林肯竞选总统演讲稿
林肯演讲稿
林肯演讲稿林肯的演讲正文如下:各位先生，各位女士:今天，我很荣幸能够在这个重要场合发言。
我相信，我们所有人都对这个伟大的国家有着共同的目标和愿望。
我们希望能够建设一个更加平等、公正和繁荣的社会。
然而，我们必须认识到，实现这些目标并不容易。
我们需要勇气、决心和智慧来推动我们的社会进步。
我想起了一位伟大的美国人，他的名字叫做亚伯拉罕·林肯。
他是美国历史上最伟大的领袖之一，也是美国最杰出的政治家之一。
林肯总统在他的生命中，经历了许多困难和挑战。
但他始终坚持他的信念，为他的信仰和人民而奋斗。
他领导了美国在内战中取得胜利，并且推动了一系列的制度改革，为美国的未来发展奠定了坚实的基础。
林肯总统曾经说过一句话，“我们并不是生来就是完美的，但我们可以变得完美。
”这句话深刻地表达了我们实现自己的目标需要付出多大的努力。
我们需要不断地努力，不断地推动社会进步，才能够创造一个更加美好的未来。
在这个特别的日子里，我想借此机会向我们的国家表示感激之情。
我们要感谢那些为我们的国家做出贡献的人们，无论是他们已经离开这个世界，还是仍然在世。
我们要感恩于我们的父母、祖父母、朋友和同事们，是他们的努力和奉献，让我们有机会生活在一个更加美好的世界里。
最后，我想强调的是，我们要做的事情还没有完成。
我们需要继续努力，推动我们的社会进步。
我相信，只要我们团结一心，坚持不懈，我们一定能够创造一个更加平等、公正和繁荣的社会。
谢谢大家。
拓展:林肯是美国历史上最伟大的领袖之一，他的领导力和影响力在美国历史上是不可忽视的。
他在美国内战期间领导了美国军队取得了胜利，并且推动了一系列的制度改革，为美国的未来发展奠定了坚实的基础。
除此之外，林肯还是一位杰出的思想家和演说家，他的演说在美国历史上具有非常重要的地位。
他的一些演讲如《葛底斯堡演说》和《解放宣言》等，至今仍被人们传颂和敬仰。
林肯竞选总统演讲稿
林肯竞选总统演讲稿尊敬的各位美国公民：我站在这里，向全国人民郑重承诺，如果我当选为美利坚合众国的第十六任总统，我将竭尽全力为国家和人民谋福祉，为实现国家的繁荣和人民的幸福而努力奋斗。
在这个关键的时刻，美国正面临着前所未有的挑战和困难。
我们的国家正处于内战的风险之中，我们的人民正饱受着战争的痛苦和煎熬。
同时，我们的经济也面临着严峻的考验，失业率居高不下，贫困问题日益严重，国家的发展面临着重重困难和阻碍。
在这样的情况下，我们需要一个有远见、有智慧、有勇气的领导者，来引领我们走出困境，重振国家的雄风。
作为一个普通的美国人，我深知国家和人民的疾苦，我深知战争的残酷和破坏，我深知经济的困难和挑战。
因此，我决心竞选总统，不是为了名利，而是为了国家和人民，为了让每一个美国人都能过上幸福安康的生活，为了让我们的国家在世界上扬眉吐气，展现出强大的力量和魅力。
我相信，只有团结一致，我们才能战胜一切困难和挑战。
只有秉持着正义和公平的原则，我们才能建立一个更加美好的国家。
只有以勇气和智慧，我们才能开创美国的未来。
因此，我呼吁全国人民团结起来，共同努力，为实现国家的繁荣和人民的幸福而奋斗。
在我当选为总统之后，我将致力于推动国家的和平发展，努力建立一个公正、平等、和谐的社会。
我将采取有效的措施，解决国家面临的各种问题，改善人民的生活，促进国家的繁荣。
我将倡导开放、包容、合作的国际关系，推动世界的和平与发展。
我将努力推动科技创新，促进经济的持续增长，为国家的繁荣打下坚实的基础。
最后，我要向全国人民郑重承诺，我将忠实履行总统的职责，恪守宪法和法律，保护国家的利益，维护人民的权益。
我将竭尽全力，为国家和人民谋福祉，为实现国家的繁荣和人民的幸福而努力奋斗。
各位美国公民，让我们携起手来，共同努力，为美国的未来而奋斗！让我们共同努力，开创一个更加美好的明天！让我们共同努力，实现国家的繁荣和人民的幸福！谢谢大家！。
林肯总统演讲稿
林肯总统演讲稿
尊敬的各位先生，女士们，我感到非常荣幸能够站在这里，向大家发表演讲。
今天，我想和大家分享一些关于自由和平等的想法。
我们都知道，美国是一个自由的国家，但是在我们国家的成立之初，并不是每
个人都能够享受到自由和平等的权利。
许多人被剥夺了他们的基本权利，这让我们的国家陷入了分裂和动荡之中。
然而，正是在这样的背景下，我们的国家经历了一场艰难的内战，最终取得了解放黑人奴隶的胜利。
我相信，每个人都应该享有自由和平等的权利，不论种族、肤色或者社会地位。
正是基于这个信念，我今天站在这里，向全国人民郑重承诺，我们将继续努力，确保每个人都能够享有自由和平等的权利。
在我们的国家，每个人都应该有机会追求自己的幸福和成功。
我们将努力消除
一切不平等的现象，确保每个人都能够获得公平的对待。
我们将努力打破一切种族和社会的隔阂，让每个人都能够在这片自由的土地上实现自己的梦想。
同时，我也呼吁全国人民团结起来，共同为实现自由和平等而努力。
我们需要
摒弃仇恨和偏见，相互尊重，相互理解。
只有当我们团结一心，共同努力，我们才能够实现我们的共同目标，建立一个更加美好的国家。
最后，我想借用一句名言来结束我的演讲，“自由不是为少数人所保留的特权，而是为每个人所应有的权利。
”让我们共同努力，为实现自由和平等而奋斗！
谢谢大家！。
林肯就职演讲稿
林肯就职演讲稿任何人都想成为牛津演讲班里的一名学员，因为我们拥有一流师资、周到的个人辅导、丰富的文化活动，以及与世界各地优秀毕业生建立联系的机会。
尊敬的先生、女士们：我对这个国家，对这个时代和对重任感到无比的荣幸。
我们在这个伟大国家的历史上祖辈留下的英勇斗争，塑造了我们今天的生活和发展的根基。
他们以牺牲和流血的代价，缔造了美国的自由和民主，并让我们拥有了世界上最自由、最公正和最民主的政治制度。
今天我们在此，庄严宣誓，我们将继承这一传统，保持美国的自由和民主，并工作，使之更加完善。
很快我将与我的副总统，一起成为我们这个伟大时代的受托人，我们将、尽最大努力，维护我们国家的利益与尊严。
必须承认，目前我们面临严重的困局：经济困难，政治分歧，社会不公，种族、性别甚至政治立场之间的关系不稳定等等。
但是，我非常确定：只要我们继承我们的祖先们那种勇气和毫不妥协的决心，这些困局不仅不会征服我们，反而会跟随我们的劳动和野心而荡然无存。
我们必须为我们的时间指明一些基本方向，因为我们面临的困局并不是本质的，而是上层的。
作为政府的首脑和国家的领袖，我相信我的任务是通过尽可能贯彻美国价值观来解决这些问题，创造一个更加美好的未来，让我们的后代能够享有全球化世界里的尊严和权益。
对于我们的未来，我有一个追求：即建设一个更加自由和平等的国家。
这并不是说，我们不需要像以前一样对那些攸关人权和尊严的问题保持警惕，而是要把这些问题作为我们政治和社会的基础，从而构建一个真正的、繁盛的、良善的美国。
我们的基础是平等：每个美国人，不论种族、财富、性别、信仰，都有权利享有自由的人生和机会。
平等是我们政治和社会正常运行的中心，是我们社会美好未来的关键。
科学告诉我们，延长人类寿命、提高人类智力和智慧的最好之路是保持社会的平等。
这意味着能力和奋斗精神是我们社会的衡量标准，而以前雅量和优越社会的性别、种族和财富、家庭背景并不重要。
我们必须为每个美国人创造平等的机会和社会制度。
林肯竞选总统的演讲稿
林肯竞选总统的演讲稿合众国的同胞们：1861年3月4日按照一个和我们的政府一样古老的习惯，我现在来到诸位的面前，简单地讲几句话，并在你们的面前，遵照合众国宪法规定一个总统在他“到职视事之前”必须宣誓的仪式，在大家面前宣誓。
我认为没有必要在这里来讨论并不特别令人忧虑和不安的行政方面的问题。
在南方各州人民中似乎存在着一种恐惧心理。
他们认为，随着共和党政府的执政，他们的财产，他们的和平生活和人身安全都将遭到危险。
这种恐惧是从来没有任何事实根据的。
说实在的，大量相反的证据倒是一直存在，并随时可以供他们检查的。
那种证据几乎在现在对你们讲话的这个人公开发表的每一篇演说中都能找到。
这里我只想引用其中的一篇，在那篇演说中我曾说，“我完全无意，对已经存在奴隶制的各州的这一制度，进行直接或间接的干涉。
我深信我根本没有合法权利那样做，而且我无此意图。
”那些提名我并选举我的人都完全知道，我曾明确这么讲过，并且还讲过许多类似的话，而且从来也没有收回过我已讲过的这些话。
不仅如此，他们还在纲领中，写进了对他们和对我来说，都具有法律效力的一项清楚明白、不容含糊的决议让我接受。
这里我来对大家谈谈这一决议：“决议，保持各州的各种权利不受侵犯，特别是各州完全凭自己的决断来安排和控制本州内部各种制度的权利不受侵犯，乃是我们的政治结构赖以完善和得以持久的权力均衡的至为重要的因素；我们谴责使用武装力量非法入侵任何一个州或准州的土地，这种入侵不论使用什么借口，都是最严重的罪行。
”我现在重申这些观点：而在这样做的时候，我只想提请公众注意，最能对这一点提出确切证据的那就是全国任何一个地方的财产、和平生活和人身安全决不会在任何情况下，由于即将上任的政府而遭到危险。
这里我还要补充说，各州只要符合宪法和法律规定，合法地提出保护要求，政府便一定会乐于给予保护,不管是出于什么原因一一而且对任何一个地方都一视同仁。
有一个争论得很多的问题是，关于逃避服务或引渡从劳役中逃走的人的问题。
林肯竞选总统的演讲稿
林肯竞选总统的演讲稿篇一：林肯总统就职演讲中英文对照林肯总统在1861年的第一次就职演说--英文版First Inaugural Address of Abraham LincolnMONDAY, MARCH 4, 1861Fellow-Citizens of the United States: In compliance with a custom as old as the Government itself, I appear before you to address you briefly and to take in your presence the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the United States to be taken by the President before he enters on the execution of this office.I do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or excitement. Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that by the accession of a Republican Administration their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered.There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection. It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you. I do but quote from one of those speeches when I declare that-- I have nopurpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so. Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that I had made this and many similar declarations and had never recanted them; and more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read: Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend; and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.I now reiterate these sentiments, and in doing so I only press upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is susceptible that the property, peace, and security of no section are to be in any wise endangered by the now incoming Administration. I add, too, that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution and the laws, can be given will be cheerfully given to all the States when lawfully demanded, for whatevercause--as cheerfully to one section as to another. There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from service or labor. The clause I now read is as plainly written in the Constitution as any other of its provisions: No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall in consequence of any law or regulation therein be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due. It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves; and the intention of the lawgiver is the law. All members of Congress swear their support to the whole Constitution--to this provision as much as to any other. To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within the terms of this clause "shall be delivered uptheir oaths are unanimous. Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not with nearly equalunanimity frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath? There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by State authority, but surely that difference is not a very material one. If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done. And should anyone in any case becontent that his oath shall go unkept on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept?Again: In any law upon this subject ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a free man be not in any case surrendered as a slave? And might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the Constitution whichguarantees that "the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States"? I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations and with no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules; and while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of Congress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, both in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by all those acts which stand uepealed than to violate any of them trusting to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional. It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President under our National Constitution. During that period fifteen different and greatly distinguished citizens have in successionadministered the executive branch of the Government. They have conducted it through many perils, and generally with great success.Yet, with all this scope of precedent, I now enter upon the same task for the brief constitutional term of four years under great and peculiar difficulty. A disruption of the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidablyattempted. I hold that in contemplation of universal law and of the Constitution the Union of these States is perpetual. Perpetuity is implied, if not expressed, in the fundamental law of all national governments. It is safe to assert that no government proper ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination. Continue to execute all the express provisions of our National Constitution, and the Union will endure forever, it being impossible to destroy it except by some action not provided for in the instrument itself. Again: If the United States be not a government proper, but an association of States in the nature of contract merely, can it, as acontract, be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it? One party to a contract may violate it--break it, so to speak--but does it not require all to lawfully rescind it? Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that in legal contemplation the Union is perpetual confirmed by the history of the Union itself. The Union is much older than the Constitution.It was formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association in 1774. It was matured and continued by the Declaration of Independence in 1776.It was further matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen States expressly plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the Articles of Confederation in 1778. And finally, in 1787, one of the declared objects for ordaining and establishing the Constitution was "to form a more perfect Union.But if destruction of the Union by one or by a part only of the States be lawfully possible, the Union is less perfect than before the Constitution, having lost the vital element of perpetuity. It follows from these views that no State upon its own mere motion can lawfully get out of the Union; that resolves and ordinances to thateffect are legally void, and that acts of violence within any State or States against the authority of the United States are insurrectionary or revolutionary, according to circumstances. I therefore consider that in view of the Constitution and the laws the Union is unbroken, and to the extent of my ability, I shall take care, as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all the States. Doing this I deem to be only a simple duty on my part, and Ishall perform it so far as practicable unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall withhold the requisite means or in some authoritative manner direct the contrary.I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the declared purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally defendand maintain itself. In doing this there needs to be no bloodshed or violence, and there shall be none unless it be forced upon the national authority. The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the Government and to collect the duties and imposts; but beyond what may be necessary for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere. Where hostility to the United States in any interior locality shall be so great and universal as to prevent competent resident citizens from holding the Federal offices, there will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people for that object. While the strict legal right may exist in the Government to enforce the exercise of these offices, the attempt to do so would be so irritating and so nearly impracticable withal that I deem it better to forego for the time the uses of such offices. The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts of the Union. So far as possible the people everywhere shall have that sense of perfect security which is most favorable to calm thought and reflection. The course here indicated will be followed unless current events and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper, and in every case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised, according to circumstances actually existing and with a view and ahope of a peaceful solution of the national troubles and the restoration of fraternal sympathies and affections. That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy the Union at all events and are glad of any pretext to do it I will neither affirm nor deny; but if there be such, I need address no word to them. To those, however, who really love the Union may I not speak? Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our national fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, would it not be wise to ascertain precisely why we do it? Will you hazard so desperate a step while there is any possibility that any portion of the ills you fly from have no real existence? Will you, while the certain ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones you fly from, will you risk the commission of so fearful a mistake? All profess to be content in the Union if all constitutional rights can be maintained. Is it true, then, that any right plainly written in the Constitution has been denied? I think not. Happily, the human mind is so constituted that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this. Think, if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly written provision of the Constitution has ever been denied. If by the mere force of numbers a majority should deprive a minority of any clearly written constitutional right, it might in a moral point of view justify revolution; certainly would if such right were a vital one. But such isnot our case. All the vital rights of minorities and of individuals are so plainly assured to them by affirmations and negations, guaranties and prohibitions, in the Constitution that controversies never arise concerning them. But no organic law can ever be framed with a provision specifically applicable to every question which may occur in practical administration. No foresight can anticipate nor any document of reasonable length contain express provisions for all possible questions. Shall fugitives from labor be surrendered by national or by State authority?The Constitution does not expressly say. May Congress prohibit slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say. Must Congress protect slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say. From questions of this class spring all our constitutional controversies, and we divide upon them into majorities and minorities. If the minority will not acquiesce, the majority must, or the Government must cease. There is no other alternative, for continuing the Government is acquiescence on one side or the other. If a minority in such case will secede rather than acquiesce, they make a precedent which in turn will divide and ruin them, for a minority of their own will secede from them whenever a majority refuses to be controlled by such minority. For instance, why may not any portion of a new confederacy a year or two hencearbitrarily secede again, precisely as portions of the present Union now claim to secede from it? All who cherish disunion sentiments are now being educated to the exact temper of doing this. Is there such perfect identity of interests among the States to compose a new union as to produce harmony only and prevent renewed secession? Plainly the central idea of secession is the essence (转载自： 博旭范文网:林肯竞选总统的演讲稿)of anarchy. A majority held in restraint by constitutional checks and limitations, and always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions and sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people. Whoever rejects it does of necessity fly to anarchy or to despotism. Unanimity is impossible. The rule of a minority, as a permanent arrangement, is wholly inadmissible; so that, rejecting the majority principle, anarchy or despotism in some form is all that is left. I do not forget the position assumed by some that constitutional questions are to be decided by the Supreme Court, nor do I deny that such decisions must be binding in any case upon the parties to a suit as to the object of that suit, while they are also entitled to very high respect and consideration in all parallel cases by all other departments of the Government. And while it is obviously possible that such decision may be erroneous in any given case, still the evil effect following it, being limited to that particularcase, with the chance that it may be overruled and never become a precedent for other cases, can better be borne than could the evils of a different practice. At the same time, the candid citizen must confess that if the policy of the Government upon vital questions affecting the whole people is to be irrevocably fixed by decisions of the Supreme Court, the instant they are made in ordinary litigation between parties in personal actions the people will have ceased to be their own rulers, having to that extent practically resigned their Government into the hands of that eminent tribunal. Nor is there in this view any assault upon the court or the judges. It is a duty from which they may not shrink to decide cases properly brought before them, and it is no fault of theirs if others seek to turn their decisions to political purposes. One section of our country believes slavery is right and ought to be extended, while the other believes it is wrong and ought not to be extended. This is the only substantial dispute. The fugitive- slave clause of the Constitution and the law for the suppression of the foreign slave trade are each as well enforced, perhaps, as any law can ever be in a community where the moral sense of the people imperfectly supports the law itself. The great body of the people abide by the dry legal obligation in both cases, and a few break over in each. This, I think, can not be perfectly cured, and it would be worse in both cases after the separation ofthe sections than before. The foreign slave trade, now imperfectly suppressed, would be ultimately revived without restriction in one section, while fugitive slaves, now only partially surrendered, would not be surrendered at all by the other. Physically speaking, we can not separate. We can not remove our respective sections from each other nor build an impassable wall between them. A husband and wife may be divorced and go out of the presence and beyond the reach of each other, but the different parts of ourcountry can not do this. They can not but remain face to face, and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between them. Is it possible, then, to make that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory after separation than before? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than laws can among friends? Suppose you go to war, you can not fight always; and when, after much loss on both sides and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical old questions, as to terms of intercourse, are again upon you. This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit it. Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing Government, they can exercise their constitutional right of amending it or their revolutionary right to dismember or overthrow it. I can not be ignorant of the fact that many worthy and patrioticcitizens are desirous of having the National Constitution amended. While I make no recommendation of amendments, I fully recognize the rightful authority of the people over the whole subject, to be exercised in either of the modes prescribed in the instrument itself; and I should, under existing circumstances, favor rather than oppose a fair opportunity being afforded the people to act upon it. I will venture to add that to me the convention mode seems preferable, in that it allows amendments to originate with the people themselves, instead of only permitting them to take or reject propositions originated by others, not especially chosen for the purpose, and which might not be precisely such as they would wish to either accept or refuse. I understand a proposed amendment to the Constitution--which amendment, however, I have not seen--has passed Congress, to the effect that the Federal Government shall never interfere with the domestic institutions of the States, including that of persons held to service. To avoid misconstruction of what I have said, I depart from my purpose not to speak of particular amendments so far as to say that, holding such a provision to now be implied constitutional law, I have no objection to its being made express and irrevocable. The Chief Magistrate derives all his authority from the people, and they have referred none upon him to fix terms for the separation of the States. Thepeople themselves can do this if also they choose, but the Executive as such has nothing to do with it. His duty is to administer the present Government as it came to his hands and to transmit it unimpaired by him to his successor. Why should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate justice of the people? Is there any better or equal hope in the world? In our present differences, is either party without faith of being in the right? If the Almighty Ruler of Nations, with His eternal truth and justice, be on your side of the North, or on yours of the South, that truth and that justice will surely prevail by the judgment of this great tribunal of the American people. By the frame of the Government under which we live this same people have wisely given their public servants but little power for mischief, and have with equal wisdom provided for the return of that little to their own hands at very short intervals. While the people retain their virtue and vigilance no Administration by any extreme of wickedness or folly can very seriously injure the Government in the short space of four years. My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole subject. Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time. If there be an object to hurry any of you in hot haste to a step which you would never take deliberately, that object will be frustrated by taking time; but no good object can be frustrated by it. Such of you as are nowdissatisfied still have the old Constitution unimpaired, and, on the sensitive point, the laws of your own framing under it; while the new Administration will have no immediate power, if it would, to change either. If it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied hold the right side in the dispute, there still is no single good reason for precipitate action. Intelligence, patriotism, Christianity, and a firm reliance on Him who has never yet forsaken this篇二：林肯总统演讲稿Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battle-field of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field, as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate -- we can not consecrate -- we can not hallow -- this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for usthe living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us -- that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion -- that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain -- that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom -- and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.篇三：林肯总统葛提斯堡演说词林肯总统葛提斯堡演说词背景知识美国在1776年独立，脱离英国的管治，不足一百年间，已发展成一个超级大国。
林肯就职演讲稿全文
林肯就职演讲稿全文1860年11月，林肯当选总统，共和党首次执政。
林肯的当选对南方种植园主的利益构成严重威胁，南方种植园奴隶主为制造分裂，发动了叛变，南方11个州先后退出联邦，宣布成立“美利坚联盟国”，并制订了新的宪法，选举新总统。
以下是店铺整理了林肯就职演讲稿全文，供你参考。
林肯就职演讲稿全文如下：At this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office， there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. Then a statement，somewhat in detail，of a course to be pursued，seemed fitting and proper. Now，at the expiration of four years，during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of the great contest which still absorbs the attention， and engrosses the energies of the nation，little that is new could be presented. The progress of our arms，upon which all else chiefly depends，is as well known to the public as to myself;and it is，I trust，reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. With high hope for the future，no prediction in regard to it is ventured. On the occasion corresponding to this four years ago，all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war. All dreaded it--all sought to avert it. While the inaugural address was being delivered from this place，devoted altogether to saving the Union without war，insurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war--seeking to dissolve the Union，and divide effects，by negotiation. Both parties deprecated war;but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive;and the other would accept war rather than let it perish. And the war came. One eighth of the whole population were colored slaves，not distributed generally over the Union，but localized in the Southern part of it. These slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. All knew that this interest was，somehow，the cause of the war. To strengthen， perpetuate，and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the Union，even by war;while the government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it. Neither party expected for the war，the magnitude，or the duration，which it has already attained. Neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with，or even before，the conflict itself should cease. Each looked for an easier triumph，and a result less fundamental and astounding. Both read the same Bible，and astounding to the same God;and each invokes His aid against the other. It may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just God's assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men's faces;but let us judge not that we be not judged. The prayers of both could not be answered;that of neither has been answered fully. The Almighty has his own purposes. "Woe unto the world because of offence! for it must needs be that offence s come;but woe to that man by whom the offence cometh!"If we shall suppose that American Slavery is one of those offences which，in the providence of God，must needs come，but which，having continued through His appointed time，He now wills to remove， and that He gives to both North and South，this terrible war，as the woe due to those by whom the offencecame，shall we discern therein any departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a Living God always ascribe to Him? Fondly do we hope--fervently do we pray--that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away. Yet， if God wills that it continue，until all the wealth piled by the bond-man's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk，and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash，shall be paid by another drawn with the sword，as was said three thousand years ago，so still it must be said "the judgments of the Lord，are true and righteous altogether"With malice toward none;with charity for all;with firmness in the right，as God gives us to see the right，let us strive on to finish the work we are in;to bind up the nation's wounds;to care for him who shall have borne the battle，and for his widow，and his orphan--to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace，among ourselves，and with all nations.林肯人物评价：亚伯拉罕·林肯(Abraham Lincoln)(1809年02月12日—1865年04月15日)，是美国第16任总统，首位共和党籍总统，也是首位被暗杀的美国总统。
林肯竞选总统时的演讲稿
今天，我站在这里，满怀激动和自豪，因为这是我有幸参加美国总统竞选的时刻。
在这个伟大的国家，历史的车轮滚滚向前，每一个时代都有其独特的使命和挑战。
今天，我们正处在一个充满变革和挑战的时代，我们的国家需要一位坚定的领导者，引领我们走向更加光明的未来。
首先，我要感谢那些一直支持我、鼓励我的人。
正是因为有了你们的信任和期待，我才有勇气站在这个舞台上，为我们的国家献出我的一份力量。
同胞们，女士们，先生们，我们的国家正面临着前所未有的挑战。
南北战争，这场历史上最残酷的战争，给我们的国家带来了巨大的创伤。
今天，我们必须团结起来，共同面对这个时代的挑战，为我们的后代创造一个和平、繁荣的未来。
我深知，这场战争并不是一夜之间爆发的，而是由一系列深层次的社会、经济和政治问题引发的。
因此，我的竞选口号是：“团结我们的国家，结束分裂，重建联邦。
”以下是我在竞选总统期间将致力于实现的目标：一、结束南北战争，维护国家统一南北战争是美国的悲剧，我们必须以史为鉴，汲取教训。
作为总统，我将采取一切必要措施，确保国家的统一和完整。
我将与国会密切合作，推动和平解决方案，结束这场无休止的战争。
二、重建联邦，恢复经济战争给我们的国家带来了巨大的经济负担。
作为总统，我将致力于重建联邦，恢复经济增长。
我将推动基础设施重建，鼓励工业发展，提高农业生产力，创造更多的就业机会，让每一个人都能分享到国家发展的成果。
三、改革政府，提高效率政府是国家的基石，我们必须改革政府，提高效率。
我将推动政府机构改革，减少冗余，提高工作效率。
同时，我将坚决打击腐败，确保政府清正廉洁，为民众谋福祉。
四、促进教育，培养人才教育是国家发展的关键，我将推动教育改革，提高教育质量。
我将鼓励创新，培养更多的人才，为国家的未来储备力量。
五、维护和平，促进国际合作作为总统，我将致力于维护世界和平，促进国际合作。
我将与其他国家领导人保持密切沟通，共同应对全球性挑战，如气候变化、恐怖主义等。
名人故事励志演讲稿14篇
名人故事励志演讲稿14篇名人故事励志演讲稿14篇名人故事励志演讲稿1 老师们，同学们：大家下午好！我今天演讲的题目是《不肯放弃的林肯》。
坚持到底的最正确实例可能就是亚伯拉罕·林肯。
假如你想知道有谁从末放弃，那就不必再寻寻觅觅了！生下来就一贫如洗的林肯，终其一生都在面对挫败，八次竞选八次落败，两次经商失败，甚至还精神崩溃过一次。
好屡次，他本可以放弃，但他并没有如此，也正因为他没有放弃，才成为美国历史上最伟大的总统之一。
以下是林肯进驻白宫前的简历：18___年，家人被赶出了居住的地方，他必须工作以抚养他们；18___年，母亲去世；1831年，经商失败；1832年，竞选州议员但落选了；1832年，工作也丢了，想就读法学院，但进不去；1833年，向朋友借钱经商，但年底就破产了，接下来他花了十六年，才把债还清；1834年，再次竞选州议员，赢了！1835年，订婚后即将结婚时，末婚妻却死了，因此他的心也碎了；1836年，精神完全崩溃，卧病在床六个月；1838年，争取成为州议员的发言人，没有成功；1840年，争取成为选举人了，失败了；1843年，参加国会大选落选了；1846年，再次参加国会大选这次中选了！前往华盛顿特区，表现可圈可点；1848年，寻求国会议员连任失败了！1849年，想在自己的州内担任土地局长的工作，被回绝了！1854年，竞选美国参议员，落选了；1856年，在共和党的全国代表大会上争取副总统的提名，得票不到一百张；1858年，再度竞选美国参议员一一再度落败；1860年，中选美国总统。
此路艰辛而泥泞。
我一只脚滑了一下，另一只脚也因此站不稳；但我缓口气，告诉自己，“这不过是滑一跤，并不是死去而爬不起来。
” ——林肯在竞选参议员落败后如是说。
我的演讲完毕了，谢谢大家！名人故事励志演讲稿2 大家好，今天，我演讲的题目是：目的是前进的动力美国西点军校的教材里，编入了这样一个故事：在一支雪域远征军中，战士们的眼睛不知疲倦地搜索世界，却找不到任何一个可使目光停留的落点而使眼睛因过度紧张而失明，这支军队也丧失了战斗力。
林肯的演讲稿
各位同胞：今天我站在这里，为眼前的重责大任感到谦卑，对各位的信任心怀感激，对先贤的牺牲铭记在心。
我要谢谢布什总统为这个国家的服务，也感谢他在政权转移期间的宽厚和配合。
四十四位美国人发表过总统就职誓言，这些誓词或是在繁荣富强及和平宁静之际发表，或是在乌云密布，时局动荡之时。
在艰困的时候，美国能箕裘相继，不仅因为居高位者有能力或愿景，也因为人民持续对先人的抱负有信心，也忠於创建我国的法统。
因此，美国才能承继下来。
因此，这一代美国人也必须承继下去。
现在大家都知道我们正置身危机核心，我国正在与四处蔓延的暴力和憎恨作战。
我们的经济元气大伤——这既是某些人贪婪且不负责任的後果，也是大众未能做出艰难的选择，对国家进入新时代做准备不足所致。
许多人失去房子，丢了工作，生意萧条。
我们的医疗太昂贵，学校教育让人失望。
每天都有更多证据显示，我们利用能源的方式壮大我们的对敌，威胁我们的星球。
这些都是得自资料和统计数据的危机指标。
比较无法测量但同样深沉的，是举国信心尽失——持续担心美国将无可避免地衰退，也害怕下一代一定会眼界变低。
今天我要告诉各位，我们面临的挑战是真的，挑战非常严重，且不在少数。
它们不是可以轻易，或在短时间内解决。
但是，美国要了解，这些挑战会被解决。
在这一天，我们聚在一起，因为我们选择希望而非恐惧，有意义的团结而非纷争和不合。
在这一天，我们来此宣示，那些无用的抱怨和虚伪的承诺已终结，那些扭曲我们政治已久的相互指控和陈旧教条已终结。
我们仍是个年轻的国家，但借用圣经的话，摆脱幼稚事物的时刻到来了，重申我们坚忍精神的时刻到来了，选择我们更好的历史，实践那种代代传承的珍贵权利，那种高贵的理念：就是上帝的应许，我们每个人都是平等的，每个人都是自由的，每个人都应该有机会追求全然的幸福。
再次肯定我们国家的伟大，我们了解伟大绝非赐予而来，必须努力达成。
我们的旅程从来就不是抄捷径或很容易就满足。
这条路一直都不是给不勇敢的人走的，那些偏好逸乐胜过工作，或者只想追求名利就满足的人。
亚伯拉罕·林肯就职演说
亚伯拉罕·林肯就职演说篇一：林肯就职演讲稿中英版Gettysburg,Pennsylvanianovember19,1863Fourscoreandsevenyearsago,ourfathersbroughtforthuponthiscontinentane wnation,conceivedanddedicatedtothepropositionthatallmenarecreatedequa l.nowweareegagedinagreatcivilwar,testingwhetherthatnationoranynationsoc onceivedanddedicatedcanlongendure.wearemetonthebattelfieldofthatwar.wehavecometodedicateaportio nofthatfieldasafinal-restingplaceforthosewhogavetheirlivesthatthenationm ightlive.itisaltogetherandproperthatweshoulddothis.But,inalargersense,wecannotdedicate,wecannotconsecrate,wecannothallowthisground.Thebravemen,livinganddead,havec onsecrateditfaraboveourpowertoaddordetract.Theworldwilllittlenotewhat wesayhere,butitcanneverforgetwhattheydidhere.itisforus,theliving,ratherto bededicatedtothegreattaskremainingbeforeus,thatfromthesehonoreddeadw etakeincreaseddevotiontothatcauseforwhichtheygavethelastfullmeasureof devotion,thatthenationshallhaveanewbirthoffreedom,thatthegovermentofthepeoplebythepeopleandforthepeopleshallnotperishfromtheearth.主讲：亚伯拉罕·林肯时间：1863年11月19日地点：美国，宾夕法尼亚，葛底斯堡八十七年前，我们先辈在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家，它孕育于自由之中，奉行一切人生来平等的原则。
林肯竞选总统英文演讲稿
It is an honor and a privilege to stand before you today as a candidate for the presidency of the United States. The journey to this moment has been long and filled with challenges, but it has also been one of great inspiration and hope. As we gather here today, we are at a critical juncture in the history of our nation. The fabric of our society is being tested, and the future of our democracy is at stake. It is my solemn duty, and my deep conviction, to stand up and fight for the principles that have made America great.First and foremost, we must preserve and protect the union. The United States of America is not just a collection of states, but a unified nation bound by a common destiny. The Constitution, our sacred document, is the foundation upon which our democracy stands. It is my commitment to uphold this Constitution and to ensure that every state, regardless of its size or political power, has a voice in the federal government.The issue of slavery is a moral and political cancer that has corrupted our nation for far too long. I stand firmly against the institution of slavery and believe that it is the duty of the federal government to banish this evil from our land. I am prepared to take the necessary steps to ensure that all men and women are free and equal under the law. This is not just a moral imperative; it is a necessity for the survival of our democracy.Economic prosperity is another critical issue that demands our immediate attention. The wealth gap between the rich and the poor has widened to an alarming degree, and the middle class is being eroded. It is time for us to reform our economic policies to create a fairer and more just society. We must invest in education, infrastructure, and job training programs to ensure that every American has the opportunity to succeed. We must also address the issue of corporate greed and hold those who exploit workers and consumers accountable for their actions.In times of peace, we must be vigilant in defending our nation's security. However, in times of war, we must act with the utmost caution and foresight. The loss of life in conflict is irreplaceable, and the consequences of military action can be far-reaching. I am committed to seeking peaceful resolutions to international disputes and will neverhesitate to use force as a last resort, but only when it is in the best interest of our nation and the world.The preservation of our natural resources is a matter of great urgency. Climate change is a real and present threat to our planet, and it is our responsibility to take action now. I will work tirelessly to promote renewable energy sources, such as wind, solar, and hydroelectric power, and to reduce our dependence on fossil fuels. We must also protect our forests, rivers, and wildlife, for they are the lifeblood of our nation and the source of our prosperity.Education is the cornerstone of a democratic society, and it is my promise to make it a top priority. I will fight to ensure that every child, regardless of their background or socioeconomic status, has access to a quality education. We must invest in our schools, attractand retain qualified teachers, and provide the necessary resources to prepare our students for the challenges of the 21st century.We must also address the issue of immigration. The United States has always been a nation of immigrants, and we must continue to welcomethose who seek refuge and a better life. However, we must also enforce our immigration laws and ensure that our borders are secure. A balanced approach that respects the rights of individuals while protecting our national interests is the only solution.Ladies and gentlemen, the challenges we face are great, but they are not insurmountable. We have overcome adversity before, and I am confidentthat we can do so again. I ask for your support and your trust. Together, we can build a more perfect union, where liberty and justice for all are not just words, but the reality we strive to achieve.In closing, I want to leave you with a quote from one of our greatest presidents, Abraham Lincoln: "With malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up the nation's wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle and for his widow andhis orphan, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations."Thank you, and God bless America.---This speech is a fictional composition, drawing inspiration from the historical context and themes associated with Abraham Lincoln's presidency. It is designed to reflect the spirit of Lincoln's speeches and the values he championed.。
林肯第二次就职演讲稿
林肯第二次就职演讲稿【篇一：林肯第二次就职演讲(中文)】在我现在第二次来到这里宣誓就任总统职位的时候，就不十分必要像第一次就职时那样作长篇演说了。
那时，一篇关于我将采取的方针的比较详尽的说明，似乎是比较合适和理所当然的。
可是现在，四年任期刚刚结束，在这期间，关于那至今仍吸引着举国上下的注意，消耗着全民的精力的巨大斗争的各个阶段的任何一个细节，随时都有公告发奉，现在也实在再没有多少新东西可讲了。
关于我们的军事进展情况——它是其它一切的主要依靠所在——，公众也了解得和我本人一样清楚；而且我相信对所有的人来说都是相当满意和令人鼓舞的。
既然对未来充满了希望，那么在这里也就无意冒昧作出预测了。
也正是在四年之前我就任总统的那一场合，所有的人都在为即将来临的内战惴惴不安。
所有的人都害怕内战——都竭力想避免内战发生。
而当我在这里发表就职演说，决定不惜采用一切力量，但不用战争，拯救联邦的时候，叛乱分子的代理人却在全城到处活动，力求不用战争摧毁联邦——力求通过谈判瓦解联邦，分裂国家。
——双方都声称反对战争；但可是他们中的一方却宁愿发动战争也不让这个国家生存下去；另一方也则宁可接受战争也不能眼看着国家灭亡。
于是战争便打起来了。
在全国人口中有八分之一是黑人奴隶，他们并非遍布在全国各地，而是大部分集中在我国南方。
这些黑人构成一个特殊强有力的权益。
大家都知道这权益是导致战争的原因。
为了达到加强、永久化保持和扩大这个权益的目的，叛乱分子甚至不惜通过战争瓦解联邦；而政府方面，只不过是要求有权限制奴隶制扩大其地域。
双方谁也没有料想到，战争竟会达到现在已出现了这种规模，或持续这么久。
双方谁也不曾料到，冲突的缘由可能会随着冲突的结束而结束，或甚至在冲突本身结束之前，便已终止；每一方都寻求能比较轻易地获得胜利，战争的结果也不那么带有根本性和惊人。
双方都读着同一部《圣经》，祈祷于同一个上帝；每一方都求上帝帮助他们一方，而反对另一方。
这看来也许有些不可思议，怎么可能有人公然敢于祈求公正的上帝帮助他从别人的血汗中榨取面包；不过，我们且不要论断别人，以免自己遭到论断吧。
林肯就职演讲稿
林肯就职演讲稿【篇一：林肯就职演讲稿】八十七年前，我们先辈在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家，它孕育于自由之中，奉行一切人生来平等的原则。
我们正从事一场伟大的内战，以考验这个国家，或者任何一个孕育于自由和奉行上述原则的国家是否能够长久存在下去。
我们在这场战争中的一个伟大战场上集会。
烈士们为使这个国家能够生存下去而献出了自己的生命，我们来到这里，是要把这个战场的一部分奉献给他们作为最后安息之所。
我们这样做是完全应该而且非常恰当的。
但是，从更广泛的意义上说，这块土地我们不能够奉献，不能够圣化，不能够神化。
那些曾在这里战斗过的勇士们，活着的和去世的，已经把这块土地圣化了，这远不是我们微薄的力量所能增减的。
我们今天在这里所说的话，全世界不大会注意，也不会长久地记住，但勇士们在这里所做过的事，全世界却永远不会忘记。
毋宁说，倒是我们这些还活着的人，应该在这里把自己奉献于勇士们已经如此崇高地向前推进但尚未完成的事业。
倒是我们应该在这里把自已奉献于仍然留在我们面前的伟大任务——我们要从这些光荣的死者身上吸取更多的献身精神，来完成他们已经完全彻底为之献身的事业；我们要在这里下定最大的决心，不让这些死者白白牺牲；我们要使国家在上帝福佑下自由的新生，要使这个民有、民治、民享的政府永世长存。
【篇二：林肯第二次就职演说】各位同胞：在这第二次的宣誓就职典礼中，不像第一次就职的时候那样需要发表长篇演说。
在那个时候，对于当时所要进行的事业多少作一详细的说明，似乎是适当的。
现在四年任期已满，在这段战争期间的每个重要时刻和阶段中--这个战争至今仍为举国所关怀，还且占用了国家大部分力量--都经常发布文告，所以现在很少有什么新的发展可以奉告。
我们的军事进展，是一切其它问题的关键所在，各界人士对此情形是跟我一样熟悉的，而我相信进展的情况，可以使我们全体人民有理由感到满意和鼓舞。
既然可以对将来寄予极大的希望，那么我们也就用不着在这一方面作什么预言了。
林肯就职演讲稿
林肯就职演讲稿在这个伟大的国家，我们正面临着前所未有的挑战和困难。
我们的国家分裂，内部矛盾重重，而且正处于一场严重的内战之中。
在这样的时刻，我站在这里，心怀着无比的责任和使命感，向全国人民宣誓就职，我将竭尽全力，恪尽职守，为国家的统一和繁荣而努力奋斗。
作为美利坚合众国的总统，我深知自己肩负着重大的责任。
我们的国家曾经是一个伟大而强大的国家，我们的先辈们为了我们今天所拥有的一切，付出了巨大的牺牲。
我们不能辜负他们的期望，我们必须团结一致，共克时艰，重建我们的国家，让它重现昔日的辉煌。
我们的国家因为内战而分裂，因为分裂而蒙羞。
我们不能再让这样的局面持续下去，我们必须团结起来，共同面对挑战，找到解决问题的办法。
我们必须铲除内战的祸根，重建国家的统一，让我们的国家重新拥有一个强大而稳固的国土。
我们的国家因为内部矛盾而动荡不安。
我们的人民因为不同的信仰、种族和文化而相互对立。
我们不能再让这样的局面继续下去，我们必须团结起来，共同面对挑战，找到解决问题的办法。
我们必须消除内部矛盾，实现民族团结，让我们的国家重新拥有一个和谐而稳定的社会。
我们的国家因为经济危机而陷入困境。
我们的人民因为失业、贫困而苦不堪言。
我们不能再让这样的局面继续下去，我们必须团结起来，共同面对挑战，找到解决问题的办法。
我们必须重振经济，改善人民生活，让我们的国家重新拥有一个繁荣而富足的社会。
我相信，只要我们团结一致，共同努力，我们一定能够克服眼前的困难，重建我们的国家，让它重新焕发出勃勃生机。
我相信，只要我们齐心协力，我们一定能够实现国家的统一，让它重新成为一个强大而稳固的国家。
我相信，只要我们齐心协力，我们一定能够实现民族的团结，让它重新成为一个和谐而稳定的社会。
我相信，只要我们齐心协力，我们一定能够实现经济的繁荣，让它重新成为一个繁荣而富足的社会。
让我们携起手来，共同努力，为了我们共同的目标而奋斗。
让我们携起手来，共同努力，为了我们共同的梦想而奋斗。
林肯竞选总统的演讲稿
大家好！今天，我站在这个讲台上，心中充满了激动和自豪。
我要向大家宣布一个重要的决定，那就是我决定竞选美国总统。
我知道，这是一个充满挑战和困难的任务，但我坚信，只有通过我们共同的努力，才能让我们的国家走向更加繁荣和昌盛的未来。
首先，我要感谢大家的信任和支持。
自从我踏入政治舞台以来，一直秉持着“民为邦本，本固邦宁”的理念，始终把人民的利益放在首位。
今天，我站在这里，就是要向大家承诺，如果我有幸当选，我将全力以赴，为你们、为我们的国家、为我们的子孙后代，努力拼搏，共创辉煌。
一、维护国家统一，捍卫民族尊严同胞们，我们的国家曾经饱经沧桑，但正是因为有了无数英勇的先烈们，才使得我们的国家得以屹立于世界民族之林。
今天，我们要坚决捍卫国家主权和领土完整，维护国家统一，捍卫民族尊严。
1. 坚决反对一切分裂国家的行为。
我们要坚决反对台独、港独、疆独等分裂势力，坚决维护国家主权和领土完整。
2. 坚持一个中国原则。
我们要坚决支持中国共产党的领导，坚持中国特色社会主义制度，为实现中华民族伟大复兴而努力奋斗。
二、发展经济，提高人民生活水平经济发展是国家繁荣的基础，人民幸福生活的保障。
如果我有幸当选，我将致力于以下方面：1. 加大基础设施投入。
加快公路、铁路、水利、能源等基础设施建设，为经济发展提供有力支撑。
2. 深化改革开放。
深入推进供给侧结构性改革，激发市场活力，推动经济高质量发展。
3. 优化产业结构。
大力发展实体经济，加快新旧动能转换，提高我国在全球产业链中的地位。
4. 提高人民收入水平。
加大扶贫力度，确保全体人民共享改革发展成果，实现共同富裕。
三、加强民生保障，促进社会公平正义民生连着民心，民心关乎国运。
如果我有幸当选，我将把民生工作放在首位，努力实现社会公平正义。
1. 提高教育质量。
加大教育投入，优化教育资源配置，让每个孩子都能享受到优质教育资源。
2. 改善医疗条件。
加强基层医疗卫生服务体系建设，提高医疗服务水平，让人民群众享受到更加便捷、高效的医疗服务。
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竭诚为您提供优质文档/双击可除林肯竞选总统演讲稿篇一：林肯竞选总统的演讲稿美国总统林肯演讲稿inauguralspeechbyabrahamlincolnmarch4th1861speech：idonotconsideritnecessaryatpresentformetodiscusstho semattersofadministrationaboutwhichthereisnospecialanxietyorex citement.apprehensionseemstoexistamongthepeopleofth esouthernstatesthatbytheaccessionofarepublicanadministrationtheirpropertyan dtheirpeaceandpersonalsecurityaretobeendangered.therehasneverbeenanyreasonablecauseforsuchapprehension.indeed,themostampleevidencetothecontra ryhasallthewhileexistedandbeenopentotheirinspection.itisfoundinnear lyallthepublishedspeechesofhimwhonowaddressesyou.idobutquotefromoneo fthosespeecheswhenideclarethat:ihavenopurpose,directlyorindirectly,to interferewiththeinstitutionofslaveryinthestateswhereitexists.ibelieveihavenolawf ulrighttodoso,andihavenoinclinationtodoso.thosewhonominatedandele ctedmedidsowithfullknowledgethatihadmadethisandmanysimilardeclarationsandhadneverrecantedth em;andmorethanthis,theyplacedintheplatformformyacceptance,andasalawtot hemselvesandtome,theclearandemphaticresolutionwhichinowread:resolved ,thatthemaintenanceinviolateoftherightsofthestates, andespeciallytherightofeachstatetoorderandcontrolitsow ndomesticinstitutionsaccordingtoitsownjudgmentexclusively,isessentialtot hatbalanceofpoweronwhichtheperfectionandenduranceofourpoliticalfabricd epend;andwedenouncethelawlessinvasionbyarmedforceofthesoilofanystateor territory,nomatterwhatpretext,asamongthegravestofcrimes.inowreiterate thesesentiments,andindoingsoionlypressuponthepublicattentionthemostconclusiveevidenceofwhichthecaseist hereismuchcontroversyaboutthedeliveringupoffugitive sfromserviceorlabour.theclauseinowreadisasplainlywritteninthecons titutionasanyotherofitsprovisions:nopersonheldtoserviceorlabourinones tate,underthelawsthereof,escapingintoanother,shallinconsequenceofanylaworregulationt hereinbedischargedfromsuchserviceorlabour,butshallbedelivereduponclai mofthepartytowhomsuchserviceorlabourmaybedue.thereissomedifferenceof opinionwhetherthisclauseshouldbeenforcedbynationalorbystateauthority,butsurelythatdifferencei snotaverymaterialone.iftheslaveistobesurrendered,itcanbeofbutlittlec onsequencetohimortoothersbywhichauthorityitisdone.andshouldanyonei nanycasebecontentthathisoathshallgoun-keptonamerelyunsubstantialcont roversyastohowitshallbekept?again:inanylawuponthissubjectoughtnotallthesafeguar dsoflibertyknownincivilizedandhumanejurisprudencetobeintroduced,sot hatafreemanbenotinanycasesurrenderedasaslave?andmightitnotbewellatt hesametimetoprovidebylawfortheenforcementofthatclauseintheconstitution whichguaranteesthatthecitizensofeachstateshallbeentitledtoallprivilege sandimmunitiesofcitizensintheseveralstates?itaketheofficialoathto-d aywithnomentalreservationsandwithnopurposetoconstruetheconstitutionorlawsbyanyhypercriticalru les;andwhileidonotchoosenowtospecifyparticularactsofcongressaspropert obeenforced,idosuggestthatitwillbemuchsaferforall,bothinofficialan dprivatestations,toconformtoandabidebyallthoseactswhichstandun-repealedthantoviolateanyofthemtrusting tofindimpunityinhavingthemheldtobeunconstitutional.iholdthatincontemplati onofuniversallawandoftheconstitutiontheunionofthesestatesisperpetual.perpetuityisimplied,ifnote xpressed,inthefundamentallawofallnationalgovernments.itissafetoas sertthatnogovernmentpropereverhadaprovisioninitsorganiclawforitsownterm ination.continuetoexecutealltheexpressprovisionsofournationalconstitu tion,andtheunionwillendureforever,itbeingimpossibletodestroyitexceptbys omeactionnotprovidedforintheinstrumentitself.again:iftheunitedstatesben otagovernmentproper,butanassociationofstatesinthenatureofcontractmerely,canit,asacontract ,bepeaceablyunmadebylessthanallthepartieswhomadeit?onepartytoacontractmayviolateit-breakit,sotospeak-butdoesitnotrequirealltolawfullyr escindit?descendingfromthesegeneralprinciples,wefin dthepropositionthatinlegalcontemplationtheunionisperpetualconfirmedbythehisto ryoftheunionitself.theunionismucholderthantheconstitution.itwasformed, infact,bythearticlesofassociationin1774.itwasmaturedandcontinuedbythede clarationofindependencein1776.itwasfurthermatured,andthefaitho fallthethenthirteenstatesexpresslyplightedandengagedthatitshouldbeperp etual,bythearticlesofconfederationin1778.andfinally,in1787,oneofthedeclaredobjectsforordainingandestablishingtheconstitutionwastoformamo reperfectunion.butifdestructionoftheunionbyoneorbya partonlyofthestatesbelawfullypossible,theunionislessperfectthanbeforetheconstitu tion,havinglostthevitalelementofperpetuity.itfollowsfromtheseviewstha tnostateuponitsownmeremotioncanlawfullygetoutoftheu nion;thatresolvesandordinancestothateffectarelegallyvoid,andthatactsofviolencewithinanystateorst atesagainsttheauthorityoftheunitedstatesareinsurrectionaryorrevol utionary,accordingtocircumstances.ithereforeconsiderthatinviewofthecons titutionandthelawstheunionisunbroken,andtotheextentofmyability,ishalltakecare,a stheconstitutionitselfexpresslyenjoinsuponme,thatthelawsoftheunionb efaithfullyexecutedinallthestates.doingthisideemtobeonlyasimpledutyonm ypart,andishallperformitsofaraspracticableunlessmyrightfulmasters, theamericanpeople,shallwithholdtherequisitemeansorinsomeauthoritative mannerdirectthecontrary.itrustthiswillnotberegardedasamenace,butonlyasthede claredpurposeoftheunionthatitwillconstitutionallydefendandmaintain itself.themails,unlessrepelled,willcontinuetobefurn ishedinallpartsoftheunion.sofaraspossiblethepeopleeverywhereshallhaveth atsenseofperfectsecuritywhichismostfavourabletocalmthoughtandreflec tion.thecoursehereindicatedwillbefollowedunlesscurrenteventsandexperi enceshallshowamodificationorchangetobeproper,andineverycaseandexi gencymybestdiscretionwillbeexercised,accordingtocircumstancesactuallyexi stingandwithaviewandahopeofapeacefulsolutionofthenationaltroublesandthe restorationoffraternalsympathiesandaffections.thattherearepersonsinonesec tionoranotherwhoseektodestroytheunionatalleventsandaregladofanypretexttodoitiwillneitheraffirmnordeny;butiftherebesuch,ineedaddressnowordtothem.tothose,h owever,whoreallylovetheunionmayinotspeak?allprofess tobecontentintheunionifallconstitutionalrightscanbemaintained.isittrue,then,thatanyrightplainlywritten intheconstitutionhasbeendenied?ithinknot.happily,thehumanmindissoconsti tutedthatnopartycanreachtotheaudacityofdoingthis.think,ifyoucan,ofa singleinstanceinwhichaplainlywrittenprovisionoftheconstitutionhasev erbeendenied.ifbythemereforceofnumbersamajorityshoulddepriveaminorit yofanyclearlywrittenconstitutionalright,itmightinamoralpointofviewjustifyrevolution;certainlywouldifsuchrightwereavitalone.butsuchisnotourcase.a llthevitalrightsofminoritiesandofindividualsaresoplainlyassuredtoth embyaffirmationsandnegations,guarantiesandprohibitions,intheconstituti onthatcontroversiesneverariseconcerningthem.butnoorganiclawcaneverbeframedw ithaprovisionspecificallyapplicabletoeveryquestionwhichmayoccuri npracticaladministration.noforesightcananticipatenoranydocumentofreasonablel engthcontainexpressprovisionsforallpossiblequestions.shallfugitivesfro mlaborbesurrenderedbynationalorbystateauthority?theconstitutiondoesnotex presslysay.maycongressprohibitslaveryintheterritories?theconstitutiondoes notexpresslysay.mustcongressprotectslaveryintheterritories?theconstitut iondoesnotexpresslysay.篇二：林肯总统演讲稿fourscoreandsevenyearsagoourfathersbroughtforthonth iscontinent,anewnation,conceivedinliberty,anddedicatedtothepropo sitionthatallmenarecreatedequal.gettysburgaddressabrahamlincolndeliveredonthe19thdayofnovember,1863cemeteryhill,ge ttysburg,pennsylvaniabut,inalargersense,wecannotded icate,wecannotconsecrate,wecannothallowthisground.thebravemen,livinganddead,whostruggledhe re,haveconsecrateditfaraboveourpowertoaddordetract.theworldwilllittleno tenorlongrememberwhatwesayhere,butitcanneverforgetwhattheydidhere.it isforus,theliving,ra(:林肯竞选总统演讲稿)thertobededicatedtothegreattaskremainingbeforeus ;thatfromthesehonoreddead,wetakeincreaseddevotiontothatcauseforwhichthey gavethelastfullmeasureofdevotion;thatthisnation,undergod,shallhave anewbirthoffreedom;andthatgovernmentofthepeoplebythepeopleandforthepeople shallnotperishfromtheearth.葛底斯堡演说亚伯拉罕·林肯，1963年11月19日87年前，我们的先辈们在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家，它孕育于自由之中，奉行一切人生来平等的原则。