里根经典言论(双语)
里根1964年著名的讲演《抉择的时刻》
里根 1964 年有名的演讲《决断的时辰》里根 1964 年有名的演讲《决断的时辰》作者：吴军博士05.08 13:56 阅读 15505 我们一定保卫自由，不然自由将离我们而去说到守旧主义，先要谈谈里根，他也许是二战后美国独一一位能称得上是政治家（ Statesman）的总统。
所谓二流影星的说法是左翼媒体嘲讽里根的说法，反而裸露出他们的浅陋。
里根从 1941 年入选好莱坞演职工会主席后，向来从政。
他最先是民主党人，但是到了 50 年月，他的思想开始向右转，主假如由于他当时在全国巡回演讲，坐火车时间好多，有大批的时间阅读和思虑，形成了自己对美国政治和国际关系的理论。
其核心是对个人自由和民主政体的崇尚。
1960年后，他转让共和党。
1964 年他在共和党大会上作了题为《决断的时辰》，铿锵有力，掷地有声，此后一举成名。
今日听起来，依旧能够感觉到一个守旧主义者的卓实远见。
全文以下：A time for choosing 《决断的时辰》1964 年 10 月 27 日罗纳德?里根感谢，特别感谢。
感谢你们，夜晚好。
资助商已经有了，但是跟大多数电视节目不同样的是，演员还没有台词。
实质上，我被同意自己编写台词，来表达我自己关于我们在将来几个礼拜见面对的选择的看法。
我的职业生涯中大多数时间都是一个民主党人，而近来我为自己选择了另一条道路。
我相信这个问题向来在困扰着两个党派。
此刻，竞选阵营中的一方告诉我们，此次竞选中的问题是保持和平易繁华，并且使用了这句话“我们从未这样的和平易繁华” 。
但是我有一种不祥之感，我们其实不可以把对将来的希望寄望在当前这样的繁华之上。
历史上没有任何一个国家能够在税赋达到全国收入三分之一的状况下生计。
今日，这个国家的每一美元收入中，有 37 美分落入税务局的腰包，而我们的政府每日的支出要比收入多1700 万美元。
过去 34 年里， 28 年的估算未能持平。
我们在过去一年中三次提升债务上限，现在我们国家的债务是世界上全部其余国家债务总和的 1.5 倍。
里根总统演讲中英文
里根总统演讲中英文第一篇：里根总统演讲中英文里根总统就职演讲稿完整中文翻译版里根总统是个非常擅长演讲的人，他的演讲从头至尾一气呵成.他不看讲稿，完全是即席演讲。
他的语速和声音的节奏控制得非常好，听他的演讲本身就是在欣赏一场伟大的演出。
Senator Hatfield, Mr.Chief Justice, Mr.President, Vice President Bush, Vice President Mondale, Senator Baker, Speaker O'Neill, Reverend Moomaw, and my fellow citizens: To a few of us here today, this is a solemn and most momentous occasion;and yet, in the history of our Nation, it is a commonplace occurrence.The orderly transfer of authority as called for in the Constitution routinely takes place as it has for almost two centuries and few of us stop to think how unique we really are.In the eyes of many in the world, this every-4-year ceremony we accept as normal is nothing less than a miracle.尊敬的海特菲尔德议员、法官先生、总统先生、副总统布什、蒙代尔、贝克议员、发言人奥尼尔、摩麦以及广大支持我的美国同胞们：今天对于我们中间的一些人来说，是一个非常庄严隆重的时刻。
对于这个国家的历史却是一件普通的事情。
里根演讲：真正的英雄
里根演讲：真正的英雄《真正的英雄》是美国总统里根关于"挑战者号"航天飞机悲剧的演讲，以下是店铺整理了里根演讲：真正的英雄，供你参考。
里根演讲：真正的英雄全文如下：今天，我们聚集在一起，沉痛地哀悼我们失去的七位勇敢的公民，共同分担内心的悲痛，或许在相互间的安慰中，我们能够得到承受痛苦的力量并坚定追求理想的信念。
对家庭、朋友及我们的太空宇航员所爱着的人们来讲，国家的损失首先是他们个人的巨大损失。
对那些失去亲人的父亲、母亲、丈夫和妻子们，对那些兄弟、姐妹，尤其是孩子们，在你们悲痛哀悼的日子里，所有的美国人都和你们紧紧地站在一起。
我们今天所说的远远不够表达我们内心的真实情感，言语在我们的不幸面前显得如此软弱无力:它们根本无法寄托我们对你们深深爱着的、同时也是我们所敬佩的英勇献身的人们的哀思。
英雄之所以称之为英雄，并不在于我们颂赞的语言，而在于他们始终以高度的事业心、自尊心和锲而不舍地对神奇而美妙的宇宙进行探索的责任感，去实践真正的生活以至献出生命。
我们所能尽力做到的就是记住我们的七位宇航员七位"挑战者"，记住他们活着的时候给熟悉他们的人们带来的生机、爱和欢乐，给祖国带来的骄傲。
他们来自这个伟大国家的四面八方从南加利福尼亚州到华盛顿州，从俄亥俄到纽约州的莫霍克，从夏威夷到北卡罗来纳和纽约州的布法洛。
他们彼此很不相同，但他们每个人的追求和肩负的使命却又是那样的一致。
我们记得迪克·司各比，我们从升空的"挑战者"号听到的最后一句话就来自这位机长之口。
在参加太空计划之前，他曾是一名战斗机飞行员，后来成为一名高空飞行器的试验飞行员。
对机长司各比来说，危险从来就是一位熟悉的伙伴。
我们记得迈克·史密斯，作为战斗机飞行员获得过的奖章戴满了胸前，其中包括海军特级飞行十字勋章和来自一个国家的敢斗银星十字勋章。
我们还记得被朋友们称为J.R.的朱蒂丝·莱恩尼科，她总是对人们微笑着，总是迫不及待地想对人民有所贡献。
罗纳德-里根
罗纳德-里根1.里根有哪些名言“布林先生，我正为这个麦克风付钱。
”———1980年里根参加总统初选辩论时，有人试图关上他的麦克风。
“我们必须前进，但我们不会让任何人落后。
”———1980年7月，里根在共和党全国代表大会上发表讲话。
“政府不能解决问题，它本身就是问题。
”———1981年1月20日，里根发表总统就职演说。
“亲爱的，我忘了蹲下。
”———1981年3月30日遭枪击后，里根在急救病房里对妻子南希说。
“我总是说，我们这个星球上最接近永恒的是政府的计划。
”———1986年4月。
“现在冻结（核武器）将是极其危险的欺骗行为，因为那只是和平的幻影。
事实是我们必须通过实力找到和平。
”———1983年3月，里根向全国新教会协会发表演讲。
“如果你寻求和平，如果你为苏联和东欧寻求繁荣，请来到这扇大门前……打开这扇门……推倒这堵墙。
”———1987年6月，里根在柏林墙前发表演说。
“我们正在打造一个再度活跃、强大和生机勃勃的国家。
但仍有许多高山需要攀登。
我们不会止步，直到每个美国人都能享受完全的自由、尊严和机会，像生来就有的权利一样。
我们生来就有权利成为这个伟大国家的公民。
”———1985年1月21日，里根第二次就职演说。
“用武力解放和用武力征服在道义上存在巨大差别。
”———1984年6月4日，里根在诺曼底登陆40周年纪念活动上讲话。
“向贝鲁特派遣海军陆战队是我最大遗憾和最大悲伤之源。
”———里根在《里根自传》中论及1983年黎巴嫩首都贝鲁特爆炸事件。
当时爆炸造成241名美军士兵死亡。
“几个月前，我告诉美国人，我没有用武器换人质。
我的心和美好意愿仍告诉我，这是真的。
但事实和证据告诉我这不是真的。
”“当你到了我这个年纪，如果你一直好好活着，就一定犯下许多错误。
所以你学习，从长远考虑。
你集中所有精力。
你出现变化，你向前进。
我的美国同胞们，我要在未来两年内同你们、为你们完成一个大交易。
主啊，那就是我想做的。
”———1987年3月4日，里根承认以武器换取被伊朗扣留的美国人质。
里根经典言论(双语)
里根经典言论(双语)"We will always remember. We will always be proud. We will always be prepared, so we may always be free." - Ronald Reagan永远铭记，引以为傲，时刻准备--我们才得永保自由"Here's my strategy on the Cold War: We win, they lose." - Ronald Reagan对于冷战，我的策略是：我们赢，他们输。
"The most terrifying words in the English language are: I'm from the government andI'm here to help." - Ronald Reagan英文里最恐怖的句子是：我是政府派来的，我到这里来帮助你。
"Some people live an entire lifetime and wonder if they have made a difference in the world. Marines don't have that problem." - Ronald Reagan有些人一辈子都在思考他们是否改变了世界。
真正改变了这个世界的海军陆战队员倒没有这个问题。
"The trouble with our liberal friends is notthat they're ignorant: It's just that they know so much that isn't so." - Ronald Reagan左翼自由派朋友的问题不是他们太无知，而是他们知道太多，可惜都是错的。
里根经典演讲拆掉这堵墙吧TearDownThisWall
Tear Down This Wall 拆掉这堵墙吧Remarks at the Brandenburg GateWest Berlin, GermanyJune 12, 1987里根最知名的演讲，就是1987年在柏林布兰登堡门下，他向苏联领导人戈尔巴乔夫呼吁道：“戈尔巴乔夫总书记，如果你想为苏联和东欧谋取和平、繁荣和自由的话，到这扇大门这儿来吧，打开这扇大门，拆掉这堵墙吧。
”President Ronald Reagon:Thank you very much.Chancellor Kohl, Governing Mayor Diepgen, ladies and gentlemen: Twenty-four years ago, President John F. Kennedy visited Berlin, speaking to the people of this city and the world at the City Hall. Well, since then two other presidents have come, each in his turn, to Berlin. And today I, myself, make my second visit to your city.We come to Berlin, we American presidents, because it's our duty to speak, in this place, of freedom. But I must confess, we're drawn here by other things as well: by the feeling of history in this city, more than 500 years older than our own nation; by the beauty of the Grunewald and the Tiergarten; most of all, by your courage and determination. Perhaps the composer Paul Lincke understood something about American presidents. You see, like so many presidents before me, I come here today because wherever I go, whatever I do: Ich hab noch einen Koffer in Berlin. [I still have a suitcase in Berlin.]Our gathering today is being broadcast throughout Western Europe and North America. I understand that it is being seen and heard as well in the East. To those listening throughout Eastern Europe, a special word: Although I cannot be with you, I address my remarks to you just as surely as to those standing here before me. For I join you, as I join your fellow countrymen in the West, in this firm, this unalterable belief: Esgibt nur ein Berlin. [There is only one Berlin.]Behind me stands a wall that encircles the free sectors of this city, part of a vast system of barriers that divides the entire continent of Europe. From the Baltic, south, those barriers cut across Germany in a gash of barbed wire, concrete, dog runs, and guard towers. Farther south, there may be no visible, no obvious wall. But there remain armed guards and checkpoints all the same--still a restriction on the right to travel, still an instrument to impose upon ordinary men and women the will of a totalitarian state. Yet it is here in Berlin where the wall emerges most clearly; here, cutting across your city, where the news photo and the television screen have imprinted this brutal division of a continent upon the mind of the world. Standing before the Brandenburg Gate, every man is a German, separated from his fellow men. Every man is a Berliner, forced to lookupon a scar.President von Weizsacker has said, "The German question is open as long as the Brandenburg Gate is closed." Today I say: As long as the gate is closed, as long as this scar of a wall is permitted to stand, it is not the German question alone that remains open, but the question of freedom for all mankind. Yet I do not come here to lament. For I find in Berlin a message of hope, even in the shadow of this wall, a message of triumph.In this season of spring in 1945, the people of Berlin emerged from their air-raid shelters to find devastation. Thousands of miles away, the people of the United States reached out to help. And in 1947 Secretary of State--as you've been told--George Marshall announced the creation of what would become known as the Marshall Plan. Speaking precisely 40 years ago this month, he said: "Our policy is directed not against any country or doctrine, but against hunger, poverty, desperation, and chaos."In the Reichstag a few moments ago, I saw a display commemorating this 40th anniversary of the Marshall Plan. I was struck by the sign on a burnt-out, gutted structure that was being rebuilt. I understand that Berliners of my own generation can remember seeing signs like it dotted throughout the western sectors of the city. The sign read simply: "The Marshall Plan is helping here to strengthen the free world." A strong, free world in the West, that dream became real. Japan rose from ruin to become an economic giant. Italy, France, Belgium--virtually every nation in Western Europe saw political and economic rebirth; the European Community was founded.In West Germany and here in Berlin, there took place an economic miracle, the Wirtschaftswunder. Adenauer, Erhard, Reuter, and other leaders understood the practical importance of liberty--that just as truth can flourish only when the journalist is given freedom of speech, so prosperity can come about only when the farmer and businessmanenjoy economic freedom. The German leaders reduced tariffs, expanded free trade, lowered taxes. From 1950 to 1960 alone, the standard of living in West Germany and Berlin doubled.Where four decades ago there was rubble, today in West Berlin there is the greatest industrial output of any city in Germany--busy office blocks, fine homes and apartments, proud avenues, and the spreading lawns of parkland. Where a city's culture seemed to have been destroyed, today there are two great universities, orchestras and an opera, countless theaters, and museums. Where there was want, today there's abundance--food, clothing, automobiles--the wonderful goods of the Ku'damm. From devastation, from utter ruin, you Berliners have, in freedom, rebuilt a city that once again ranks as one of the greatest on earth. The Soviets may have had other plans. But my friends, there were a few things the Soviets didn't count on--Berliner Herz, Berliner Humor, ja, und BerlinerSchnauze. [Berliner heart, Berliner humor, yes, and a Berliner Schnauze.]In the 1950s, Khrushchev predicted: "We will bury you." But in the West today, we see a free world that has achieved a level of prosperity and well-being unprecedented in all human history. In the Communist world, we see failure, technological backwardness, declining standards of health, even want of the most basic kind--too little food. Even today, the Soviet Union still cannot feed itself. After these four decades, then, there stands before the entire world one great and inescapable conclusion: Freedom leads to prosperity. Freedom replaces the ancient hatreds among the nations with comity and peace.Freedom is the victor.And now the Soviets themselves may, in a limited way, be coming to understand the importance of freedom. We hear much from Moscow about a new policy of reform and openness. Some political prisoners have been released. Certain foreign news broadcasts are no longer being jammed. Some economic enterprises have been permitted to operate withgreater freedom from state control.Are these the beginnings of profound changes in the Soviet state? Or are they token gestures, intended to raise false hopes in the West, or to strengthen the Soviet system without changing it? We welcome change and openness; for we believe that freedom and security go together, that the advance of human liberty can only strengthen the cause of world peace. There is one sign the Soviets can make that would be unmistakable, that would advance dramatically the cause of freedom and peace.General Secretary Gorbachev, if you seek peace, if you seek prosperity for the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, if you seek liberalization: Come here to this gate! Mr.Gorbachev, open this gate! Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall!I understand the fear of war and the pain of division that afflict this continent-- and I pledge to you my country's efforts to help overcome these burdens. To be sure, we in the West must resist Soviet expansion. So we must maintain defenses of unassailable strength. Yet we seek peace; so we must strive to reduce arms on both sides.Beginning 10 years ago, the Soviets challenged the Western alliance with a grave new threat, hundreds of new and more deadly SS-20 nuclear missiles, capable of striking every capital in Europe. The Western alliance responded by committing itself to a counter-deployment unless the Soviets agreed to negotiate a better solution; namely, the elimination of such weapons on both sides. For many months, the Soviets refused to bargain in earnestness. As the alliance, in turn, prepared to go forward with its counter-deployment, there were difficult days--days of protests like those during my 1982 visit to this city--and the Soviets later walked away from the table.But through it all, the alliance held firm. And I invite those who protested then-- I invite those who protest today--to mark this fact: Because we remained strong, the Soviets came back to the table. And because we remained strong, today we have within reach the possibility, not merely of limiting the growth of arms, but of eliminating, for the first time, an entire class of nuclear weapons from the face of the earth.As I speak, NATO ministers are meeting in Iceland to review the progress of our proposals for eliminating these weapons. At the talks in Geneva, we have also proposed deep cuts in strategic offensive weapons. And the Western allies have likewise made far-reaching proposals to reduce the danger of conventional war and to place a total ban on chemicalweapons.While we pursue these arms reductions, I pledge to you that we will maintain the capacity to deter Soviet aggression at any level at which it might occur. And in cooperation with many of our allies, the United States is pursuing the Strategic Defense Initiative--research to base deterrence not on the threat of offensive retaliation, but on defenses that truly defend; on systems, in short, that will not target populations, but shield them. By these means we seek to increase the safety of Europe and all the world. But we must remember a crucial fact: East and West do not mistrust each other because we are armed; we are armed because we mistrust each other. And our differences are not about weapons but about liberty. When President Kennedy spoke at the City Hall those 24 years ago, freedom was encircled, Berlin was under siege. And today, despite all the pressures upon this city, Berlin stands secure in its liberty. And freedom itselfis transforming the globe.In the Philippines, in South and Central America, democracy has been given a rebirth. Throughout the Pacific, free markets are working miracle after miracle of economic growth. In the industrialized nations, a technological revolution is taking place--a revolution marked by rapid, dramatic advances in computers and telecommunications.In Europe, only one nation and those it controls refuse to join the community o f freedom. Yet in this age of redoubled economic growth, of information and innovation, the Soviet Union faces a choice: It must make fundamental changes, or it will become obsolete.Today thus represents a moment of hope. We in the West stand ready to cooperate with the East to promote true openness, to break down barriers that separate people, to createa safe, freer world. And surely there is no better place than Berlin, the meeting place of East and West, to make a start. Free people of Berlin: Today, as in the past, the United States stands for the strict observance and full implementation of all parts of the Four Power Agreement of 1971. Let us use this occasion, the 750th anniversary of this city, to usher in a new era, to seek a still fuller, richer life for the Berlin of the future. Together, let us maintain and develop the ties between the Federal Republic and the Western sectors of Berlin, which is permitted by the 1971 agreem ent.And I invite Mr. Gorbachev: Let us work to bring the Eastern and Western parts of the city closer together, so that all the inhabitants of all Berlin can enjoy the benefits that come with life in one of the great cities of the world.To open Berlin still further to all Europe, East and West, let us expand the vital air access to this city, finding ways of making commercial air service to Berlin more convenient, more comfortable, and more economical. We look to the day when West Berlin can become one of the chief aviation hubs in all central Europe.With our French and British partners, the United States is prepared to help bring international meetings to Berlin. It would be only fitting for Berlin to serve as the site of United Nations meetings, or world conferences on human rights and arms control or other issues that call for international cooperation.There is no better way to establish hope for the future than to enlighten young minds, and we would be honored to sponsor summer youth exchanges, cultural events, and other programs for young Berliners from the East. Our French and British friends, I'm certain, will do the same. And it's my hope that an authority can be found in East Berlin to sponsor visits from young people of the Western sectors.One final proposal, one close to my heart: Sport represents a source of enjoyment and ennoblement, and you may have noted that the Republic of Korea--South Korea--has offered to permit certain events of the 1988 Olympics to take place in the North. Internationa l sports competitions of all kinds could take place in both parts of this city. And what better way to demonstrate to the world the openness of this city than to offer in some future year to hold the Olympic games here in Berlin, East and West? In these fo ur decades, as I have said, you Berliners have built a great city. You've done so in spite of threats--the Soviet attempts to impose the East-mark, the blockade. Today the city thrives in spite of the challenges implicit in the very presence of this wall. What keeps you here? Certainly there's a great deal to be said for your fortitude, for your defiant courage. But I believe there's something deeper, something that involves Berlin's whole look and feel and way of life--not mere sentiment. No one could live long in Berlin without being completely disabused of illusions. Something instead, that has seen the difficulties of life in Berlin but chose to accept them, that continues to build this good and proud city in contrast to a surrounding totalitarian presen ce that refuses to release human energies or aspirations. Something that speaks with a powerful voice ofaffirmation, that says yes to this city, yes to the future, yes to freedom. In a word, I would submit that what keeps you in Berlin is love--love both profound and abiding.Perhaps this gets to the root of the matter, to the most fundamental distinction of all between East and West. The totalitarian world produces backwardness because it does such violence to the spirit, thwarting the human impulse to create, to enjoy, to worship. The totalitarian world finds even symbols of love and of worship an affront. Years ago, before the East Germans began rebuilding their churches, they erected a secular structure: the television tower at Alexander Platz. Virtually ever since, the authorities have been working to correct what they view as the tower's one major flaw, treating the glass sphere at the top with paints and chemicals of every kind. Yet even today when the sun strikes that sphere--that sphere that towers over all Berlin--the light makes the sign of the cross. There in Berlin, like the city itself, symbols of love, symbols of worship, cannotbe suppressed.As I looked out a moment ago from the Reichstag, that embodiment of German unity, I noticed words crudely spray-painted upon the wall, perhaps by a young Berliner: "This wall will fall. Beliefs become reality." Yes, across Europe, this wall will fall. For it cannot withstand faith; it cannot withstand truth. The wall cannot withstand freedom.And I would like, before I close, to say one word. I have read, and I have been questioned since I've been here about certain demonstrations against my coming. And I would like to say just one thing, and to those who demonstrate so. I wonder if they have ever asked themselves that if they should have the kind of government they apparently seek, no one would ever be able to do what they're doing again.Thank you and God bless you all.Note: The President spoke at 2:20 p.m. at the Brandenburg Gate. In his opening remarks, he referred to West German Chancellor Helmut Kohl. Prior to his remarks, President Reagan met with West German President Richard von Weizsacker and the Governing Mayor of West Berlin Eberhard Diepgen at Schloss Bellevue, President Weizsacker's off icial residence in West Berlin. Following the meeting, President Reagan went to the Reichstag, where he viewed the Berlin Wall from the East Balcony.。
里根在复旦的演讲稿英汉对照版全
Remarks at Fudan University in Shanghai, ChinaApril 30, 1984We've been in your country only 5 days, but already we've seen the wonders of a lifetime -- the Great Wall of China, a structure so huge and marvelous that it can be seen from space; the ancient city of Xi'an; and the Tomb of the Great Emperor and the buried army that guards him still. These are the wonders of ages past. But today I want to talk to you, the young people of a great university, about the future, about our future together and how we can transform human life on this planet if we bring as much wisdom and curiosity to each other as we bring to our scholarly pursuits.I want to begin, though, with some greetings. I bring you greetings not only from my countrymen but from one of your countrymen. Some of you know Ye Yang, who was a student here. He graduated from Fudan and became a teacher of English at this university. Now he is at Harvard University in the United States, where he is studying for a doctorate in comparative literature.My staff spoke to him before we left. Mr. Ye wants you to know he's doing fine. He's working hard on his spring term papers, and his thoughts turn to you often. He asked me to deliver a message to his former students, colleagues, friends, and family. He asked me to say for him, and I hope I can, ``Wo xiang nian da jia'' [I am thinking of all of you].He wants you to know that he looks forward to returning to Fudan to teach. And President Xie, he said to tell you he misses your friendship and encouragement. And Mr. Ye says you are a very great woman and a great educator. You will be proud to know that he received straight A's last term. And when we congratulated him, he said, ``I have nothing to be proud of myself;I am so proud of my university.''I'd like to say a few words about our China-U.S. educational exchange programs. It's not entirely new, this exchanging of students. Your President Xie earned a degree from Smith College in the United States. Smith is also my wife Nancy's alma mater. And President Xie also attended MIT, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, one of our greatest universities of science, engineering, and technology.But in the past few years, our two countries have enjoyed an explosion in the number of student exchanges. Five years ago you numbered your students studying abroad in the hundreds. Since then, 20,000 Chinese scholars have studied throughout the world, and more than half of them have come to American schools. More than 100 American colleges and universities now have educational exchanges with nearly as many Chinese institutions.We have committed more resources to our Fulbright program in China than in any other country. Two of the American professors teaching here at Fudan are Fulbright professors. And there are 20 American students studying with you, and we're very proud of them.American students come to China to learn many things -- how you monitor and predict earthquakes, how you've made such strides in researching the cause and treatment of cancer.We have much to learn from you in neurosurgery and in your use of herbs in medicine. And we welcome the chance to study your language, your history, and your society.You, in turn, have shown that you're eager to learn, to come to American schools and study electronics and computer sciences, math and engineering, physics, management, and the humanities. We have much to share in these fields, and we're eager to benefit from your curiosity. Much of this sharing is recent, only 5 years old. But the areas of our mutual cooperation continue to expand. We've already agreed to cooperate more closely in trade, technology, investment, and exchanges of scientific and managerial expertise. And we have just concluded an important agreement to help advance our technological and economic development through the peaceful use of nuclear energy.That term ``peaceful use of nuclear energy'' is key. Our agreement rests upon important principles of nonproliferation. Neither of our countries will encourage nuclear proliferation nor assist any other country to acquire or develop any nuclear explosive device.We live in a troubled world, and the United States and China, as two great nations, share a special responsibility to help reduce the risks of war. We both agree that there can be only one sane policy to preserve our precious civilization in this modern age: A nuclear war cannot be won and must never be fought. And no matter how great the obstacles may seem, we must never stop our efforts to reduce the weapons of war. We must never stop at all until we see the day when nuclear arms have been banished from the face of this Earth.With peaceful cooperation as our guide, the possibilities for future progress are great. For example, we look forward to exploring with China the possibilities of cooperating in the development of space on behalf of our fellow citizens.Our astronauts have found that by working in the zero gravity environment of space, we will be able to manufacture life-saving medicines with far greater purity and efficiency, medicines that will treat diseases of heart attack and stroke that afflict millions of us. We will learn how to manufacture Factor 8, a rare and expensive medicine used to treat hemophiliacs. We can research the Beta Cell, which produces insulin, and which could provide mankind's first permanent cure for diabetes.New satellites can be launched for use in navigation, weather forecasting, broadcasting, and computer technology. We already have the technology to make the extraordinary commonplace. We hope to see the day when a Chinese scientist working out an engineering problem in Fudan will be able to hook into the help of a scientist at a computer at MIT. And the scientist in Boston will be able to call on the expertise of the scientist in Shanghai, and all of it in a matter of seconds.My young friends, this is the way of the future. By pooling our talents and resources, we can make space a new frontier of peace.Your government's policy of forging closer ties in the free exchange of knowledge has not only enlivened your economy, it has opened the way to a new convergence of Chinese and American interests. You have opened the door, and let me assure you that ours is also open.Now, all of this is particularly exciting in light of the recent history of our two countries. For many years, there was no closeness between us. The silence took its toll. A dozen years ago, it began to change. Together, we made it change. And now in the past 5 years, your policy of opening to the outside world has helped us begin to know each other better than we ever had before.But that process has just begun. To many Americans, China is still a faraway place, unknown, unseen, and fascinating. And we are fascinated. [Laughter]I wonder if you're aware of the many ways China has touched American life? The signs of your influence and success abound. If I were spending this afternoon in Washington, I might look out the window and see a man and woman strolling along Pennsylvania Avenue wearing Chinese silk. They might be on their way to our National Portrait Gallery to see the Chinese art exhibit. And from there, perhaps they would stroll to our National Gallery to see the new building designed by the Chinese American architect, I.M. Pei. After that, they might end their day dining in a restaurant that serves Chinese cuisine. [Laughter]We associate China with vitality, enormous vitality, and something that doesn't always go along with that -- subtlety, the subtlety of discerning and intelligent minds.Premier Zhao saw something of the American attitude toward China when he visited us in January. He said after a few days in our country that he never expected such profound feelings of friendship among the American people for the Chinese people.Well, let me say, I'm happy to return the compliment. I have found the people of China to be just as warm and friendly toward us, and it's made us very glad.But meeting you and talking to you has only made me want to know more. And I sense that you feel the same way about Americans. You, too, wish to know more.I would like to tell you something about us, and also share something of my own values.First of all, America is really many Americas. We call ourselves a nation of immigrants, and that's truly what we are. We have drawn people from every corner of the Earth. We're composed of virtually every race and religion, and not in small numbers, but large. We have a statue in New York Harbor that speaks of this, a statue of a woman holding a torch of welcome to those who enter our country to become Americans. She has greeted millions upon millions of immigrants to our country. She welcomes them still. She represents our open door.All of the immigrants who came to us brought their own music, literature, customs, and ideas. And the marvelous thing, a thing of which we're proud, is they did not have to relinquish these things in order to fit in. In fact, what they brought to America became American. And this diversity has more than enriched us; it has literally shaped us.This tradition -- the tradition of new immigrants adding to the sum total of what we are -- is not a thing of the past. New immigrants are still bringing their talents and improving the quality of American life. Let me name a few -- I think you'll know their names.In America, Wang computers have become a fixture in offices throughout the country. They are the product of the energy and brilliance of Mr. An Wang, who himself is the product of a Shanghai university.The faces of our cities shine with the gleaming buildings of Mr. I.M. Pei, who first became interested in architecture as a student here in Shanghai.What we know of the universe and the fundamental nature of matter has been expanded by t he Nobel Prize winning scientist, Dr. Lee Tsung-Dao, who was born in Shanghai.We admire these men; we honor them; and we salute you for what you gave them that helped make them great.Sometimes in America, some of our people may disagree with each other. We are often a highly disputatious nation. We rather like to argue. We are free to disagree among ourselves, and we do. But we always hold together as a society. We've held together for more than 200 years, because we're united by certain things in which we all believe, things to which we've quietly pledged our deepest loyalties. I draw your special attention to what I'm about to say, because it's so important to an understanding of my country.We believe in the dignity of each man, woman, and child. Our entire system is founded on an appreciation of the special genius of each individual, and of his special right to make his own decisions and lead his own life.We believe -- and we believe it so deeply that Americans know these words by heart -- we believe ``that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among those are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.'' Take an American student or teacher aside later today and ask if he or she hasn't committed those words to memory. They are from the document by which we created our nation, the Declaration of Independence.We elect our government by the vote of the people. That is how we choose our Congress and our President. We say of our country, ``Here the People Rule,'' and it is so.Let me tell you something of the American character. You might think that with such a varied nation there couldn't be one character, but in many fundamental ways there is.We are a fair-minded people. We're taught not to take what belongs to others. Many of us, as I said, are the children and grandchildren and great-grandchildren of immigrants, and from them we learned something of hard labor. As a nation we toiled up from poverty, and no people on Earth are more worthy to be trusted than those who have worked hard for what they have. None is less inclined to take what is not theirs.We're idealists. Americans love freedom, and we've fought and died to protect the freedom of others. When the armies of fascism swept Europe four decades ago, the American people fought at great cost to defend the countries under assault.When the armies of fascism swept Asia, we fought with you to stop them. And some of you listening today remember those days, remember when our General Jimmy Doolittle and his squadron came halfway around the world to help. Some of those pilots landed in China. You remember those brave young men. You hid them and cared for them and bound up their wounds. You saved many of their lives.When the Second World War was won, the United States voluntarily withdrew from the faraway places in which we had fought. We kept no permanent armies of occupation. We didn't take an inch of territory, nor do we occupy one today. Our record of respect for the freedom and independence of others is clear.We're a compassionate people. When the war ended we helped rebuild our allies -- and our enemies as well. We did this because we wanted to help the innocent victims of bad governments and bad policies, and because, if they prospered, peace would be more secure.We're an optimistic people. Like you, we inherited a vast land of endless skies, tall mountains, rich fields, and open prairies. It made us see the possibilities in everything. It made us hopeful. And we devised an economic system that rewarded individual effort, that gave us good reason for hope.We love peace. We hate war. We think -- and always have -- that war is a great sin, a woeful waste. We wish to be at peace with our neighbors. We want to live in harmony with friends.There is one other part of our national character I wish to speak of. Religion and faith are very important to us. We're a nation of many religions. But most Americans derive their religious belief from the Bible of Moses, who delivered a people from slavery; the Bible of Jesus Christ, who told us to love thy neighbor as thyself, to do unto your neighbor as you would have him do unto you.And this, too, has formed us. It's why we wish well for others. It's why it grieves us when we hear of people who cannot live up to their full potential and who cannot live in peace.We invite you to know us. That is the beginning of friendship between people. And friendship between people is the basis for friendship between governments.The silence between our governments has ended. In the past 12 years, our people have become reacquainted, and now our relationship is maturing. And we're at the point where we can build the basis for a lasting friendship.Now, you know, as I do, that there's much that naturally divides us: time and space, different languages and values, different cultures and histories, and political systems that are fundamentally different. It would be foolish not to acknowledge these differences. There's no point in hiding the truth for the sake of a friendship, for a friendship based on fiction will not long withstand the rigors of this world.But let us, for a moment, put aside the words that name our differences and think what we have in common. We are two great and huge nations on opposite sides of the globe. We are bothcountries of great vitality and strength. You are the most populous country on Earth; we are the most technologically developed. Each of us holds a special weight in our respective sides of the world.There exists between us a kind of equipoise. Those of you who are engineering students will perhaps appreciate that term. It speaks of a fine and special balance.Already there are some political concerns that align us, and there are some important questions on which we both agree. Both the United States and China oppose the brutal and illegal occupation of Kampuchea. Both the United States and China have stood together in condemning the evil and unlawful invasion of Afghanistan. Both the United States and China now share a stake in preserving peace on the Korean Peninsula, and we share a stake in preserving peace in this area of the world.Neither of us is an expansionist power. We do not desire your land, nor you ours. We do not challenge your borders. We do not provoke your anxieties. In fact, both the United States and China are forced to arm themselves against those who do.The United States is now undertaking a major strengthening of our defenses. It's an expensive effort, but we make it to protect the peace, knowing that a strong America is a safeguard for the independece and peace of others.Both the United States and China are rich in human resources and human talent. What wonders lie before us if we practice the advice, Tong Li He Zuo -- Connect strength, and work together.Over the past 12 years, American and Chinese leaders have met frequently to discuss a host of issues. Often we have found agreement, but even when we have not, we've gained insight into each other, and we've learned to appreciate the other's perspectives on the world.This process will continue, and it will flourish if we remember certain things. We must neither ignore our problems nor overstate them. We must never exaggerate our difficulties or send alarms for small reasons. We must remember that it is a delicate thing to oppose the wishes of a friend, and when we're forced to do so, we must be understanding with each other.I hope that when history looks back upon this new chapter in our relationship, these will be remembered as days when America and China accepted the challenge to strengthen the ties that bind us, to cooperate for greater prosperity among our people, and to strive for a more secure and just peace in the world.You, the students at Fudan University, and the scholars at all the universities in China and America have a great role to play in both our countries' futures. From your ranks will come the understanding and skill the world will require in decades to come. Today's leaders can pave the way of the future. That is our responsibility. But it is always the younger generation who will make the future. It is you who will decide if a continuing, personal friendship can span the generations and the differences that divide us. In such friendship lies the hope of the world.When he was a very young man, Zhou Enlai wrote a poem for a schoolmate who was leaving to study abroad. Zhou appreciated the responsibilities that separated them, but he also remembered fondly the qualities that made them friends. And his poem ends:Promise, I pray, that somedayWhen task done, we go back farming,We'll surely rent a plot of groundAnd as pairing neighbors, let's live.Well, let us, as pairing neighbors, live.I've been happy to speak to you here, to meet you in this city that is so rich in significance for both our countries. Shanghai is a city of scholarship, a city of learning. Shanghai has been a window to the West. It is a city in which my country and yours issued the communique that began our modern friendship. It is the city where the Yangtze meets the East China Sea, which, itself, becomes the Pacific, which touches our shores.The Yangtze is a swift and turbulent river, one of the great rivers of the world. My young friends, history is a river that may take us as it will. But we have the power to navigate, to choose direction, and make our passage together. The wind is up, the current is swift, and opportunity for a long and fruitful journey awaits us.Generations hence will honor us for having begun the voyage, for moving on together and escaping the fate of the buried armies of Xi'an, the buried warriors who stood for centuries frozen in time, frozen in an unknowing enmity.We have made our choice. Our new journey will continue. And may it always continue in peace and in friendship. Thank you very much.Note: The President spoke at 3:40 p.m. in the auditorium at the university.里根在复旦的演讲稿汉语版里根在复旦大学的演讲(摘要)—————————Monday, April 30, 1984 —————————我们访问中国才五天，所看到的名胜古迹却使我们一生难忘。
初中英语名人演讲稿里根在诺曼底登陆40周年集会上的讲话素材(最新整理)
里根在诺曼底登陆40周年集会上的讲话Their mission was one of the most difficult and daring of the invasion： to climb these sheer and desolate cliffs and take out the enemy guns。
The Allies had been told that some of the mightiest of these guns were here, and they would betrained on the beaches to stop the Allied advance.The Rangers looked up and saw the enemy soldiers at the edge of the cliffs, shooting down at them with machine guns and throwing grenades. And the American Rangers began to climb. They shot rope ladders over the face of these cliffs and began to pull themselves up. When one Ranger fell, another would take his place. When one rope was cut, a Ranger would grab another and begin his climb again.They climbed， shot back, and held their footing。
Soon, one by one, the Rangers pulled themselves over the top， and in seizing the firm land at the top of these cliffs， they began to seize back the continent of Europe。
基辛格在里根115周年诞辰上的讲话全文
基辛格在里根115周年诞辰上的讲话全文罗纳德·里根是非凡的，是一个成功的美国总统。
众所周知，罗纳德·里根是一个讲真话的人。
为此，他获得了“伟大的沟通者”的称号。
但他拒绝了这个头衔，说“我不是一个伟大的沟通者，但我沟通了伟大的事情”。
前半句太谦虚了，但后半句是对的。
里根凝结了使这个国家变得伟大的大部分因素，同样重要的是，使这个国家变得美好的大部分因素。
罗纳德·里根（Ronald Reagan）是一位凶猛而冷酷的战士，同时也是一位狂热而坚持不懈的和平缔造者。
对他来说，美国的国际实力不是虚荣心，其本身也不是目的。
相反，它是保持国家活力和使对手妥协的必要工具。
他的远见在道德和战略上很清晰，也并不认为领导人必须在两者之间做出选择。
他坚信，没有什么比实力更让对手钦佩的了，今天没有什么比军事弱点更不值得尊敬的。
他讲过一个美国人和俄罗斯人辩论的故事，美国人说：“在我的国家，我可以走进总统办公室，挥起拳头然后说，里根总统，我不喜欢你管理这个国家的方式。
”对方回答：“我可以做同样的事情。
我可以走进克里姆林宫，去总统办公室说，我不喜欢里根总统管理国家的方式。
”意思是，你总是可以区分共产主义者和反共者。
共产主义者会读马克思和列宁，反共者会理解他们。
里根在反共信念的灌输下担任总统。
在任期间，行动从未动摇，但他避免灾难性战争的巨大责任感，使这些行动有所缓和。
我有幸与他进行了大约70次对话，并在许多其他场合看到他在担任主席期间分组行动，他有3个信念从未动摇：第一，里根认为，如果美国成为塑造稳定世界的领导者，那么美国才是最安全和繁荣的。
第二，他认为这个稳定的世界不能以美国孤立主义为基础。
美国需要在实质上强大，并在保护思想上强大，如有必要，将强行进行。
但他从不赞美力量。
他最喜欢的一句话是：通过力量，和平到最后。
里根在总统任期初期，就下令扩大我们的核能力。
他用一个在第一次提出时被嘲笑的计划来补充它，现在这是我们军械库的标准部分。
里根讽刺苏联的笑话
里根讽刺苏联的笑话
里根说，苏联只有七分之一家庭有车。
而买车，交完钱，10年后才能提车。
有一天，一个人交完钱了，手续都办完了，卖车的说，好了，你十年后过来提车吧。
买车的：是上午来还是下午来？（认真脸）
我们会发现很多重大且严肃的场合，里根都会用他独特的段子方式来化解。
在“励人”看来，段子精神的本质就是幽默。
而幽默是人类最奇妙的沟通手段，是打破等级和尊卑的最好方式。
他遭枪击后，在医院里，马上要上手术台了，对医生们说∶我希望你们都是共和党。
医生：总统先生，今天我们都是共和党！。
罗纳德·里根英文美文整理
让知识带有温度。
罗纳德·里根英文美文整理罗纳德·里根英文美文Ronald Reagan, who died on Saturday after his long battle with Alzheimers disease, projected an aura (气氛)of optimism so radiant that it seemed almost a force of nature. Many people who disagreed with his ideology still liked him for his personality, and that was a source of frustration for his political opponents who knew how much the ideology mattered. Looking back now, we can trace some of the flaws of the current Washington mindset —the tax-cut-driven deficits, theslogan-driven foreign policy — to Mr. Reagans example. But after more than a decade of political mean-spiritedness, we have to admit that collegiality (共同掌权)and good manners are beginning to look pretty attractive.President Reagan was, of course, far more than some kind of chief executive turned national greeter. He will almost certainly be ranked among the most important presidents of the 20th century, forever linked with the triumph over Communism abroad and the restoration of faith in free markets at home.He profited from good timing and good luck, coming along when the country was tired of the dour pedantry of the Carter administration, wounded by the Iranian hostage crisis, frustrated by rising unemployment and unyielding inflation. Mr. Reagans stubborn refusal to accept the permanence ofCommunism helped end the cold war. He was fortunate to have as his counterpart Mikhail Gorbachev, a Soviet leader ready to acknowledge第1页/共3页千里之行，始于足下。
里根“挑战者”失事演讲
世界著名演讲词---美国前总统里根在挑战者号失事当天的纪念讲话Ladies and Gentlemen, I'd planned to speak to you tonight to report on the state of the Union, but the events of earlier today have led me to change those plans. Today is a day for mourning and remembering. Nancy and I are pained to the core by the tragedy of the shuttle Challenger. We know we share this pain with all of the people of our country. This is truly a national loss.Nineteen years ago, almost to the day, we lost three astronauts in a terrible accident on the ground. But we've never lost an astronaut in flight. We've never had a tragedy like this. And perhaps we've forgotten the courage it took for the crew of the shuttle. But they, the Challenger Seven, were aware of the dangers, but overcame them and did their jobs brilliantly. We mourn seven heroes: Michael Smith, Dick Scobee, Judith Resnik, Ronald McNair, Ellison Onizuka, Gregory Jarvis, and Christa McAuliffe. We mourn their loss as a nation together.For the families of the seven, we cannot bear, as you do, the full impact of this tragedy. But we feel the loss, and we're thinking about you so very much. Your d ones were daring and brave, and they had that special grace, that special spirit that says, "Give me a challenge, and I'll meet it with joy." They had a hunger to explore the universe and discover its truths. They wished to serve, and they did. They served all of us.We've grown used to wonders in this century. It's hard to dazzle us. But for twenty-five years the United States space program has been doing just that. We've grown used to the idea of space, and, perhaps we forget that we've only just begun. We're still pioneers. They, the members of the Challenger crew, were pioneers.And I want to say something to the schoolchildren of America who were watching the live coverage of the shuttle's take-off. I know it's hard to understand, butsometimes painful things like this happen. It's all part of the process of exploration and discovery. It's all part of taking a chance and expanding man's horizons. The future doesn't belong to the fainthearted; it belongs to the brave. The Challenger crew was pulling us into the future, and we'll continue to follow them.I've always had great faith in and respect for our space program. And what happened today does nothing to diminish it. We don't hide our space program. We don't keep secrets and cover things up. We do it all up front and in public. That's the way freedom is, and we wouldn't change it for a minute.We'll continue our quest in space. There will be more shuttle flights and more shuttle crews and, yes, more volunteers, more civilians, more teachers in space. Nothing ends here; our hopes and our journeys continue.I want to add that I wish I could talk to every man and woman who works for NASA, or who worked on this mission and tell them: "Your dedication and professionalism have moved and impressed us for decades. And we know of your anguish. We share it."There's a coincidence today. On this day three hundred and ninety years ago, the great explorer Sir Francis Drake died aboard ship off the coast of Panama. In his lifetime the great frontiers were the oceans, and a historian later said, "He lived by the sea, died on it, and was buried in it." Well, today, we can say of the Challenger crew: Their dedication was, like Drake's, complete.The crew of the space shuttle Challenger honored us by the manner in which they lived their lives. We will never forget them, nor the last time we saw them, this morning, as they prepared for their journey and waved goodbye and "slipped the surly bonds of earth" to "touch the face of God."Thank you.今天，我们聚集在一起，沉痛地哀悼我们失去的七位勇敢的公民，共同分担内心的悲痛，或许在相互间的安慰中，我们能够得到承受痛苦的力量并坚定追求理想的信念。
美国总统里根经典演讲稿
美国总统里根经典演讲稿
在美国历史上，有许多杰出的总统，其中里根无疑是其中之一。
他的演讲在历
史上留下了深刻的印记，其中有一些经典的演讲稿至今仍然被人们传颂。
今天，让我们一起来回顾一下美国总统里根的经典演讲稿。
里根总统在1987年在柏林发表了一场著名的演讲，这场演讲被称为“撤除这
面墙”。
在演讲中，里根总统强调了自由和民主的重要性，他说，“先生们，把这面墙拆掉！”这句话成为了历史上的经典之作，激励了全世界对自由的追求和渴望。
里根总统的演讲充满了激情和力量，让人们深受感动。
除了柏林墙演讲，里根总统还有许多其他经典的演讲。
在他的任期内，他多次
强调了美国的核裁军政策，呼吁世界各国共同努力，推动核武器的裁减和消除。
他的演讲在当时引起了广泛的关注和讨论，为国际和平事业做出了重要的贡献。
此外，里根总统还在国内发表了许多关于经济和社会问题的演讲。
他提出了一
系列的改革措施，力图改善美国的经济状况和社会环境。
他的演讲充满了对美国人民的信心和鼓舞，激励着人们为实现美国梦而努力奋斗。
总的来说，里根总统的演讲在美国历史上留下了深远的影响。
他的言辞充满了
力量和激情，让人们深受感动和鼓舞。
他的演讲不仅在当时产生了巨大的影响，而且至今仍然被人们传颂，成为了历史上的经典之作。
通过回顾里根总统的经典演讲，我们可以更好地理解美国历史和文化，感受到里根总统对自由、民主和和平的不懈追求。
让我们铭记里根总统的演讲，传承他的精神，共同努力，创造美好的未来。
里根名言经典句子
里根名言经典句子下面是30条以上的里根经典名言：1. "政府不是问题的解决办法，政府就是问题。
"2. "自由是一切其他自由的基础。
"3. "一个人可以改变他自己的种族或生活条件的历史，只要他积极努力。
"4. "对自由的最大威胁来自于那些保持沉默的人。
"5. "打开自由市场的大门，推倒墙壁，不仅美国而且全世界都会受益。
"6. "当你已经完成你所能做的一切，就再多做一点。
"7. "只要不触及人的安全、财产和自由，我们不需要政府来告诉我们该做什么，也无须繁文缛节。
"8. "自由并非无需责任，而是有担当，有衡量罢了。
"9. "你不能通过削弱一个人来增加另一个人的力量。
"10. "自由是最伟大的教育者。
"11. "希望，是理想的激励力。
"12. "我们的目标不是消除差距，而是消除必然的贫困。
"13. "思想是你的行为的先导。
"14. "为了守护好我们的国家，我们必须知道对面那些破坏国家的力量。
"15. "逃避现实并不能将你从现实中解脱。
"16. "私人企业现在是美国移动的最后一节火车。
"17. "远离大政府，向人民归还权力。
"18. "除非听见我们的呼声，否则政府不会为我们工作。
"19. "危机唤醒了进化革新的天性。
"20. "我们所需要的是一个重拾道义、坚守原则，相信我们人所共知的美好并且没有自大偏执的领袖。
"21. "对付政府的任何事情都不是容易的。
"22. "只要有自由，有经济增长，人才就会流动。
里根第一次就任美国总统时的演讲（中文翻译）
里根第一次就任美国总统时的演讲（中文翻译）1、对于今天在此的我们中的一些人，这是一个庄严的值得纪念的时刻。
然而在我国的历史上，这不过是个司空见惯的事件。
这个按宪法要求的有序的政权交替周而复始地进行了近二百年，而我们中很少有人停下来考虑一下我们到底有多么独特。
在世界上很多人的眼里，这个我们习以为常的四年一度的庆典不啻一个奇迹。
2、总统先生，我要让人民知道您为传承这一传统付出了多少心血。
在这个政权交替过程中，您的殷切合作向关注的世人展示了我们是一个统一的民族，决心维系一个比其他任何一个国家都更保证个人自由的政治体制。
我要感谢您和您的同僚在维护国策连续性上给予的倾力合作。
3、我国的事业继往开来。
我国的大多数州都经历着经济困境。
我们苦于历史上最严重、持续时间最长的通货膨胀之一。
它扭曲了我们的经济决策，惩罚了节俭，粉碎了奋斗的年轻人和固定收入的老人们等的梦想。
它威胁着要粉碎成千成万美国人的生活。
4、不景气的工业让工人们陷入失业、霉运和无尊严中。
很多人付出了辛劳却没有收获应得的回报，始作俑者就是惩罚成就和阻碍我们发挥最大生产力的税收体系。
5、但是尽管我们的税收负担很重，还是跟不上公共开销。
几十年来我们赤字不断累积，为了当前片刻的方便透支了我们的未来和我们子孙后代的未来。
纵容这种趋势就是放任无尽的社会、文化、政治和经济动荡。
6、你和我，作为个人，可以靠借贷，超前消费，但只能在有限的一段时间内。
那么为什么我们作为一个集体，即一个国家来考虑这个问题，我们就不被同一限制约束了呢？7、为了我们的明天，我们今天必须行动。
毋庸置疑，我们今天将开始一个新的开始。
8、我们遭遇的经济顽症已经持续几十年了。
它们不会在几天、几周或几个月内消失，但它们一定会消失。
之所以它们一定会消失，是因为我们美国人现在具备这个实力，如同我们过去一样，完成保卫这个自由世界最后的最伟大的堡垒所需要做的一切。
9、在当前的危机中，政府不是我们的问题的解，政府本身就是问题。
美国第40任总统里根告别演说（全文）1
美国第40任总统里根告别演说（全文）1美国第40任总统里根告别演说(全文)时间：1989年1月11日地点：白宫同胞们，这是我第34次，也是最后一次在椭圆形办公室向你们讲话。
我们在一起共事至今已有8年，我卸任的时刻即将到来。
但是，在此之前，我愿与你们共享某些思想，其中一些我已酝酿很久了。
成为你们的总统，是我终身的光荣。
过去几周，你们中的许多人来信表示谢意，但是，我更要向你们说声谢谢。
南希和我感谢你们给了我们为美国效力的机会。
作为一名总统，一个特殊之处就在于我总是多少有点与世隔绝之感。
我花费许多宝贵的时间乘坐在一辆由别人驾驶的轿车里，透过染色玻璃注视着人们——抱着孩子的父母，窗外的人流一晃而过。
多少次，我想让司机停车，从车窗后面伸出于来，与人们作一番交流，或许，今晚我能够实现这一心愿。
有人问我离去的感受，离去当然是“如此甜蜜而又令人伤感”。
甜蜜的地方是回到加利福尼亚，在牧场上漫步，享受自由的时光。
那么何谓伤感呢？当然是离别，是离开这美丽的地方。
如你们所知，走下大厅，再从这间办公室走上楼梯，就是白宫中供总统及其家人居住的地方。
楼上有几扇精美的窗子。
我喜欢在黎明时分伫立着眺望窗外的景色。
从这里眺望过去，是华盛顿纪念碑，然后是林荫大道，杰斐逊纪念堂。
在晴朗的早晨，越过杰斐逊纪念堂，你能够看到一条洞流——波托马克河租弗吉尼亚海滨。
人们传说，这就是当年林肯在注视从布尔伦河战场也腾起的烟雾时所见到的景色。
我见到的景色更为平淡：河岸上的草地，早晨上班途中的车辆和行人，以及河面上偶尔飘过的一叶帆船。
我时常在那扇窗子旁苦苦思考。
我时常反省着过去的8年和现在究竟意味着什么。
进入脑海的是一幅被一再描绘的画面——一个关于一艘船、一个难民和一位水兵的故事。
回顾80年代初，当时，从印度支那乘船出逃的难民正达到高潮，而在南中国海巡航的中途岛号航母上，这名水兵正在勤劳地干着活。
这名水兵像大多数美国军人一样，年轻、聪明、敏锐。
水兵们发现，在遥远的地平线上有一艘小船正在波涛中沉浮——船上挤满了渴望去美国的印支难民。
里根发言稿
里根发言稿尊敬的各位嘉宾、朋友们：大家好！非常荣幸能够在这里与诸位共同出席今天的活动。
我是美国第40任总统罗纳德·威尔逊·里根，今天，我想与大家分享一些我作为总统时的发言稿。
四十年前的今天，我站在总统职位上，承诺要为美国人民带来一片更加繁荣、自由和安宁的未来。
作为一个国家的领导者，我意识到一切优秀的事物都需要一个坚实的基础。
对于美国来说，这个基础就是我们坚守的价值观和信念，以及我们对自由和正义的承诺。
在二战后的许多年里，美国人民付出了巨大的努力，使我们的国家变得更加强大和繁荣。
然而，我们也面临着许多挑战。
经济的衰退、政府的庞大和失控、还有社会上的分歧和紧张都是我们面临的问题。
作为总统，我认为我的首要任务是恢复美国人民的信心和自信。
我相信，只有通过引导人民回归价值观和信念，帮助他们重新找到自己的目标和目标，我们才能实现国家的繁荣和幸福。
我们的核心信念之一，就是相信个人的能力和创造力。
在美国，个人努力和奋斗的精神是得到高度尊重和赞扬的。
我们相信，只要每个人都能拥有平等的机会，就能够施展自己的才能，实现自己的梦想。
为了实现这一目标，我提出了一系列的政策和改革，以促进经济增长和创造就业机会。
我们大幅度削减了税收和精简了政府机构，以降低企业和个人的负担，并激发创新和创造力。
我们也提出了一系列的教育改革方案，旨在提高公众教育水平，以使每个人都有机会接受高质量的教育。
在国际事务上，美国始终秉持着自由和正义的信念，致力于维护全球和平与稳定。
当时，世界正陷入冷战的漩涡，国际关系紧张不安。
作为美国总统，我坚信我们应该坚定地对抗那些试图侵犯我们价值观和自由的力量。
在我执政期间，美国采取了各种措施来保护我们国家的安全。
我们加强了军事实力和战略防御能力，加强了我们与盟国的合作，共同抵抗那些试图破坏国际秩序的势力。
然而，面对这些挑战和改革，我们也遇到了许多困难和阻力。
有些人认为我们的改革措施过于激进，有些人则担心我们的国家价值观和信念正在受到侵蚀。
里根公开信
English-Chinese TranslationMy Fellow Americans,I have recently been told that I am one of the millions of Americans who will be afflicted with Alzheimer’s Disease.Upon learning this news, Nancy & I had to decide whether as private citizens we would keep this a private matter or whether we would make this news known in a public way.In the past Nancy suffered from breast cancer and I had my cancer surgeries. We found through our open disclosures we were able to raise public awareness. We were happy that as a result many more people underwent testing.They were treated in early stages and able to return to normal, healthy lives.So now, we feel it is important to share it with you. In opening our hearts, we hope this might promote greater awareness of this condition. Perhaps it will encourage a clearer understanding of the individuals and families who are affected by it.At the moment I feel just fine. I intend to live the remainder of the years God gives me on this earth doing the things I have always done. I will continue to share life's journey with my beloved Nancy and my family. I plan to enjoy the great outdoors and stay in touch with my friends and supporters.Unfortunately, as Alzheimer's Disease progresses, the family often bears a heavy burden. I only wish there was some way I could spare Nancy from this painful experience. When the time comes I am confident that with your help she will face it with faith and courage.In closing let me thank you, the American people, for giving me the great honor of allowing me to serve as your President. When the Lord calls me home, whenever that may be, I will leave with greatest love for this country of ours and eternal optimism for its future.I now begin the journey that will lead me into the sunset of my life. I know that for America there will always be a bright dawn ahead.Thank you my friends. May God always bless you.Sincerely,Ronald ReaganNotes:Alzheimer’s Disease: a disease that affects the brain, especially of old people, and that gradually makes it difficult to move, talk, or remember things.（“阿耳茨海默氏病”，又称为“早老性痴呆症”）我的美国同胞们，最近我被告知，我象几百万其他美国人一样，将成为了一名阿耳兹海默病患者。
里根的名言有哪些(精选合集2篇)
里根的名言有哪些(精选合集2篇)里根的名言有哪些（篇一）摘要：里根是美国历史上备受尊敬的政治家和演员，他以其深思熟虑的洞察力和智慧闻名。
本文将介绍里根的十句不容忽视的名言，涵盖了他对自由、政治、经济和社会价值观的独到见解。
正文：1. "政府不是解决问题的方式，政府本身就是问题。
"里根强调个人责任和自由市场，并批评过度的政府干预，此名言准确地反映了他的政治理念。
2. "政府不存在创造工作的能力，只有商业才能做到。
"里根坚信市场经济的力量，认为私人企业和人民的创造力才是经济繁荣的关键。
3. "自由不是继承下来的，而是要用我们的行动去捍卫。
"里根强调自由的宝贵和脆弱，鼓励人们积极参与社会和政治事务，维护自由的权利和价值观。
4. "福利国家对经济的最大威胁是刺激了人们依赖政府而不是自己。
"里根担心过度的福利制度会削弱个人的自立能力和责任感，他主张减少政府援助，鼓励人们依靠自己的能力改善生活。
5. "政府不是我们的救世主，政府是我们创建的公共工具，要为我们服务。
"里根呼吁人们认识到政府的本质和作用，强调政府应该服务于人民，而不是主宰人民的生活。
6. "自由市场能带来最大的利益，最好的服务和最高的质量。
"里根相信竞争和市场机制能够刺激创新和效率，从而提供最好的产品和服务，为人们带来更好的生活质量。
7. "历史上最可怕的九个字：我来自政府，我来帮你解决问题。
"里根警告人们，政府的过度干预可能导致权力滥用和个人自由的侵犯。
8. "言论自由是一种普世的、不可取缔的权利。
"里根重视言论自由作为民主社会的基石，主张为每个人提供自由表达观点的权利，以促进真理和公众辩论。
9. "道德正直和自由是不可分割的。
"里根认为自由必须建立在人们的道德基础之上，他强调个人责任和正直的重要性，将其视为社会进步和自由的关键要素。
里根说错话
里根说错话
一次白宫记者招待会中，由于记者们问个不休，里根竟不耐烦起来，回头便对坐在他旁边的官员说了句粗话：“这些狗娘养的!”(Sons of Bitches)这句话恰恰被哥伦比亚广播公司的录相带录了下来。
尽管白宫发言人进行矫正，总统是说：“出太阳了，你很有钱!”(It’S Sunny，You＇re rich。
这句英语发音与“狗娘养的”有点近似。
)
但受辱的记者仍然追问里根：“你认为哪个是狗娘养的?”弄得里根只好笑道;“我认为你们在骂我们呢!”过了几天，他又不得不出示一件新印上”SOB”(即“狗娘养的”缩写)的T恤衫，然后再翻过来让大家看，原来它的全文不是“狗娘养的”，而是“Save Our Budget”(挽救我们的预算)。
这大概总算是文过饰非地表示了一点歉意。
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里根经典言论(双语)"We will always remember. We will always be proud. We will always be prepared, so we may always be free." - Ronald Reagan永远铭记，引以为傲，时刻准备--我们才得永保自由"Here's my strategy on the Cold War: We win, they lose." - Ronald Reagan对于冷战，我的策略是：我们赢，他们输。
"The most terrifying words in the English language are: I'm from the government andI'm here to help." - Ronald Reagan英文里最恐怖的句子是：我是政府派来的，我到这里来帮助你。
"Some people live an entire lifetime and wonder if they have made a difference in the world. Marines don't have that problem." - Ronald Reagan有些人一辈子都在思考他们是否改变了世界。
真正改变了这个世界的海军陆战队员倒没有这个问题。
"The trouble with our liberal friends is notthat they're ignorant: It's just that they know so much that isn't so." - Ronald Reagan左翼自由派朋友的问题不是他们太无知，而是他们知道太多，可惜都是错的。
"Of the four wars in my lifetime none came about because the U.S. was too strong." - Ronald Reagan我一生经历的四场战争里，没有一个是因为美国太强大而爆发的。
"I have wondered at times about what theTen Commandments would have looked like if Moses had run them through the U.S. Congress." - Ronald Reagan我经常有这个念头：如果摩西把十诫提交国会审议，它们会变成什么样子？"The taxpayer: That's someone who works for the federal government but doesn't have to take the civil service examination." - Ronald Reagan纳税人，就是那些为联邦政府服务但是不必参加公民服务考试的人。
"Government is like a baby: An alimentarycanal with a big appetite at one end and no sense of responsibility at the other." - Ronald Reagan政府就像婴孩：食道的一头胃口很好，另一头却一点责任都不负。
"If we ever forget that we're one nation under God, then we will be a nation gone under." - Ronald Reagan一旦忘记了我们国家之上还有上帝，那么我们国家就会真的往下走。
"The nearest thing to eternal life we will ever see on this earth is a government program." - Ronald Reagan政府项目是我们在地球上看到的最不容易死的东西。
"I've laid down the law, though, to everyone from now on about anything that happens: no matter what time it is, wake me, even if it's in the middle of a Cabinet meeting."- Ronald Reagan我对你们每个人的要求是：无论发生什么事，无论什么时间，马上叫醒我，即使我正在参加内阁会议。
"It has been said that politics is the second oldest profession. I have learned thatit bears a striking resemblance to the first." - Ronald Reagan人们说政治是第二古老的职业，我发现它和第一古老的职业（卖淫）有惊人的相似之处。
"Government's view of the economy couldbe summed up in a few short phrases: If it moves, tax it. If it keeps moving, regulate it. And if it stops moving, subsidize it." - Ronald Reagan政府对经济的做法可以总结为几句话：如果经济增长，征税。
如果经济继续增长，制定规章限制它。
如果经济停止增长，补贴它。
"Politics is not a bad profession. If you succeed there are many rewards, if you disgrace yourself you can always write a book." - Ronald Reagan政治不是个坏职业。
如果你成功，会有很多奖励，即使丢人现眼，你依然可以写本书。
"No arsenal, or no weapon in the arsenalsof the world, is so formidable as the will and moral courage of free men and women. - Ronald Reagan世界上没有任何兵工厂，或者兵工厂里的任何武器，比自由男女的意愿和道德勇气更有威力。
"Our coins bear the words 'In God We Trust.' We take the oath of office asking his help in keeping that oath. And we proclaim that we are a Nation under God when we pledge allegiance to the flag.But we can't mention his name in a publicschool or even sing religious hymns that are non-denominational. Christmas can becelebrated in the school room with pine trees, tinsel and reindeers butthere must be no mention of the Man whose birthday is being celebrated. One wonders how a teacher would answer if astudent asked why it was called Christmas." - Ronald Reagan硬币上铸着“我们信靠上帝”。
我们就职宣誓的时候请求他帮助我们信守誓言。
我们对着国旗宣布美国在上帝之下。
但是我们不能在公立学校提起上帝，或者唱没有教派色彩的宗教歌曲。
在教室里，可以用圣诞树、锡箔装饰和驯鹿来庆祝圣诞节，却绝对不能提及那个出生日被纪念的人。
人们不禁想知道：如果一个学生问为什么这一天叫圣诞节，老师会怎么回答。
"The men of Normandy had faith that what they were doing was right, faith thatthey fought for all humanity, faith that a just God would grant them mercy on this beachhead or on the next. It wasthe deep knowledge -- and pray God we have not lost it -- that there is aprofound,moral difference between the use of forcefor liberation and the use of force for conquest. You were here to liberate,not to conquer, and so you and those others did not doubt your cause. And you were right not to doubt.You all knew that some things are worth dying for. One's country is worth dying for, and democracy is worth dying for, because it's the most deeply honorable form of government ever devised by man." Ronald Reagan, 40th anniversary ofthe D-Day invasion at Normandy, France参与诺曼底登陆的士兵有这样的信仰--他们所做的是对的，他们在为人类战斗，公正的上帝会在这个海滩或那个海滩施下怜悯。