最新2019-Distribution and Timing of Glottalized Nasals in Athabaskan在阿萨巴斯卡语和喉鼻音的时序分布
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– Yowlumne glottalized sonorants are not always pre-glottalized (Plauché2019)
7
Timing and distribution in Yowlumne
___#
___C
___V
V___ amaaxa p’um’na m’ ‘and perhaps’ ‘a full-blooded
Some timing < distribution
Kwak’wala
Sm’algyax
Montana Salish Lai
Nuu-chahnulth Yowlumne
s[__V pre-glottalized pre-glottalized pre-glottalized
pre-glottalized pre-glottalized
Crosslinguistically, timing is semiindependent of distribution
Kwak’wala Oowek’yala Coatlán-Loxicha Zapotec Kashaya Kutenai Yowlumne Sm’algyax Montana Salish Lai
15
Four types of Athabaskan languages
PA-type T’V
Dena’ina
Deg Xinag- Sek-type
type
VT’
*
*
R’V *
*
*
*
ຫໍສະໝຸດ Baidu
VR’
*
*
Maddieson 1984: ‘if a language has any laryngealized sonorants it also has
Distribution and Timing of Glottalized Nasals in Athabaskan
Sharon Hargus University of Washington
February 11, 2019
1
Outline
• Background • Distribution and timing of glottalization in
phonetics interface, no phonetic component of grammar)
• If timing independent of distribution
– phonology separate from, mapped to phonetics – supports Modular model
6
Timing and distribution in Yowlumne
• Howe and Pulleyblank 2019: Steriade’s analysis is wrong on two counts
– Yowlumne glottalized sonorants not restricted to coda position
• Conclusions
14
Distribution of glottalization in Athabaskan
(stem syllables)
1. Proto-Athabaskan, Ahtna, Hupa
– ejectives: pre-vocalic, post-vocalic – glottalized sonorants: post-vocalic
• Ladefoged and Maddieson 2019: 109: Laryngeal constriction can be ‘centered at’ the oral closure or can occur ‘at the beginning or the end’ of a nasal consonant
2. Dena’ina
– ejectives: pre-vocalic, post-vocalic
3. Deg Xinag, Gwich’in, Han, N. Tutchone, S. Tutchone, Tanacross, Kaska, Tagish, Tahltan, Witsuwit’en
9
Timing and distribution in Yowlumne
• Plauché’s explanation for Vn vs. nV
– ‘optimize recoverability of the formant transitions into a following vowel’ (139)
11
Interaction of timing, distribution
• ‘There is a correlation between syllabic position and the patterns of glottal timing’ (Howe and Pulleyblank 2019:76)
• Cf. Steriade/Blevins
– Vn optimizes recoverability of the laryngeal contrast (so preferred over Vn)
10
Interaction of timing, distribution
• Languages surveyed in Howe and Pulleyblank 2019
Indian’
c’oo’woo
‘work’
postglottalized postglottalized preglottalized
8
Timing and distribution in Yowlumne
• In fact, distribution determines timing
– If postvocalic and
glottalic or laryngealized stops. 19/20 95.0%’
16
Reflexes of *T’, *R’
• Steriade 2019: since glottalized sonorants are pre-glottalized, exclusively post-vocalic distribution < timing
– Therefore, Licensing by Cue is more explanatory than Licensing by Prosody
Athabaskan • Witsuwit’en and Deg Xinag
– Distribution of glottalized nasals – Timing of glottalized nasals
• Conclusions
2
Glottalized sonorants: timing possibilities
– ejectives: pre-vocalic – glottalized sonorants: post-vocalic
4. Sekani, Chilcotin, Dene Suine, Dogrib, Slave, Tsuut’ina, Navajo
– ejectives: pre-vocalic
13
Outline
• Background • Distribution and timing of glottalization in
Athabaskan • Witsuwit’en and Deg Xinag
– Distribution of glottalized nasals – Timing of glottalized nasals
– Blevins 2019:95: ‘word-initial neutralization of sonorant pre-glottalization is common, while word-final neutralization of pre-glottalization is rare’
• prevocalic (onset), then
preglottalized
• not prevocalic (coda), then
postglottalized
• What about post-vocalic restriction?
– plausibly, ‘the implicational relation between the feature of glottalisation and the postvocalic position is…non-arbitrary, grounded in but semi-independent from phonetic properties governing the production and perception of glottalisation.’ (Howe and Pulleyblank 2019:63)
– ‘…non-modally phonated sonorant consonants are realized with laryngeal gestures phased to the early portion of the supralaryngeal configuration.’ (p. 106)
• Plauché2019:140: ‘creaky voice and often full glottal closure preceding, simultaneous to, and following the sonorant are found as acoustic cues for glottalization of sonorants’
5
Interaction of timing, distribution
• In Yowlumne (Newman 1944:15), glottalized sonorants can ‘never appear initially in a word or in a syllable that follows a closed syllable.’
– But Silverman was only discussing prevocalic glottalized nasals.
4
Glottalized sonorants: distributional preferences
• V__
– Steriade 2019:102 ‘a preglottalized segment…will depend for optimal identification of its laryngeal category on…a preceding vowel or sonorant’
• Kingston 1990: implies that glottalized sonorants vary much more in timing than glottalized stops
3
Glottalized sonorants: timing preferences
• Silverman 2019:98: with glottalized nasals, ‘leftward laryngealization is preferred to rightward laryngealization’
pre-glottalized
12
Theoretical implications
• If timing determines distribution
– phonology is phonetically motivated – supports Integrated model (no phonology-
___ ]s post-glottalized post-glottalized post-glottalized
post-glottalized post-glottalized post-glottalized pre-glottalized pre-glottalized pre-glottalized
7
Timing and distribution in Yowlumne
___#
___C
___V
V___ amaaxa p’um’na m’ ‘and perhaps’ ‘a full-blooded
Some timing < distribution
Kwak’wala
Sm’algyax
Montana Salish Lai
Nuu-chahnulth Yowlumne
s[__V pre-glottalized pre-glottalized pre-glottalized
pre-glottalized pre-glottalized
Crosslinguistically, timing is semiindependent of distribution
Kwak’wala Oowek’yala Coatlán-Loxicha Zapotec Kashaya Kutenai Yowlumne Sm’algyax Montana Salish Lai
15
Four types of Athabaskan languages
PA-type T’V
Dena’ina
Deg Xinag- Sek-type
type
VT’
*
*
R’V *
*
*
*
ຫໍສະໝຸດ Baidu
VR’
*
*
Maddieson 1984: ‘if a language has any laryngealized sonorants it also has
Distribution and Timing of Glottalized Nasals in Athabaskan
Sharon Hargus University of Washington
February 11, 2019
1
Outline
• Background • Distribution and timing of glottalization in
phonetics interface, no phonetic component of grammar)
• If timing independent of distribution
– phonology separate from, mapped to phonetics – supports Modular model
6
Timing and distribution in Yowlumne
• Howe and Pulleyblank 2019: Steriade’s analysis is wrong on two counts
– Yowlumne glottalized sonorants not restricted to coda position
• Conclusions
14
Distribution of glottalization in Athabaskan
(stem syllables)
1. Proto-Athabaskan, Ahtna, Hupa
– ejectives: pre-vocalic, post-vocalic – glottalized sonorants: post-vocalic
• Ladefoged and Maddieson 2019: 109: Laryngeal constriction can be ‘centered at’ the oral closure or can occur ‘at the beginning or the end’ of a nasal consonant
2. Dena’ina
– ejectives: pre-vocalic, post-vocalic
3. Deg Xinag, Gwich’in, Han, N. Tutchone, S. Tutchone, Tanacross, Kaska, Tagish, Tahltan, Witsuwit’en
9
Timing and distribution in Yowlumne
• Plauché’s explanation for Vn vs. nV
– ‘optimize recoverability of the formant transitions into a following vowel’ (139)
11
Interaction of timing, distribution
• ‘There is a correlation between syllabic position and the patterns of glottal timing’ (Howe and Pulleyblank 2019:76)
• Cf. Steriade/Blevins
– Vn optimizes recoverability of the laryngeal contrast (so preferred over Vn)
10
Interaction of timing, distribution
• Languages surveyed in Howe and Pulleyblank 2019
Indian’
c’oo’woo
‘work’
postglottalized postglottalized preglottalized
8
Timing and distribution in Yowlumne
• In fact, distribution determines timing
– If postvocalic and
glottalic or laryngealized stops. 19/20 95.0%’
16
Reflexes of *T’, *R’
• Steriade 2019: since glottalized sonorants are pre-glottalized, exclusively post-vocalic distribution < timing
– Therefore, Licensing by Cue is more explanatory than Licensing by Prosody
Athabaskan • Witsuwit’en and Deg Xinag
– Distribution of glottalized nasals – Timing of glottalized nasals
• Conclusions
2
Glottalized sonorants: timing possibilities
– ejectives: pre-vocalic – glottalized sonorants: post-vocalic
4. Sekani, Chilcotin, Dene Suine, Dogrib, Slave, Tsuut’ina, Navajo
– ejectives: pre-vocalic
13
Outline
• Background • Distribution and timing of glottalization in
Athabaskan • Witsuwit’en and Deg Xinag
– Distribution of glottalized nasals – Timing of glottalized nasals
– Blevins 2019:95: ‘word-initial neutralization of sonorant pre-glottalization is common, while word-final neutralization of pre-glottalization is rare’
• prevocalic (onset), then
preglottalized
• not prevocalic (coda), then
postglottalized
• What about post-vocalic restriction?
– plausibly, ‘the implicational relation between the feature of glottalisation and the postvocalic position is…non-arbitrary, grounded in but semi-independent from phonetic properties governing the production and perception of glottalisation.’ (Howe and Pulleyblank 2019:63)
– ‘…non-modally phonated sonorant consonants are realized with laryngeal gestures phased to the early portion of the supralaryngeal configuration.’ (p. 106)
• Plauché2019:140: ‘creaky voice and often full glottal closure preceding, simultaneous to, and following the sonorant are found as acoustic cues for glottalization of sonorants’
5
Interaction of timing, distribution
• In Yowlumne (Newman 1944:15), glottalized sonorants can ‘never appear initially in a word or in a syllable that follows a closed syllable.’
– But Silverman was only discussing prevocalic glottalized nasals.
4
Glottalized sonorants: distributional preferences
• V__
– Steriade 2019:102 ‘a preglottalized segment…will depend for optimal identification of its laryngeal category on…a preceding vowel or sonorant’
• Kingston 1990: implies that glottalized sonorants vary much more in timing than glottalized stops
3
Glottalized sonorants: timing preferences
• Silverman 2019:98: with glottalized nasals, ‘leftward laryngealization is preferred to rightward laryngealization’
pre-glottalized
12
Theoretical implications
• If timing determines distribution
– phonology is phonetically motivated – supports Integrated model (no phonology-
___ ]s post-glottalized post-glottalized post-glottalized
post-glottalized post-glottalized post-glottalized pre-glottalized pre-glottalized pre-glottalized