外文翻译---中国采矿业的发展历程

附录４
中国采矿业的发展历程
在中华人民共和国六百万位矿工在由矿工组成很好结束一半在世界和构成采矿业的最大的区段的当中一个全世界。

他们导致至少世界的煤炭产品的11%容易地生产其它主要生产商整个煤炭工业象澳洲或印度。

中国是金属和矿物的最大的生产商和消费者，当中在世界储量最多的是：锑, 煤炭、钢、锰、锡、钨和锌；矿工生产至少占这些矿物的30% 。

中国是独特的在它的采矿业标度和变化; 但是, 一点公开被出版了在主题。

这个报告概述在中国采矿的基本的现实和面孔在中国。

今天在中国多数采矿被分类当乡镇企业(TVE) 。

在70 年代晚期当中国开始实施经济改革, 两个想法“吸收节余农村劳动力，加快促进经济增长和和劝阻过份都市迁移' TVEs 的想法由状态繁殖了。

TVEs 后来来控制中国的农村经济, 雇用120 百万名工作者, 和生产亿万美元物品包括一切从玩具到煤炭。

某一TVE 矿是大和足够老练, 然而, 提出问题是否他们实际上是矿。

有并且许多0N 私有的小矿和彻底的非法矿的一个不确定的数字。

此外, 一些国有矿, 被认为大规模, 实际上是相当小和原始的。

因而, 那里可能是采矿的没有清楚的法律定义在中国。

私人企业矿是坚硬的对分别于TVE 操作。

他们由私有金钱主要提供经费, 但这金钱经常有与当地政府官员的一些连接。

任何地方从一对几个商人将设定一个小正式公司以归属被划分成份额根据最初的贡献。

这些矿通常被准许, 但执照由当地政府官员和主要形式提供。

中央政府赶走了自己大多它的矿在过去几年内, 给他们省和当地政府。

但是, 这些矿仍然属于国有矿类别, 和不能被分离从正式统计。

这些矿财政结构很少清楚因为中国行动朝市场经济。

这些国有小矿倾向于严密遵循法律比其它小矿, 和看上去有一个显着更好的安全和环境纪录比其他。

采矿操作由各种各样的法律治理；但是, 一个法定社会的概念是相当新的对共产主义中国。

大多法律是唯一十年或很老和他们意味更远你越来越少得到从北京。

矿工的当前法律位置是在涨潮, 特别是从命令要求所有小煤炭操作被关闭的6月13 日国务院。

中国许多偏远地区逐字地没有其它方法为生计和因而设法给唯一嘴唇服务命令。

这并且意味, 早先是合法的企业的数以万计TVEs 将成为非法操作几乎隔夜。

有当前少量完全地非法矿工, 照原样相对地容易得到某一类许可证从当地政府。

好奇地缺席的从当前的采矿操作的范围在中国是合作社, 虽然某一TVEs 跑这样。

在我们的经验, 中国似乎疲乏对概念在几年被强制执行的集体化以后在经济改革70 年代晚期之前。

各自的小矿正式很少合作互相在协会, 虽然所有者也许处于好关系与其它矿在区域和偶尔地谈论技术问题。

任何试图设定合作社在中国的大部分大概会激起怀疑在政府和本机。

多数矿民工在中国被分类作为农夫(农民), 但花费大多数他们的时间和从采矿获得大多数他们的收入。

矿关闭了大约十天在种植和收获时间附近。

出现从他们的状态的问题因为农夫是当政府或公司关闭采矿操作, 他们与民工不有关自己, 因为他们罐头` 回归到他们的农场的。

所有者通常是也许被介入在几类型产业的商人。

妇女和儿童直接地通常不被介入以采矿或矿物处理在操作在中国, 但是他们经常是在矿站点协助日常生活的烹调和其他方面。

在某些情况下, 商人的妻子是活跃的在企业事务。

妇女法律上被拒绝工作地下。

总计但中国最贫困和偏远地区, 孩子通常上学校。

法律上, 孩子被禁止工作直到16 年年纪, 但有不到年龄的男孩谣言服务在地方矿在偏远地区。

对健康和环境的负面地影响由于采矿在中国巨型和难定量。

首要是巨型的死亡人数在小煤矿。

统计正式地显示6,000 个煤矿工人模子每年。

非官方地, 有大概上百如果不是数以万计更加未报告的死亡或严重的伤害。

其它严肃的环境, 社会和安全问题有：
1．至少50 吨水银年年散发从金矿和更从肮脏的煤炭燃烧。

2．侵蚀、声音、尘土和视觉污染问题从矿, 特别是在猎物和聚集体区段。

3．粗劣的实践。

4．损伤从石渣和金挖泥机。

矿工经常是移民从中国其它地区和带来所有问题通常与相关移民劳工, 包括卖淫、暴力和被偏移的生活方式。

有是对采矿的重大的变动过去十年。

煤炭生产迅速地扩展了直到1997 年, 当中央政府工作对极限和一共然后停止, 采煤业。

白云岩石灰生产商并且似乎快要得到停工。

在1996 年9月, 多数a金矿活动由中央政府严密地禁止了。

这也许停止了最坏合并实践; 但是, 重大金子采矿继续。

在90 年代期间, 看起来, 水银污染知识极大传播了, 并且反击现在是相当共同。

总之, 矿工的技术似乎变得较不粗暴在十年期间。

有很少用支持活动方式为矿工在中国。

银行财务是我们与似乎谈话感兴趣与银行打交道的可利用, 但无矿工。

国有矿和TVEs 得以进入对政府财政制度的一些, 会得以进入更好的向银行。

我们采访的私有矿工整个地自已被提供了经费。

看起来不似乎任何生产商协会并且有很少技术协助可利用。

设备制造商帮助以设备设施和经常提供一些最初的指示, 在之后矿工留下给他们自己的设备。

从70 年代晚期直到90 年代中期, 政府鼓励了采矿, 虽然主要由不干涉。

NGOs 极端被制约在中国, 阻塞在困难的注册章程繁文缛节。

许多什么似乎是NGOs 由政府实际上设定, 为了得到国际资助可利用只对NGOs 。

几个真正NGOs 避过这由登记作为企业。

这些倾向于集中于教育问题, 不与矿工相处融洽。

问题的根是, 中国政府对任一个组织是不欠忠诚对共产党的固有地疑神疑鬼或不设法挣金钱。

每个外国采矿或探险公司和一些国有公司能给出问题例子有矿工的。

这并且是一个敏感问题; 没人想去在纪录在这个题目并且我们不能发现文学对此。

在过去十年, 大和小国际矿业公司举办了探险在中国并且我们怀疑任何一个没有某一事件或另与矿工。

只就够了说,矿工一再开采在物产被准许对更大的公司, 通常高等级储蓄。

这可能做常规采矿更加危险(有小隧道到处), 较不有益和, 在例外情况, 可实行。

对其它案件, 更大的公司经常变得对站点感兴趣由于矿工的存在, 并且矿工经常有一品种或另的地方许可证。

更大公司送在警察和然后迫使矿工物产。

这些撤除操作偶尔地转动丑恶。

经常矿工是移民劳工, 和被迫返回到他们的家园。

地方矿工也许被给报偿如果一个更大的公司决定开发他们的物产, 并且更大的公司有时安排其它区域为矿工对我的, 也许或不能是经济上可实行的。

中国并且进行了巨型的政府协会变动在过去几年。

局和部控制采矿业有他们的力量和状态最近显著被减少。

这巨大的涨潮的结果是, 少量官员知道任何东西关于矿工或是愿意使可利用什么他们知道。

协会变动、繁文缛节和普遍腐败做为巨大的困难与矿工打交道通过正式渠道。

实质上, 中国的采矿业是巨型的, 迅速地改变, 致命和在之下研究。

介绍
中华人民共和国采矿业雇用至少六百万位矿工, 组成很好结束一半由矿工在世界和构成采矿业的最大的区段的当中一个全世界。

他们导致至少世界的煤炭产品的百分之11, 容易地生产主要生产商整个煤炭工业象澳洲或印度。

中国是金属和矿物的最大的生产商和消费者的当中一个在世界上, 冠上世界在锑里, 煤炭、钢、主角、锰、锡、钨和锌；矿工生产至少每个的百分之30这些矿物。

中国是独特的在它的采矿业标度和变化; 但是, 一点公开被出版了在主题。

它极端难赞赏多么敏感中国政府是关于信息关于采矿。

有政府(中央的五个主要水平, 省, 专区、县和村庄) 。

一些官员在中央政府和许多在更低的水平在官僚清楚地是心神不安的想到任何人, 特别是外国人, 研究这些事态。

有几个原因, 从国家安全关心对非常真正的恐惧, 中央政府将关闭得到消极宣传的所有矿。

此外, 中国官僚主义者根本上不相信开放透露。

如果您告诉官员或商人(和他们压倒多数是人在中国的采矿业) 与谁您不把个人连接, 您不可能获得任何有用的信息(期限` 个人连接' 是中国期限的一个过分单纯的定义, 几乎是生活方式) 。

因而, 大多数研究你可能举办必须做通过人一个已经知道。

在某种程度上, 这是真实的到处在世界, 但中国官僚可能采取它对极端。

举办的研究在中国可能是费时和困难的。

附录5
China's course of development of the mining industry
The six million artisanal miners in the People’s Republic of China compose well over half of the artisanal miners in the world and constitute one of the largest sectors
of the mining industry worldwide. They produce at least 11 per cent of the world’s coal output, easily out-producing the entire coal industry of other major producers like Australia or India. China is one of the largest producers and consumers of metals and minerals in the world, topping the world in antimony, coal, iron, lead, manganese, tin, tungsten and zinc; artisanal miners produce at least 30 per cent of each of these minerals. China is unique in the scale and diversity of its artisanal mining industry; however, little has been openly published on the subject. This report tries to outline the basic realities and faces of artisanal mining in China.
Most artisanal mining in China today can be categorized as Township and Village Enterprises (TVE). As China began to implement economic reforms in the late 1970s, the idea of TVEs was propagated by the state both to ‘promote economic growth and to absorb the surplus rural labour force and discourage excessive urban migration’. TVEs have since come to dominate China’s rural economy, employing up to 120 million workers, and producing billions of dollars of goods including everything from toys to coal. Some TVE mines are large and sophisticated enough, however, to raise the question of whether they are actually artisanal mines. There are also many privately owned small mines and an indeterminate number of outright illegal mines. Furthermore, a few of the state-owned mines, which are considered large scale, are actually quite small and primitive. Thus, there can be no clear legal definition of artisanal mining in China.
Private business mines are hard to separate from TVE operations. They are mainly financed by private money, but often this money has some connection with local government officials. Anywhere from one to several businessmen will set up a small formal company with ownership divided into shares based on the initial contributions. These mines are usually licensed, but the licences are provided by local government officials and largely a formality. The central government has rid itself of most of its artisanal mines in the last few years, giving them to provincial and local governments. However, these mines still fall under the category of state-owned mines, and could not be separated from the official statistics. The financial structure of these mines is rarely clear-cut as China moves towards a market economy. These state-owned small mines tend to follow the law much more closely than other small mines, and appear to have a significantly better safety and environmental record than the others.
Artisanal mining operations are governed by various laws; however, the concept of a legal society is rather new to communist China. Most of the laws are only a decade or so old and they mean less and less the farther one gets from Beijing. The current legal position of artisanal miners is in flux, especially since the 13 June State Council Order demanding all small coal operations be shut down. Many remote areas of China have literally no other means for a livelihood and thus try to give only lip service to the order. This also means that thousands of TVEs which were previously legitimate enterprises will become illegal operations almost overnight. Currently there are few completely illegal miners, as it is relatively easy to get some sort of permit from local government.
Curiously absent from the range of current mining operations in China are
cooperatives, although some TVEs are run this way. In our experience, China seems tired of the concept after years of enforced collectivization before the economic reforms of the late 1970s. Individual small mines rarely formally cooperate with each other in associations, although the owners may be on good terms with the other mines in the area and occasionally discuss technical issues. Any attempt to set up cooperatives in most parts of China would probably arouse suspicion in both governments and locals.
Most artisanal mine labourers in China are categorized as farmers (peasants), but spend most of their time and derive most of their income from mining. The mines shut down for approximately ten days around planting and harvest time. A problem that arises from their status as farmers is that when the government or companies shut down artisanal mining operations, they do not concern themselves with the labourers, as they can ‘just return to their farms’. The owners are usually businessmen who may be involved in several types of industry.
Women and children are usually not directly involved with mining or mineral processing in artisanal operations in China, but they are often on mine sites assisting with cooking and other aspects of daily life. In some cases, wives of businessmen are active in business affairs. Women are legally barred from working underground. In all but the most impoverished and remote areas of China, children usually attend school. Legally, children are prohibited from working until 16 years old, but there are rumours of underage boys working in local mines in remote areas.
The negative impacts on health and the environment due to artisanal mining in China are massive and difficult to quantify. First and foremost is the massive death toll in small coal mines. Statistics show over 6,000 coal miners die officially per year. Unofficially, there are probably hundreds if not thousands more unreported deaths or serious injuries. Other serious environmental, social and safety issues include: At least 50 tonnes of mercury emitted annually from artisanal gold mines and much more from dirty coal combustion.
Erosion, sound, dust and visual pollution problems from artisanal mines, especially in the quarry and aggregate sectors.
Poor cyanidation practices.
Damage from gravel and gold dredges. Artisanal miners are often migrants from other areas of China and bring all the problems usually associated with migrant workers, including prostitution, violence and a displaced way of life.
There have been significant changes to artisanal mining over the past decade. Coal production expanded rapidly until 1997, when the central government worked to limit and then stop altogether, artisanal coal mining. Artisanal dolomite-lime producers also seem to be in line for shutdown. In September 1996, most artisanal gold-mining activities were strictly prohibited by the central government. This may have stopped the worst of amalgamation practices; however, significant artisanal gold mining continues. Over the 1990s, it appears that knowledge of mercury pollution spread significantly, and retorts arenow quite common. In general, artisanal miners’ technology seems to have become less crude over the decade.
There is very little in the way of support activities for artisanal miners in China.
Bank financing is available, but none of the miners we talked to seemed interested in dealing with the banks. The state-owned mines and TVEs have some access to government finance and would have better access to banks. The private miners we interviewed were entirely self-financed. There do not seem to be any producer associations and there is very little technical assistance available. Equipment manufacturers often help with equipment installation and provide some initial instructions, after which the miners are left to their own devices. From the late 1970s until the mid-1990s, the government encouraged artisanal mining, albeit primarily by noninterference. NGOs are extremely restricted in China, tied up in the red tape of difficult registration regulations. Many of what seem to be NGOs are actually set up by the government, in order to get international funding available only to NGOs. A few genuine NGOs have gotten around this by registering as businesses. These tend to focus on educational issues and do not interact with artisanal miners. The root of the problem is that the Chinese government is inherently suspicious of any organization that does not owe allegiance to the Communist Party or is not trying to make money.
Every foreign mining or exploration company and some of the state-owned companies can give examples of problems with artisanal miners. It is also a sensitive issue; nobody wanted to go on record on this topic and we can find no literature on it. Over the last decade, big and small international mining companies have conducted explorations in China and we doubt that any of them have not had some incident or another with artisanal miners. Suffice it to say, artisanal miners repeatedly mine on property licensed to larger companies, usually high-grade deposits. This can make conventional mining far more dangerous (there are small tunnels everywhere), less profitable and, in extreme cases, not at all viable. In other cases, larger companies often become interested in a site because of the presence of the artisanal miners, and the artisanal miners often have local permits of one variety or another. The larger companies’ then send in the police and force the miners off the property. These removal operations occasionally turn ugly. Often the artisanal miners are migrant workers, and are forced to return to their home areas. Local miners might be given compensation if a larger company decides to develop their property, and sometimes the larger company arranges for other areas for the artisanal miners to mine, which may or may not be economically viable.
China has also undergone massive government institutional change in the past few years. The bureaux and ministries controlling the mining industry have had their power and status significantly reduced recently. The result of this huge flux is that few officials know anything about artisanal miners or are willing to make available what they do know. Institutional change, red tape and widespread corruption make for a huge difficulties in dealing with artisanal miners through official channels. In essence, China’s artisanal mining industry is massive, rapidly changing, deadly and under-researched.
Introduction
T he People’s Republic of China artisanal mining industry employs at least six million artisanal miners, composing well over half of the artisanal miners in the world and constituting one of the largest sectors of the mining industry worldwide.
They produce at least 11 per cent of the world’s coal output, easily out-producing the entire coal industry of major producers like Australia or India. China is one of the largest producers and consumers of metals and minerals in the world, topping the world in antimony, coal, iron, lead, manganese, tin, tungsten and zinc; artisanal miners produce at least 30 per cent of each of these minerals. China is unique in the scale and diversity of its artisanal mining industry; however, little has been published openly on the subject.
It is extremely difficult to appreciate how sensitive the Chinese government is about information regarding artisanal mining. There are five main levels of government (central, provincial, prefecture, county and village). Some officials in central government and many more at lower levels in the bureaucracy are clearly uneasy at the thought of anyone, especially foreigners, researching these matters. There are several reasons, from national security concerns to the very real fear that the central government will shut down any mines which get negative publicity. Furthermore, Chinese bureaucrats essentially do not believe in open disclosure. If you call an official or businessman (and they are overwhelmingly men in China’s mining industry) with whom you have no personal connection, you are not likely to get any useful information (the term ‘personal connection is a simplistic definition of the Chinese term guanxi, which is almost a way of life). Thus, most of the research one can conduct has to be done through people one already knows. To some extent, this is true everywhere around the world, but the Chinese bureaucracy can take it to extremes. Conducting research in China can be time consuming and difficult.。