8 理查德-尼克松 第二次就职演讲
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Second Inaugural Address of Richard Milhous Nixon
Mr. Vice President, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, Senator Cook, Mrs. Eisenhower, and my fellow citizens of this great and good country we share together:
When we met here four years ago, America was bleak in spirit, depressed by the prospect of seemingly endless war abroad and of destructive conflict at home.
As we meet here today, we stand on the threshold of a new era of peace in the world.
The central question before us is: How shall we use that peace? Let us resolve that this era we are about to enter will not be what other postwar periods have so often been: a time of retreat and isolation that leads to stagnation at home and invites new danger abroad.
Let us resolve that this will be what it can become: a time of great responsibilities greatly borne, in which we renew the spirit and the promise of America as we enter our third century as a nation. This past year saw far-reaching results from our new policies for peace. By continuing to revitalize our traditional friendships, and by our missions to Peking and to Moscow, we were able to establish the base for a new and more durable pattern of relationships among the nations of the world. Because of America's bold initiatives, 1972 will be long remembered as the year of the greatest progress since the end of World War II toward a lasting peace in the world. The peace we seek in the world is not the flimsy peace which is merely an interlude between wars, but a peace which can endure for generations to come. It is important that we understand both the necessity and the limitations of America's role in maintaining that peace. Unless we in America work to preserve the peace, there will be no peace. Unless we in America work to preserve freedom, there will be no freedom. But let us clearly understand the new nature of America's role, as a result of the new policies we have adopted over these past four years.
We shall respect our treaty commitments.
We shall support vigorously the principle that no country has the right to impose its will or rule on another by force.
We shall continue, in this era of negotiation, to work for the limitation of nuclear arms, and to reduce the danger of confrontation between the great powers. We shall do our share in defending peace and freedom in the world. But we shall
expect others to do their share. The time has passed when America will make every other nation's conflict our own, or make every other nation's future our responsibility, or presume to tell the people of other nations how to manage their own affairs. Just as we respect the right of each nation to determine its own future, we also recognize the responsibility of each nation to secure its own future. Just as America's role is indispensable in preserving the world's peace, so is each nation's role indispensable in preserving its own peace. Together with the rest of the world, let us resolve to move forward from the beginnings we have made. Let us continue to bring down the walls of hostility which have divided the world for too long, and to build in their place bridges of understanding—so that despite profound differences between systems of government, the people of the world can be friends. Let us build a structure of peace in the world in which the weak are as safe as the strong—in which each respects the right of the other to live by a different system—in which those who would influence others will do so by the strength of their ideas, and not by the force of their arms. Let us accept that high responsibility not as a burden, but gladly—gladly because the chance to build such a peace is the noblest endeavor in which a nation can engage; gladly, also, because only if we act greatly in meeting our responsibilities abroad will we remain a great Nation, and only if we remain a great Nation will we act greatly in meeting our challenges at home. We have the chance today to do more than ever before in our history to make life better in America—to ensure better education, better health, better housing, better transportation, a cleaner environment—to restore respect for law, to make our communities more livable—and to insure the God-given right of every American to full and equal opportunity. Because the range of our needs is so great—because the reach of our opportunities is so great—let us be bold in our determination to meet those needs in new ways. Just as building a structure of peace abroad has required turning away from old policies that failed, so building a new era of progress at home requires turning away from old policies that have failed. Abroad, the shift from old policies to new has not been a retreat from our responsibilities, but a better way to peace. And at home, the shift from old policies to new will not be a retreat from our responsibilities, but a better way to progress. Abroad and at home, the key to those new responsibilities lies in the placing and the division of responsibility. We have lived too long with the consequences of attempting to gather all power and responsibility in Washington.
Abroad and at home, the time has come to turn away from the condescending policies of paternalism—of "Washington knows best."
A person can be expected to act responsibly only if he has responsibility. This is human nature. So let us encourage individuals at home and nations abroad to do more for themselves, to decide more for themselves. Let us locate responsibility in more places. Let us measure what we will do for others by what they will do for themselves.
That is why today I offer no promise of a purely governmental solution for every problem. We have lived too long with that false promise. In trusting too much in government, we have asked of it more than it can deliver. This leads only to inflated expectations, to reduced individual effort, and to a disappointment and frustration that erode confidence both in what government can do and in what people can do.
Government must learn to take less from people so that people can do more for themselves.
Let us remember that America was built not by government, but by people—not by welfare, but by work—not by shirking responsibility, but by seeking responsibility.
In our own lives, let each of us ask—not just what will government do for me, but what can I do for myself?
In the challenges we face together, let each of us ask—not just how can government help, but how can I help? Your National Government has a great and vital role to play. And I pledge to you that where this Government should act, we will act boldly and we will lead boldly. But just as important is the role that each and every one of us must play, as an individual and as a member of his own community. From this day forward, let each of us make a solemn commitment in his own heart: to bear his responsibility, to do his part, to live his ideals—so that together, we can see the dawn of a new age of progress for America, and together, as we celebrate our 200th anniversary as a nation, we can do so proud in the fulfillment of our promise to ourselves and to the world. As America's longest and most difficult war comes to an end, let us again learn to debate our differences with civility and decency. And let each of us reach out for that one precious quality government cannot provide—a new level of respect for the rights and feelings of one another, a new level of respect for the individual human dignity which is the cherished birthright of every American. Above all else, the time has come for us to renew our faith in ourselves and in America.
In recent years, that faith has been challenged.
Our children have been taught to be ashamed of their country, ashamed of their parents, ashamed of America's record at home and of its role in the world.
At every turn, we have been beset by those who find everything wrong with America and little that is right. But I am confident that this will not be the judgment of history on these remarkable times in which we are privileged to live.
America's record in this century has been unparalleled in the world's history for its responsibility, for its generosity, for its creativity and for its progress.
Let us be proud that our system has produced and provided more freedom and more abundance, more widely shared, than any other system in the history of the world. 42
Let us be proud that in each of the four wars in which we have been engaged in this century, including the one we are now bringing to an end, we have fought not for our selfish advantage, but to help others resist aggression. Let us be proud that by our bold, new initiatives, and by our steadfastness for peace with honor, we have made a break-through toward creating in the world what the world has not known before—a structure of peace that can last, not merely for our time, but for generations to come. We are embarking here today on an era that presents challenges great as those any nation, or any generation, has ever faced. We shall answer to God, to history, and to our conscience for the way in which we use these years. As I stand in this place, so hallowed by history, I think of others who have stood here before me. I think of the dreams they had for America, and I think of how each recognized that he needed help far beyond himself in order to make those dreams come true. Today, I ask your prayers that in the years ahead I may have God's help in making decisions that are right for America, and I pray for your help so that together we may be worthy of our challenge. Let us pledge together to make these next four years the best four years in America's history, so that on its 200th birthday America will be as young and as vital as when it began, and as bright a beacon of hope for all the world. Let us go forward from here confident in hope, strong in our faith in one another, sustained by our faith in God who created us, and striving always to serve His purpose.
副总统先生,议长先生,首席大法官先生,库克参议员,艾森豪威尔夫人,共同生活在这个伟大而美好的国度的公民们:
四年前,我们在此相聚之时,美国正因为看起来无休无止的国外战争和毁灭性的国内冲突而灰心丧气,整个国家情绪低落,精神不振。
今天,我们重聚于此,我们已站在了世界和平新纪元的门槛之上。
我们所面临的核心问题乃是:我们应当如何利用这种和平?
让我们下定决心,不让我们即将跨入的这个时代重蹈以往战后年代的覆辙,成为一个退却和孤立的时代,导致国内停滞萧条,在国外诱发新的危险。
让我们下定决心,使这个时代成为一个肩负重任的时代,在这个时代,我们将更新美国的精神和希望,以迎接美国建国后的第三个世纪。
过去的一年里,我们寻求和平的新政策产生了意义深远的后果。
由于不断刷新我们同各国之间的传统友谊,并派员出访北京和莫斯科,我们得以为世界各国之间建立一种更为持久的新型关系模式奠定了基础。
美国的大胆首创使得1972年成为自二战以来向世界持久和平迈出最大步伐的一年,并因此而载入史册。
我们在世界上所寻求的和平并不是一种脆弱的和平,如同两次战争之间的间奏曲;而是一种能够延续无数代的和平。
美国在维护这一和平中发挥的作用,既是必不可少的,同时也存在着局限性,明白这一点相当重要。
除非我们在美国努力维护和平,否则就没有和平可言。
除非我们在美国努力维护自由,否则就没有自由可言。
通过过去的四年我们所采取的新政策,我们应深刻理解美国所扮演角色的这种新性质。
我们将尊重我们的条约义务。
我们将积极支持这样的原则——任何国家都无权凭借武力把自己的意志或统治强加于别的国家。
在这个谈判的时代,我们将继续谋求限制核武器,减少大国间对抗的危险。
我们将尽到我们的一份责任,在世界上捍卫和平与自由。
同时,我们也希望别的国家能尽到他们的一份责任。
美国不再把其他国家的冲突当做自己的冲突,不再把他国的未来前途视为自己的责任,也不再自认有权教导别国人民如何处理自己的事务。
这样的时代已经结束了。
正如我们尊重各国决定自己未来的权利一样,我们也承认各国有责任实现自己的未来。
正如美国在维护世界和平方面起着不可或缺的作用一样,每一个国家在维护自己的和平方面所起的作用也是必不可少的。
让我们下定决心,同世界其他国家一道,从已经达到的起点向前迈进吧!让我们继续努力,摧毁那些长期使世界陷于分裂的仇视之墙,并在其废墟上架起理解的桥梁,这样,即使在政府体制方面存在着深刻差异,世界各国人民仍能成为朋友。
让我们在全世界构筑起和平的大厦。
在这个大厦中,弱国与强国一样安全无恙;每个国家都尊重与自己制度不同的国家的权利;一个国家如果想对其他国家施加影响,所凭借的将是思想观念的力量,而不是诉诸于武力。
让我们愉快地接受这一崇高的责任,不要把它作为一个负担。
我们之所以愉快地承担这一责任,是因为有机会来建设这样一种和平,乃是一个国家所能从事的最高尚
的事业;同时,还因为只有勇于承担我们在国外的责任,我们才能继续保持一个伟大国家的地位;而唯有继续保持伟大国家的地位,我们才能勇于面对国内的各种挑战。
我们今天有机会进行比以往历史上任何时候都要多的工作,在美国创造更加美好的生活——保证人们接受更好的教育,享有更好的健康,居于更好的住宅,拥有更好的交通条件和更清洁的环境;恢复对法律的尊重,使我们的所有社区都成为一个能够更好地生活的地方;保障每一个美国人都享有充分而平等的机会这一上帝所赐的权利。
因为我们需要的范围十分广泛,我们的机会伸展到各个领域,所以,让我们大胆下定决心,采用新的方式来满足这些需要吧!
我们在国外构筑和平之厦,必须摈弃那些业已失败的过时政策;同理,我们在国内开创进步的新纪元,也需要抛弃那些失败的过时政策。
在国外,从旧政策到新政策的转变,并非逃避我们的各种责任,而是开辟通向和平的更佳途径。
在国内,从旧政策到新政策的转变,也不是逃避我们的各种责任,而是开辟走向进步的更佳途径。
无论在国外还是国内,承担这些新责任的关键在于如何放置和划分责任。
对于把所有权力和责任都集中在华盛顿的企图所造成的后果,我们忍受的时间实在太长了。
无论在国外还是国内,已经到了抛弃那些家长式的恩赐政策,也就是“华盛顿洞察一切”的政策的时候了!
一个人只有心怀责任感,才能期望他办事负责。
这是人类的天性。
因此,让我们鼓励国内的个人和海外的国家自己替自己做更多的事情,自己替自己做更多的决定。
让我们在更多的领域里明确责任,根据他人能替自己做些什么来确定我们应为他们做些什么。
我今天之所以没有允诺完全依靠政府来解决一切问题,其原因端在于此。
我们忍受这种错误许诺为时已太过长久。
我们对政府寄托了太多的希望,因而我们要求于政府的远甚于它所能提供的。
这样只会导致过高的期望值,降低个人的努力程度,诱发失望和不满,从而侵蚀人们对政府和人民两者的能力所抱的信心。
政府必须学会减少取之于人民的东西,以便人民能够为自己多做些事情。
让我们记住,美国的建立所依靠的不是政府,而是人民;不是福利,而是劳动;不是推卸责任,而是寻求责任。
在我们自己的生活中,让我们每一个人都问一间自己能为自己做些什么,而不仅只是间政府能为自己做些什么。
在我们共同面临的挑战面前,让我们每个人间一问自己应当如何出力,而不仅是政府应当怎样给予帮助。
你们的政府将要发挥至关重要的巨大作用。
我向你们保证,凡是在政府应当采取行动的地方,我们都将大胆行动并且积极发挥领导作用。
但是,我们当中的每一个人无论做为个人还是做为社区的成员,也必须尽自己的力量,这同样具有重要意义。
从今天开始,让我们每个人在各自的内心深处立下庄严誓言,坚决履行自己的责任,奉献自己的力量,实践自己的理想。
这样的话,我们就能一起看到美国进步的新
纪元的曙光;而且在我们庆祝建国二百周年之际,我们也将一起为我们实践了对自己和对世界的诺言而探感自豪。
在美国历史上最为旷日持久和艰苦卓绝的战争宣告结束之际,让我们重新学会就我们之间的分歧展开有礼、有节的辩论。
让我们每个人都来致力于追求那种政府所不能提供的珍贵品质,也就是在新的水准上对他人的权利和情感表示尊重,在新的水准上对每个美国人与生俱来的珍贵权利——个人人格尊严表示尊重。
更为重要的是,更新我们对自己和对美国的信念的时代已经来临了。
在最近几年,这个信念遇到了挑战。
一直有人教我们的孩子们以他们的国家为耻,以他们的父母为耻,以美国在国内留下的纪录和在世界上所扮演的角色为耻。
在每一个转折关头,总是有人指责美国一无是处,我们一直为此深感苦恼。
但我相信,这绝不是历史对我们有幸躬逢其盛的非凡时代所作的评判。
在这个世纪当中,美国担负了巨大的责任,办事慷慨仁厚,富于创造精神,取得了很大的进步。
这样一份纪录在世界历史上乃是罕有其匹的。
较之世界历史上任何其他制度,我们的制度创造和提供了更多的自由与更丰裕的生活,并且为更多的人所分享。
让我们以此为荣吧!
本世纪我们参与了四场战争,包括我们现在就要终止的这场战争,但我们并非为一己私利而战,而是帮助他人抵御侵略。
让我们以此为荣吧!
我们采取了大胆的首创行动,矢志不移地追求光荣的和平,因而在创建世界和平大厦方面取得了重大突破;这一和平大厦在世界上乃是前所未有的,它将超越我们的时代,一直要延续无数代之久。
让我们以此为荣吧!
今天,我们在这里跨入了一个新的时代,摆在我们面前的巨大挑战,乃是任何国家和任何一代人都不曾面临过的。
我们应当向上帝、向历史和我们的良知作出回答:我们应采取什么方式来利用这些年月?
当我站在这个因历史而变得神圣的地方,不由得想起了也曾站立于此的各位前任。
我想起了他们对美国怀有的种种梦想,想起了他们是如何意识到,他们需要远远超过他们自身之外的帮助以实现这些梦想。
今天,我请求你们祝福我在未来的岁月中得到上帝的佑助,作出有利于美国的决策。
我也祈求你们的帮助,让我们戮力同心,共同迎接挑战。
让我们一起作出保证,使未来的四年成为美国历史上最美好的岁月。
这样,美国在二百周年华诞之际,就会像诞生之初那样年轻和生气勃勃,如同一座光芒四射的希望灯塔,照亮全世界!
让我们满怀希望。
彼此肝胆相照,凭借对创造我们的上帝的信仰,永远奋力奉行上帝的旨意,由此迈步向前进发吧里
(曹菲译李剑鸣校)。