信这个国家巨大的机会宝库会资金不足。

因此，我们来兑现这张支票。

这张支票将给我们以宝贵的自由和正义的保障。

我们来到这块圣地还为了提醒美国：现在正是万分紧急的时刻。

现在不是从容不迫悠然行事或服用渐进主义镇静剂的时候。

现在是实现民主诺言的时候。

现在是走出幽暗荒凉的种族隔离深谷，踏上种族平等阳关大道的时候。

现在是使我们国家走出种族不平等的流沙，踏上充满手足之情的磐石的时候。

现在是让上帝所有的孩子真正享有公正的时候。

忽视这一时刻的紧迫性，对于国家将会是致命的。

自由平等的朗朗秋日不到来，黑人顺情合理哀怨的酷暑就不会过去。

1963年不是一个结束，而是一个开端。

如果国家依然我行我素，那些希望黑人只需出出气就会心满意足的人将大失所望。

i have a dream演讲稿马丁路德金中英文

i have a dream演讲稿马丁路德金中英文

《我有一个梦想》演讲稿 - 属于我们所有人的梦想一、引言“我有一个梦想”，这句简短而深刻的话语自从马丁路德·金在1963年的华盛顿林肯纪念堂前发表这一著名演讲以来，就深深地刻在了全世界人们的心中。

这篇演讲稿，不仅是美国民权运动的历史见证，更是对全人类的启发和鼓舞。

在这篇文章中，我们将探讨这一历史性的演讲背后所蕴含的深刻内涵，以及它在当下和未来的指引意义。

二、梦想的种子1963年8月28日，马丁路德·金在林肯纪念堂前发表了以“我有一个梦想”为主题的演讲，首先用英文描述了他对公正和平等的渴望，随后用西班牙文、法文及德文表达了同样的意愿。

这一震撼人心的演讲已经成为了美国民权运动的象征，激励了几代人追求公正、平等和自由。

这句话背后蕴含的力量，是种子般在人们心中生根、发芽、成长，时刻提醒着我们将不平等、不公正视为理所当然。

三、实现梦想的道路从美国民权运动到今天，世界已经发生了翻天覆地的变化，人们对种族歧视、性别不平等等社会问题的认识有了更深刻的认识。

然而，梦想的实现之路充满坎坷和挑战，种族歧视、地域分化、经济不平等等问题任然存在。

全球范围内的环境污染、资源枯竭等问题亦日益严峻。

如何才能更好的实现“我有一个梦想”？我认为，首先需要重视教育，教育是消除种族歧视、性别不平等的关键，其次需要加强国际合作，唯有携手合作，才能解决全球性问题。

四、梦想的延续回首历史，我们已经迈出了坚实的步伐，但仍有更多工作等着我们去完成。

只有在每一个人的心中播下“我有一个梦想”的种子，才能让这个世界变得更美好、更和平、更自由。

我们每个人都是这一梦想的承载者和传播者，唯有让这个梦想在更多人心中生根发芽，我们的世界才能变得更美好。

五、个人观点对我而言，“我有一个梦想”不仅是马丁路德·金的梦想，更是每一个人的梦想。

这个梦想激励着我努力学习，不断进取；这个梦想激励着我热爱和平，积极践行公平正义；这个梦想激励着我关爱环境，珍惜资源。

i have a dream演讲稿中英对照

i have a dream演讲稿中英对照

i have a dream演讲稿中英对照“I have a dream”，这是马丁·路德·金在1963年8月28日在华盛顿林肯纪念堂前发表的著名演讲。

这场演讲对于美国民权运动的历史意义非常重大，是民权运动的代表性事件之一，也是世界上最著名的演讲之一。

作为演讲的核心，马丁·路德·金先生向全美国的百万人民群众发出了他的“梦想”：实现黑人和白人平等的美好社会。

同时，他还阐述了自己的信仰，理性地分析了黑人遭受的不平等待遇并提出了现实解决方案，无疑是一个充满感染力、感动人心的演讲。

那么，接下来就让我们分步骤来阐述这一历史性演讲。

第一步：措辞精彩的一开始演讲的一开始，马丁·路德·金使用了非常有感染力的话语来引导观众进入主题，他说道：“我很高兴今天有机会和你们在一起，我们在这里举行了一个历史性的集会。

这里是中华民族历史上最高的时刻。

”第二步：演讲的核心——“我有一个梦想”马丁·路德·金接着说道：“我有一个梦想，这是我的梦想。

我希望有一天，这个国家会充分实现它所设置的宣言中的原则，认为所有人都是平等的。

我希望有一天，黑人和白人，基督徒和非基督徒，能够一起手牵手，在那个充满爱和同情的日子里共同站立。

”第三步：历史发展的分析马丁·路德·金揭示了黑人民权运动遭受的不平等待遇，并对这些不公正的行为进行了批评。

他说：“一百年前，这个国家颁布了一项伟大的宣言，这个国家认为，人人生来平等。

但今天，黑人仍然悲惨地生活在美国社会的边缘，被拘禁于贫困和困苦之中。

”第四步：解决方案接下来，马丁·路德·金提出了实现他的梦想所需要采取的行动。

他说：“我们必须不断地追求这个愿望，直到它变成了现实。

我们不应该失去信心，不应该沮丧。

我们必须支持我们的领袖，为实现我们的梦想而奋斗。

”第五步：鼓舞人心的结尾马丁·路德·金在演讲的结尾，为观众留下了一个无比鼓舞人心的结论。

马丁路德金演讲稿中文

马丁路德金演讲稿中文

马丁路德金演讲稿中文尊敬的各位观众们：感谢你们今天来到这里，聆听我所要分享的话语。

我是马丁·路德·金，今天我要谈论的话题是“我有一个梦想”。

我有一个梦想，我梦想着在这个世界上，每个人都能够享有平等的权利和机会。

无论你的肤色如何，无论你来自哪里，无论你的出身如何，每个人都应该受到平等对待。

我有一个梦想，我梦想着在未来的日子里，我们将建设一个没有歧视的社会。

我梦想着，人们不再因为种族、肤色、宗教或国籍而被隔离，而是互相尊重和包容。

我有一个梦想，我梦想着每个人都能够实现自己的潜力和梦想。

无论你的背景如何，无论你的家庭是否富裕，每个人都应该有机会接受教育、追求自己的目标，并成为自己想成为的人。

我有一个梦想，我梦想着一个没有战争和暴力的世界。

我希望人们能够和平地解决争端，用爱和理解来代替仇恨和暴力。

我相信，只有和平才能带来真正的幸福和进步。

我有一个梦想，我梦想着一个公正和平等的社会。

我希望每个人都能享受到公正的法律和制度，不再受到任何形式的歧视和不公正的对待。

我相信，只有在正义和平等的基础上，我们才能团结和进步。

在这个充满挑战和困难的时代，我们需要团结一心，共同追求和平、公正和平等。

我们需要坚持不懈地追求我们的梦想，不论遇到多大的阻力和困难。

我希望我所说的每句话都能激发你的思考和行动。

我希望每个人都能为实现我们共同的梦想做出自己的贡献。

我们每个人都有责任去消除不公正和歧视，为建设一个更加美好的世界而努力。

让我们一起携手前行，迈向一个没有种族隔离和歧视的社会。

让我们共同努力，为实现平等、公正和和平而奋斗。

让我们相信，一个更加美好的未来就在眼前。

谢谢大家！。

马丁路德金演讲我有一个梦想(中英文对照)

马丁路德金演讲我有一个梦想(中英文对照)

马丁路德金演讲我有一个梦想（中英文对照）中文版:尊敬的主席先生、女士们、先生们：今天，我站在这里不以此演讲者的身份，而是作为一个美国人来表达我的心声。

我站在这里，代表了以前的奴隶和现今被剥夺了权利和尊严的人们。

我站在这里，为了宣传一种公正和自由的主张，这是我们国家的根本信念。

我站在这里因为我有一个梦想，一个我坚信会在我们这个伟大国家实现的梦想。

我有一个梦想，梦想着有一天人们将不再因为肤色而被评判，而是因为他们的品格和行为。

我梦想着有一天人们将不会再受到种族歧视，而是被深度尊重和平等对待。

在我梦想的那一天，黑人和白人将站在一起，手牵手，能够共同生活在一个带有富裕和机会的国家。

我有一个梦想，梦想着有一天在亚拉巴马州的红色山丘上，疲惫的奴隶将能够自由地奔跑。

在我梦想的那一天，孩子们将不再被肤色束缚，而是能够彼此理解和友爱地相处。

在我梦想的那一天，我希望我的四个孩子会生活在一个不以肤色为基础而以性格为标准的世界。

我有一个梦想，梦想着有一天，在佐治亚州的红土地上，黑人儿童和白人儿童将能够手牵手走进学校大门，共同受教育。

在我梦想的那一天，佐治亚州的儿童将被评价他们的能力和品德，而不是他们的肤色。

在我梦想中，我希望看到一个没有不平等和偏见的世界，每个人都有平等的机会成功。

我有一个梦想，梦想着有一天，甚至在密西西比州，一个冒着烈日下过去曾充满奴隶制度的地方，黑人和白人将能够一起坐在桌子旁分享一顿饭。

在我梦想的那一天，我们会意识到，我们所有人都是来自一个国家，是拥有同样的权益和机会的。

我有一个梦想，梦想着有一天，在阿拉巴马州的山谷和田野间，自由的人们将站起来，从每一个村庄和每一个城市传颂出自由的精神。

在我梦想的那一天，我们将唱起那首来自自由之地的歌谣：“自由啊，自由啊！当上帝的子女瞄见自由之地。

”这是我的梦想，一个相信和渴望实现的梦想。

我相信有一天，我们能够实现这个梦想，一个只要我们团结一致，为之努力奋斗的梦想。

马丁路德金演讲励志演讲(中英文)

马丁路德金演讲励志演讲(中英文)

马丁路德金演讲励志演讲(中英文)我有一个梦想(英文版)演讲时间:1963年8月27日演讲地点:林肯纪念堂前我有一个梦想五年前。

一个伟大的美国人，我们今天站在他象征性的阴影下，1999签署了解放宣言。

这一重大法令是作为一个伟大的希望的灯标来到数以百万计的黑人奴隶，他们已经被枯萎的不公正的火焰。

这是一个快乐的黎明，结束了被囚禁的漫漫长夜。

但是一百年后，黑人仍然没有自由。

一百年后，黑人的生活仍然可悲地被种族隔离的镣铐和歧视的枷锁所束缚。

一百年后，黑人生活在物质繁荣的汪洋大海中一个贫穷的孤岛上。

一百年后，黑人仍然在美国社会的角落里备受煎熬，发现自己成了自己土地上的流亡者。

所以我们今天来这里是为了把一个令人不快的情况戏剧化。

我并没有忘记你们中的一些人是在经历了巨大的考验和磨难之后来到这里的。

你们有些人刚从狭小的牢房里出来。

你们中的一些人来自这样的地区，在那里，你们对自由的追求让你们遭受迫害风暴的打击，并被警察暴行的狂风所震撼。

你是创造性苦难的老兵。

继续带着不劳而获的痛苦是救赎的信念工作。

回到密西西比州，回到阿拉巴马州，回到南卡罗来纳州，回到佐治亚州，回到路易斯安那州，回到我们北方城市的贫民窟和贫民区，知道这种情况可以而且将会改变。

让我们不要沉溺于绝望的山谷。

朋友们，今天我对你们说，即使我们面临今天和明天的困难，我仍然有一个梦想。

这是一个深深植根于美国梦的梦想。

9我有一个梦想，有一天这个国家将会崛起，实现其信条的真正含义:“我们认为这些真理是不言而喻的；人人生而平等。

”9我有一个梦想，有一天在佐治亚州的红山上，昔日奴隶的儿子和昔日奴隶主的儿子能够坐在一起，和她同桌共叙兄弟情谊。

9我有一个梦想，有一天，即使是密西西比州，一个充满不公正和压迫的州，也会变成自由和正义的绿洲。

我有一个梦想，有一天我的四个孩子将生活在一个不以肤色，而是以品格优劣来评判他们的国家。

我今天有一个梦想。

9我有一个梦想，有一天，在阿拉巴马州，州长嘴里滴着反对和废除的话语，有一天，在阿拉巴马州，黑人小男孩和女孩将能够和白人小男孩和女孩携手成为兄弟姐妹。

奥巴马纪念马丁路德金演讲原文及汉语翻译

奥巴马纪念马丁路德金演讲原文及汉语翻译

奥巴马纪念马丁路德金演讲原文及汉语翻译第一篇：奥巴马纪念马丁路德金演讲原文及汉语翻译Thank you very much.Thank you.Please be seated.An earthquake and a hurricane may have delayed this day, but this is a day that would not be denied.非常感谢大家。

谢谢大家。

请就座。

虽然这个日子可能因地震和飓风来袭而推迟，但这一天不可阻挡。

For this day, we celebrate Dr.Martin Luther King, Jr.'s return to the National Mall.In this place, he will stand for all time, among monuments to those who fathered this nation and those who defended it;a black preacher with no official rank or title who somehow gave voice to our deepest dreams and our most lasting ideals, a man who stirred our conscience and thereby helped make our union more perfect.在这一天，我们欢庆马丁·路德·金博士重返国家大草坪。

在这个地方，他将永远矗立在纪念这个国家的缔造者和捍卫者的丰碑中间；一位没有正式官衔或名号、却能说出我们心底最深处的梦想和我们持久不变的理想的黑人牧师，一位唤醒了我们的良知、从而帮助我们的合众国变得更加完美的人。

And Dr.King would be the first to remind us that this memorial is not for him alone.The movement of which he was a part depended on an entire generation of leaders.Many are here today, and for their service and their sacrifice, we owe them our everlasting gratitude.This is a monument to your collective achievement.而金博士会首先提醒我们，这座纪念碑并不属于他一个人。

马丁路德金：Ihaveadream（音频、全文及译文）

马丁路德金：Ihaveadream（音频、全文及译文）

马丁路德金：Ihaveadream（音频、全文及译文）I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.今天，我很高兴与你们在一起参加这个在我们国家的历史上将是一次最伟大的为争取自由的示威游行。

Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves, who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity. But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacle of segregation and the chains of discrimination.一百年前，一位伟大的美国人签署了解放黑奴宣言，今天我们就是在他的雕像前集会。

这一庄严宣言犹如灯塔的光芒，给千百万在那摧残生命的不义之火中受煎熬的黑奴带来了希望。

马丁路德金演讲稿中文

马丁路德金演讲稿中文

马丁路德金演讲稿中文马丁路德·金（Martin Luther King）是美国历史上著名的民权运动领袖，他以非暴力和平抗议的方式，为黑人民权事业做出了卓越的贡献。

他的演讲《我有一个梦想》（I Have a Dream）更是成为了历史上最著名的演讲之一，激励了无数人为民权事业奋斗。

以下是马丁路德·金的演讲稿中文全文：我很高兴今天能和大家在这里相聚。

今天，我们站在自由的阈门前，面对无尽的困难和苦难，但是我仍然对未来抱有希望。

当我们来到这个地方，不是为了享受休闲的时光，而是为了向全美国人民宣告，现在是民权运动的关键时刻。

现在是我们站起来并捍卫我们权利的时刻，现在是我们站在一起并为自由奋斗的时刻。

在这个充满不公正和压迫的时代，我们的民族依然未能实现真正的自由。

一百年前，一位伟大的美国人在一份历史性文件中宣告了所有人的平等权利。

但是现实却告诉我们，黑人依然被歧视和压迫，他们依然生活在社会的边缘。

我们来到这里，不是为了维护黑人的权利，而是为了捍卫所有人的权利。

我们不能让自由的钟声仅仅为少数人而鸣响，我们必须让它响彻每一个美国人的心灵。

现在是我们站起来，为真正的自由和平等而奋斗的时刻。

我们不能再容忍不公正和压迫的存在。

我们要让自由的梦想成为现实，让每一个人都能享有平等的权利和机会。

我有一个梦想，我梦想有一天，这个国家将会站在正义的一边，将每一个人都当作平等的。

我梦想有一天，我的四个孩子将生活在一个不再受种族歧视的社会中。

我梦想有一天，南方的黑人和北方的白人将能够手牵手并肩同行。

这就是我们的希望，这就是我们的信念。

让我们一起努力，为了这个共同的梦想，为了真正的自由和平等，为了一个更美好的未来。

让我们一起站起来，让我们一起为自由奋斗。

让我们不再被分裂，而是团结一致。

让我们不再沉默，而是大声呐喊。

让我们不再被压迫，而是挺起胸膛，迎接光明的未来。

现在是我们的时刻，现在是我们的机会。

让我们携手并肩，为了自由和平等，为了我们的梦想而努力奋斗！谢谢大家！。

马丁路德金演讲稿中英文版

马丁路德金演讲稿中英文版

马丁路德金演讲稿中英文版马丁·路德·金(Martin Luther King, Jr.，1929年1月15日-1968年4月4日)，著名的美国民权运动领袖。

1948年大学毕业。

1948年至1951年期间，在美国东海岸的费城继续深造。

以下是店铺整理了马丁路德金演讲稿中英文版，供你参考。

马丁路德金演讲稿英文版：I have a dreamFive score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of bad captivity.But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we’ve come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back tothe slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair.I say to you today, my friends, so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up, live up to the true meaning of its creed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident; that all men are created equal.”I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave-owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.I have a dream that my four children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color if their skin but by the content of their character.I have a dream today.I have a dream that one day down in Alabama with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, one day right down in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.I have a dream today.I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see ittogether.This is our hope. This is the faith that I go back to the South with. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.This will be the day when all of God’s children will be able to sing with new meaning.My country, ’ tis of thee,Sweet land of liberty,Of thee I sing:Land where my fathers died,Land of the pilgrims’ pride,From every mountainsideLet freedom ring.And if America is to be a great nation this must become true. So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York!Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania!Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado!Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slops of California!But not only that; let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia!Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee!Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi!From every mountainside, let freedom ring!When we let freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God’s children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, “Free at last! free at last! thank God almighty, we are free at last!”马丁路德金演讲稿中文版：我有一个梦想一百年前，一位伟大的美国人签署了解放黑奴宣言，今天我们就是在他的雕像前集会。

我有一个梦想原文翻译

我有一个梦想原文翻译

我有一个梦想原文翻译我有一个梦想原文翻译我有一个梦想是外国作者马丁路德金写的，小编收集了我有一个梦想原文翻译，希望对大家有帮助。

原文：I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious todaythat America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.But there is something that I must say to my people, whostand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.We cannot walk alone.And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.We cannot turn back.There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their selfhood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating "for whites only." We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are notsatisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream."I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.I have a dream that my four little children will one day live ina nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skinbut by the content of their character.I have a dream today!I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.I have a dream today!I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."?This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning: My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride,From every mountainside, let freedom ring!And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies ofPennsylvania.Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.But not only that:Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.From every mountainside, let freedom ring.And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:Free at last! Free at last!Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!翻译：今天，我高兴的同大家一起参加这次将成为我国历史上为争取自由而举行的最伟大的集会。

马丁路德金演讲中文翻译

马丁路德金演讲中文翻译

马丁路德金演讲中文翻译第一篇：马丁路德金演讲中文翻译马丁路德金演讲-我们向何处去南方基督教领袖会议亚特兰大，佐治亚 1967年8月16日现在为了回答“我们向何处去”这一问题，也是我们的主题，我们必须首先明确我们的现状。

当初拟定宪法时，一个不可思议的公式规定黑人在纳税和选举权方面只是一个完整人的60﹪。

如今又一个匪夷所思的公式规定黑人是一个完整人的50%。

对于生活中的好事，黑人大约只享有白人所享受的一半；而生活中的不愉快，黑人却要承受白人所面对的两倍。

因此，所有黑人中有一半人住着低标准的住房。

而且黑人的收入只是白人的一半。

每当我们审视生活中的负面经历时，黑人总是占着双倍的分额。

黑人失业者是白人的两倍。

黑人婴儿的死亡率是白人的两倍，从黑人所占的总人口比率上看，在越南死亡的黑人是白人的两倍。

其他领域也有同样惊人的数字。

在小学，黑人比白人落后一至三年，并且在他们种族隔离的学校，学生人均所得到的补贴比白人的学校少得多。

20个上大学的学生中，只有一个是黑人。

在职的黑人中，75﹪的人从事的是粗活。

这就是我们的现状。

我们的出路在哪里？首先，我们必须维护自己的尊严和价值。

我们必须要在一个仍然压迫着我们的体制中站起来，形成牢不可破且有威严的价值感。

我们再不能因为自己是黑人而感到羞耻。

要在几百年来灌输黑人是卑微的、无足轻重的人民心中唤起他们做人的尊严绝非易事。

黑色的描述和黑人的贡献甚至语义学似乎也合谋把黑色的说成是丑陋和卑劣的。

罗杰特分类词典中与黑色相关的同义词有120个，其中至少60个微词匿影藏行，例如，肮脏、煤烟、狰狞的、魔鬼的和令人作呕的。

而与白色相关的同义词约有134个，他们却毫无例外都褒奖洋溢，诸如纯洁、洁净、贞洁和纯真此类词等。

白色的（善意的）谎言总比黑色的（恶意的）谎言要好。

家庭中最为人所不齿的成员被称为“黑羊”（既败家子）。

奥西。

戴维斯曾建议或许应重造英语语言，从而教师将不再迫不得已因教黑人孩子60种方式蔑视自己使他们延续不断怀有不应有的自卑感，而教白人孩子134种方式宠爱自己而使他们继续怀有一种错误的优越感。

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矿产资源开发利用方案编写内容要求及审查大纲
矿产资源开发利用方案编写内容要求及《矿产资源开发利用方案》审查大纲一、概述
㈠矿区位置、隶属关系和企业性质。

如为改扩建矿山, 应说明矿山现状、
特点及存在的主要问题。

㈡编制依据
(1简述项目前期工作进展情况及与有关方面对项目的意向性协议情况。

(2 列出开发利用方案编制所依据的主要基础性资料的名称。

如经储量管理部门认定的矿区地质勘探报告、选矿试验报告、加工利用试验报告、工程地质初评资料、矿区水文资料和供水资料等。

对改、扩建矿山应有生产实际资料, 如矿山总平面现状图、矿床开拓系统图、采场现状图和主要采选设备清单等。

二、矿产品需求现状和预测
㈠该矿产在国内需求情况和市场供应情况
1、矿产品现状及加工利用趋向。

2、国内近、远期的需求量及主要销向预测。

㈡产品价格分析
1、国内矿产品价格现状。

2、矿产品价格稳定性及变化趋势。

三、矿产资源概况
㈠矿区总体概况
1、矿区总体规划情况。

2、矿区矿产资源概况。

3、该设计与矿区总体开发的关系。

㈡该设计项目的资源概况
1、矿床地质及构造特征。

2、矿床开采技术条件及水文地质条件。

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