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Abstract Over the next generation or two, America’s older, largely white population
文摘在接下来的两代人,美国的老年人,白人人口
will increasingly be replaced by today’s disproportionately poor minority children. All
将越来越多地取代今天的不成比例的少数民族的孩子差。
所有
future growth will come from populations other than non-Hispanic whites as America
未来增长将来自非拉美裔白人在美国以外的人群
moves toward a majority-minority society by 2043. This so-called Third Demographic
在2043年走向聚居且社会。
这种所谓的第三个人口
Transition raises important implications about changing racial boundaries in the United
转变对改变美国种族界限提出了重要的意义
States, that is, about the physical, economic, and sociocultural barriers that separate
州,即物理、经济和社会文化壁垒,分开
different racial and ethnic groups. America’s racial transformation may place upward
不同的种族和族裔群体。
美国的种族转换可能上升
demographic pressure on future poverty and inequality as today’s disproportionately
人口压力未来的贫困和不平等作为今天的不成比例
poor and minority children grow into adult roles. Racial boundaries will be reshaped by 贫困和少数民族的学生成长为成人的角色。
种族界限将被重塑
the changing meaning of race and ethnicity, shifting patterns of racial segregation in
不断变化的意义种族和民族,种族隔离的模式转变
neighborhoods and the workplace, newly integrating (or not) friendship networks, and
社区和工作场所,新整合(或不)友谊网络,
changing rates of interracial marriage and childbearing. The empirical literature provides 改变利率的跨种族婚姻和生育。
实证文献提供
complicated lessons and offers few guarantees that growing racial diversity will lead to a 复杂的课程,并提供一些保证种族多样性将导致增长
corresponding breakdown in racial boundaries—that whites and minorities will
在白人和少数种族界限,将相应的崩溃
increasingly share the same physical and social spaces or interact as coequals. How
越来越多的共享同一物理和社会空间或交互作为同等。
如何
America’s older population of elected officials and taxpayers responds today to
美国的老年人口的民选官员和纳税人今天回应
America’s increasingly diverse population will provide a window to the future, when
美国日益多样化的人口未来将提供一个窗口,当
today’s children successfully transition (or not) into productive adult roles. Racial and
今天的孩子们(或不)生产的成年人成功转变角色。
种族和
ethnic inclusion will be reshaped by changing ethnoracial inequality, which highlights
将重塑民族包容改变ethnoracial不平等,这突出了
the need to invest in children—now.
孩子们现在需要投资。
Introduction
介绍
The United States may be the most demographically diverse country among the
美国可能是人口最多样化的国家之一
world’s Western democracies. America’s population diversity is revealed along many 世界的西方民主国家。
美国人口的多样性是显示许多
different dimensions that sometimes divide us, including age, class, religion, nativity 有时我们分裂的不同维度,包括年龄、阶级,宗教,诞生
(and language), politics, sexual orientation, geography, and, of course, racial and (语言)、政治、性取向,地理,当然,种族和
ethnic background, which animates the social, economic, and political implications of 种族背景,关于社会、经济和政治的影响
virtually every aspect of diversity. Growing population diversity—and the myriad
几乎每一个方面的多样性。
不断增长的人口多样性和无数
ways it is expressed every day in America—will be driven by ongoing demographic
每天它的表达方式会受到持续的人口
processes and shifting ethnoracial boundaries. To be sure, America is a land of racial 过程和转移ethnoracial边界。
可以肯定的是,美国是一个种族的土地
and ethnic immigrants with diverse sociocultural and economic backgrounds
移民和种族多元化的社会文化和经济背景
(Hirschman 2005; Tienda 2002). The nation has moved well beyond the “melting (赫希曼2005;Tienda 2005)。
国家已远远超出了“融化
pot” metaphor. We have instead embraced a new multiculturalism, while also ac- 锅”的比喻。
我们拥抱一个新的多元文化主义,同时ac -
knowledging the possibility of segmented assimilation, transnationalism, and down- 知识的可能性,分段同化、跨国主义-
ward mobility (among some groups) into a minority underclass. Assimilation into a 病房移动(在一些组)少数下层阶级。
同化成一个
white majority is neither inevitable nor always desirable (Alba and Nee 2003; Portes 大部分白人既不是不可避免的,也不总是可取的(阿尔巴和娘家姓的2003;波特斯and Zhou 1993).
和周1993)。
A concern today is that racial and ethnic diversity—which is often celebrated in
现在问题是,种族和民族多样性往往是庆祝
anticipation of achieving a new postracial society—may instead be a source of
预期实现一个新的后种族社会可能相反的一个来源
growing political conflict, cultural disunity, and loss of community or cohesion.
日益增长的政治冲突,文化不团结,社区或丧失凝聚力。
The politics of racial diversity may grow in importance rather than dissipate over
的政治种族多样性可能成长的重要性,而不是消失
the foreseeable future as the United States moves toward becoming a majority-
在可预见的未来美国走向成为多数
minority society as early as 2043 (U.S. Census Bureau 2012a).
少数民族社会早在2043年(2012年美国人口普查局)。
Is America fragmenting? 1 This is a contentious question that politicians and
美国分裂吗?1这是政治家和一个有争议的问题
pundits often raise today (e.g. , Buchanan 2011; Huffington 2011; Murray 2012),
今天专家经常提高(如。
穆雷赫芬顿,布坎南2011;2011;2012),
but also one that has been common historically in America’s social and political
,但也是一个已经在美国的社会和政治共同的历史
discourse, especially during periods of social and political upheaval and rapid
话语,尤其是时期社会和政治动荡和快速
immigration (see Fischer and Mattson 2009; Hollinger 2008; Portes and Vickstrom
移民(见费舍尔和霍林格公司马特森2009;2008;波特斯和Vickstrom
2011). Now is one of those times.
2011)。
现在就是其中的一次。
Indeed, current and future demographic shifts pose extraordinary challenges for
事实上,当前和未来的人口变化带来非凡的挑战
America that cannot be ignored or easily dismissed. Growing racial diversity may
美国不能被忽略或轻易解雇。
日益增长的种族多样性可能
provide opportunities for a more integrated future (Alba and Nee 2003; Hochschild et 更综合的未来提供机会(阿尔巴和娘家姓的2003;Hochschild等
al. 2012; Lee and Bean 2010), but this will not come easily (Bobo 2011; Hero 2007).
艾尔。
2012;李和豆2010),但这将来之不易(波波英雄2011;2011)。
The failure to effectively address questions of persistent racial and ethnic economic
未能有效地解决持续的种族和民族经济的问题
inequality, immigration (especially undocumented arrivals) and immigrant incorpo-
不平等,移民(特别是非法移民)和移民incorpo -
ration, and racial and ethnic geographic balkanization may reveal new and unantic-
配给,种族和民族地理割据可能揭示新的unantic -
ipated patterns of cultural and economic fragmentation. As the future unfolds, how 文化和经济分裂的ipat模式。
随着未来展开,如何去做
will the American people—individually and collectively—respond to the nation’s
将美国人们个别和collectively-respond国家的吗
rapidly changing racial and ethnic mix? Will racial boundaries be redrawn and
快速变化的种族和民族混合吗?种族的界限会重绘和吗
persistent racial and ethnic inequality decline over the foreseeable future? Will
持续的种族和民族平等的下降在可预见的未来?将
America become “one nation” with a common national and cultural identity? Will
美国成为“一个国家”与一个共同的民族和文化身份?将
it become a postracial society, where race no longer matters? Or will America become 它成为一个后种族的社会,种族不再重要在哪里?美国或将成为
something else?
其他什么?
This article highlights the demographic parameters of current and future racial and
本文强调了人口统计参数的当前和未来的种族和
ethnic change in America. I begin by presenting evidence of a “Third Demographic
在美国种族变化。
我首先提出“第三人口的证据
Transition” marked by unprecedented changes in America’s racial and ethnic makeup 过渡”,在美国的种族和民族构成前所未有的变化
over the next 40 years. 2 Racial diversity will be driven by new immigration, but it
在接下来的40年。
2种族多样性将会由新移民,但它
also will be shaped by minority fertility and white natural decrease, which I argue will 也将由少数民族生育和白色自然减少,我认为
give demographic impetus to higher poverty rates and more inequality in the future. 给高贫困率和人口动力在未来更多的不平等。
Diversity begins with children—from the “bottom up. ” Over the next generation or 多样性从孩子开始“自底向上。
“未来一代
two, an older, largely white and affluent population will be increasingly replaced by 两个,一个年长的,主要是白色和富裕的人口将越来越多地取代了
today’s disproportionately poor minority children, who will reshape America’s future 今天的不成比例的贫穷的少数民族的孩子,谁将重塑美国的未来
and its place in a globalizing economy.
及其在全球化经济。
The social and political implications of growing racial and ethnic diversity
日益增长的社会和政治影响种族和民族的多样性
will ultimately depend on changing race relations and the breakdown of racial
最终将取决于改变种族关系和种族的崩溃吗
boundaries that have been resilient to change. Racial divisions have been
边界的弹性变化。
种族分歧已经
shaped historically by limited opportunities for interracial interaction in neigh-
塑造了不同种族之间的互动机会有限,历史上的马嘶声
borhoods, schools, and the workplace and by in-group solidarity (as revealed in borhoods、学校和工作场所和群体团结(如中透露的
racially homophilious relationships), which are often reinforced by racism and
种族homophilious关系),它通常是由种族主义和加强
anti-immigrant hostility (Massey and Sánchez 2010). Indeed, as I illustrate here,
反移民的敌意(梅西和桑切斯2010)。
事实上,我在这里说明,
growing racial diversity could “brighten” rather than redraw current racial
日益增长的种族多样性可能“照亮”而不是改变当前的种族
boundaries or create a new racial order (e.g. , Frank et al. 2010; Hochschild
(如边界或者创建一个新的种族秩序。
弗兰克et al . 2010;Hochschild
et al. 2012). Growing diversity over the foreseeable future is no guarantee that
et al . 2012年)。
日益增长的多样性在可预见的未来没有保证
people of different cultural backgrounds will share the same physical and social
不同文化背景的人们将共享相同的物理和社会
spaces. New opportunities for intergroup contact, if measured by declining
空间。
新群际接触的机会,如果按下降
racial segregation, may also be offset by growing in-group racial preferences
种族隔离,也可能抵消了增长群体种族偏好
in social networks, friendship cliques, and interracial marriage.
在社交网络上,友谊派系,异族通婚。
In the end, opportunities and preferences for interracial contact and affiliation will 最后,机会和偏好不同种族之间的接触和联系
depend heavily on the prospect of upward socioeconomic mobility among today’s
很大程度上取决于今天的向上社会流动的前景
minority children—the next generation (Alba et al. 2011). Here, I highlight several
少数民族住下一代(Alba et al . 2011年)。
在这里,我强调几个
emerging threats to minority socioeconomic mobility and to harmonious race rela-
新兴威胁少数民族社会经济的灵活性和种族和谐rela -
tions in the future. How America responds now to the new challenges of racial and
在未来。
美国如何回应现在种族和新挑战的
ethnic diversity will determine whether it becomes a more open and inclusive society
种族多样性将决定是否成为一个更加开放和包容的社会
in the future—one that provides equal opportunities and justice for all. This is a
在未来提供平等机会和正义。
这是一个
demographic “pipeline” issue that will not go away anytime soon and that will
人口“管道”问题,在短期内不会消失,会的
reshape racial politics over the foreseeable future.
在可预见的未来重塑种族政治。
America’s Racial Future: A Third Demographic Transition?
美国种族的未来:三分之一人口过渡?
The Third Demographic Transition, as coined by David Coleman (2006), refers to the
第三人口过渡,创造的大卫·科尔曼(2006),指的是
societal transformation from a low-fertility, native-born majority population to a high-
从低社会转型,土生土长的多数人口高
fertility, racial and ethnic immigrant population. This population transition is general (at 生育能力,种族和民族移民人口。
一般(在这个人口过渡
least across today’s developed world, but especially in Europe) and it is irreversible
至少在今天的发达国家,尤其是在欧洲),而且是不可逆转的
(Coleman 2009). 3 To claim that the United States is in the throes of a Third
(科尔曼2009)。
3日声称,美国三分之一的阵痛
Demographic Transition, we must start with some basic demographic facts, if only to
人口转变,我们必须先从一些基本的统计事实,要是
reinforce casual observations or impressions about growing racial diversity in America.
加强休闲观察或有关美国种族多元化增长的印象。
The 2010 U.S. decennial census revealed that the percentage of non-Hispanic whites 2010年美国人口普查显示,非拉美裔白人的百分比
decreased from 69.1 % to 63.7 % between 2000 and 2010 (Humes et al. 2011). 4 More 2000年至2010年间从69.1%下降到63.7%(休谟et al . 2011年)。
4个significantly, newly released U.S. Census Bureau projections (based on the 2010 census) 值得注意的是,新公布的美国人口普查局预测(根据2010年的人口普查)
indicate that the non-Hispanic white population is expected to decline from roughly 197 表明,非西班牙裔白人人口预计将下降约197
million in 2010 to slightly more than 186 million in 2050, as white natural decrease takes 万至2010年的略高于1.86亿年的2050,白色的自然减少
a demographic grip on America’s future (U.S. Census Bureau 2012a). America’s
对美国未来的人口控制(美国人口普查局2012年)。
美国的
minority populations, in contrast, will nearly double in size over the next 40 years,
相比之下,少数民族人口规模将在未来40年增加近一倍,
increasing from 112 million to 213 million persons if recent patterns of immigration,
从1.12亿增长到2.13亿人,如果最近的移民模式,
fertility, and mortality continue as they have (U.S. Census Bureau 2012b). All of the
生育率和死亡率继续他们(美国人口普查局2012 b)。
所有的
projected U.S. population increase will come from groups other than non-Hispanic
预期美国人口增长将来自团体非西班牙裔
whites. The United States is moving inexorably toward becoming a majority-minority
白人。
美国正无情地朝着聚居且
society. Indeed, only 46.6 % of the U.S. population will be classified as white in 2050 if
的社会。
事实上,只有46.6%的美国人口将在2050年划分为白色
current demographic trends continue. The racial crossover occurs in 2043 (see Fig. 1).
目前的人口发展趋势继续下去。
2043年种族发生交叉(见图1)。
Projected increases in the racial and ethnic minority population may give demographic
预计增加在种族和少数民族人口会给人口
impetus to more poverty and inequality in the future. This can be effectively demonstrated 动力在未来更多的贫困和不平等。
这可以有效的证明
with a simple accounting exercise. Applying age-race-sex–specific poverty rates (from the 用一个简单的会计活动。
应用age-race-sex-specific贫困率(从
2010 American Community Survey) to projected age-race-sex populations in 2050 yields 2010年美国社区调查)预计age-race-sex人口2050年收益率
projected poverty rates in 2050 (see Murdock et al. 2003 for similar approach). As shown 预计2050年贫困率(见默多克et al . 2003年类似的方法)。
如图所示
in Table 1, this exercise implies a 2050 poverty rate of 16.6 %, which compares
在表1中,这个练习意味着2050年贫困率为16.6%,比较
unfavorably with the published poverty rate of 15.1 % in 2010 (DeNavas-Walt et al. 2011). 无法与发布的2010年15.1%的贫困率(DeNavas-Walt et al . 2011年)。
Of course, projected poverty rates in 2050 reflect not only the influences of racial
当然,预计2050年贫困率反映不仅种族的影响
composition but also changes in the age-sex composition (e.g. , an older population will
作文也年龄性别构成的变化(如人口将会更长寿
have lower overall rates of poverty). Yet, as shown in Table 1, projected poverty rates in
总体贫困率较低)。
然而,如表1所示,预计贫困率
2050 exceed the poverty rate in 2010 for all groups—children, prime-age adults, and
2050年超过2010年贫困率groups-children,对于那些壮年成年人,和
seniors—a fact that mostly reflects shifts in the racial and ethnic composition only. These seniors-a事实主要反映了种族和民族的变化。
这些
projected increases, although seemingly small (i.e. , representing roughly a 10 % increase in 预计增加,虽然看似小(即。
,代表约增加10%
poverty), nevertheless translate into almost 5 million more poor people in 2050 than if
贫困),却更多地转化为近500万贫困人口在2050年
poverty rates stayed at 2010 levels. And they also tell us that over 70 % of America’s poor
贫困率在2010年的水平。
他们还告诉我们,美国有超过70%的贫穷
in 2050 will be minorities—a fact that has its own political consequences, if measured in 2050年将是少数群体有自己的政治后果,如果测量
public support for the poor (Gilens 2000).
公众对穷人的支持(Gilens 2000)。
Of course, future age-race-sex–specific poverty rates may not stay at 2010 levels;
当然,未来age-race-sex-specific贫困率可能不会呆在2010年的水平;
they may increase or decrease unpredictably over time for different segments of the U.S. 他们可能会增加或减少不可预知的不同部分的美国
population. 5 Yet, looking back 35 years rather than forward, the child poverty rates in 人口。
5,回首过去35年而不是向前,儿童贫困率
1976 were 40.6 % and 30.2 % for blacks and Hispanics, respectively. These figures are 1976年黑人和拉美裔人的分别为40.6%和30.2%,分别。
这些数字是
little different from 2010 poverty estimates (i.e. , 39.0 % for blacks and 34.9 % for
从2010年贫困估计(即有些不同。
,39.0%的黑人和34.9%的
Hispanics; U.S. Census Bureau 2012c). Of course, race categories are highly fluid
西班牙裔,美国人口普查局2012 c)。
当然,种族类别非常流畅
(Perez and Hirschman 2009; Waters 1990). Racial self-definitions are often situational (法勒斯和赫希曼2009;1990)水域。
种族自我认知常常态势
and can change over time and across generations (Duncan and Trejo 2007), which
并且可以随时间变化和跨代(邓肯和Trejo 2007)
potentially has uneven implications for poverty measurement across ethnoracial groups. 可能会有不均匀影响贫困测量跨ethnoracial组。
Immigration and immigration policy also may change, perhaps unexpectedly, and
移民和移民政策也可能会改变,也许意外,
America’s economic and job outlook is impossible to forecast accurately over the long
美国的经济和就业前景是不可能准确地预测在长
term. Thus, my point here is largely a heuristic one—that a disproportionately white, 术语。
因此,在这里我的观点很大程度上是一个启发式)一个不成比例的白色, elderly, and nonpoor population will be replaced by a disproportionately nonwhite, non- 老年人,nonpoor人口将取代了不成比例的非白人,非
elderly, and poor population. Projected changes in America’s racial composition may 老年人和贫困人口。
预计美国的种族成分可能的变化
mechanically drive up U.S. poverty rates unless age-race-sex–specific poverty rates
机械地推高美国的贫困率,除非age-race-sex-specific贫困率
decline or racial and ethnic differences in poverty are reduced or eliminated. This
下降或种族和民族的差异减少或消除贫困。
这
demographic and economic forecast can be avoided, but it will require the political will 人口和经济预测是可以避免的,但是它需要的政治意愿
to act now to support America’s children and minority families.
现在就采取行动来支持美国的儿童和少数民族家庭。
Population Processes and Ethnoracial Diversity
人口过程和Ethnoracial多样性
Immigration and Diversity
移民和多样性
The conventional view today is that immigration is driving America’s growing
今天的传统观点是,移民是推动美国的增长
ethnoracial diversity. This is understandable in light of the massive new ethnoracial多样性。
这是可以理解的大规模新
immigration into the United States since 1980. Net international immigration 自1980年移民到美国。
净国际移民
into the United States accounted for 7.5 million new residents or 31.3 % of the 到美国占了750万个新居民的31.3%
nation’s total population growth of 23.9 million people between 2000 and 2010 人口增长在2000年和2010年之间的2390万人
(U.S. Census Bureau 2012d). The United States has more foreign-born residents (美国人口普查局2012 d)。
美国有更多的外国出生的居民
(about 39 million) than any other country in the world; more than 4,000 new (约3900万)比世界上其他任何一个国家,超过4000新
immigrants (legal and unauthorized) arrive in the United States each day
(合法和非法)移民抵达美国的每一天
(Martin and Midgley 2010). The overwhelming share of new immigrants and (马丁和麦2010)。
绝大的新移民和分享
the foreign-born population are racial and ethnic minorities, mostly from Asia,
外国出生的人口是种族和少数民族,大多来自亚洲,
Mexico, and other parts of Latin America. Moreover, the secondary migration 墨西哥和拉丁美洲的其他地方。
此外,二次迁移
of racial and ethnic minorities has hastened the pace of racial and ethnic
种族和少数民族的加速了种族和民族的步伐
change in cities, suburbs, and small towns across America (Kritz et al. 2011;
改变在城市、郊区和小镇在美国(Kritz et al . 2011;
Lee et al. 2012; Lichter and Johnson 2009; Massey 2008). The recent spatial
李et al . 2012;里胥特博士和约翰逊梅西2009;2009)。
最近的空间
diffusion of Hispanics to “new destinations” and Asians to (mostly) metropol-
扩散“新目的地”的拉美裔和亚洲人(大部分)metropol -
itan “ethnoburbs” has reinforced the view that new immigration has altered itan“郊区”已经使得新移民改变了
America’s fundamental character. Immigration has become a national political 美国的基本性格。
移民已成为一个国家政治
issue rather than just a state or local one.
问题而不仅仅是一个州或地方。
The big picture of widespread and growing diversity, however, masks a more
大局的广泛和日益增长的多样性,然而,掩盖了一个更
fundamental demographic reality: changes in America’s racial mix have been
基本人口现实:美国的种族组合的变化
observed first and disproportionately among the nation’s children and youth
观察第一和不成比例的国家的儿童和青少年
(Johnson and Lichter 2008, 2010). A large but often unappreciated second-
(约翰逊和2008年里胥特博士,2008)。
但经常赏识第二
order demographic effect of recent immigration is the changing racial mix of
订单最近移民的人口效应是改变种族混合
newborns and children. The children of America’s racial minority and immigrant 新生儿和儿童。
美国的种族少数民族和移民的孩子
populations—the new second generation—will be the lifeblood of America’s
人口等社会新二将是美国的的命脉
economic and political future. They are in the vanguard of the Third
经济和政治的未来。
他们在第三的先锋
Demographic Transition that will remake America.
人口转变,重塑美国。